Connect with us

Features

Country situation deteriorates, Sir Oliver takes charge, Phillip resigns and PM shot

Published

on

(Excerpted from the Memoirs of a Cabinet Secretary by BP Pieris)

That is the furthest that S.W.R.D.’s Committee was able to go (on the matter of human rights provisions in the constitution). Similar Committees have been periodically appointed by Parliament for the same purpose and they have all failed to complete their task for the obvious reason that Constitutions cannot be discussed, determined and drafted within the lifetime of a session of Parliament, which is approximately twelve months.

S.W.R.D.’s steering of a motley crowd of intellectual political colleagues, assembled as a Joint Select Committee of Parliament, to the signing of a unanimous report, showed much tact and great ability. As Chairman of the Committee, he restrained himself from displaying that greatest quality of his oratory. He was an orator born. Oratory has been defined as a graceful management of the voice, countenance and gesture.

With arms stretch’d forth, of folded, or at rest,
As will’d the power by whom he seem’d possess’d,
With features augur’d all his tongue alleged,
And tones wing’d home each barbed shaft they edged,
And with spontaneous sallies bright and bold,
Resistless streams of oratory roll’d.

On his way back home from the United Nations, he addressed the Diplomatic Corps in New Delhi, where my brother G. S. was Counselor in our Mission. He had spoken without notes as usual, and the general consensus of opinion among the diplomats was that S.W.R.D.’s speech was the best they had ever heard in that hall. My brother thought that this compliment ought to be conveyed to the Prime Minister. When he did so, S.W.R.D. had said, “I’m not surprised, my dear fellow, did you know that I am one of the five best speakers in the World?”

The financial position (of the country) was not improving. With an anticipated budget deficit of nearly Rs 200 million, further loans were being raised. Apart from this and the rising cost of living there was, again, unrest and violence in the country. An emergency meeting of the Cabinet was summoned on May 27, 1958, and at 11 a.m. the Ministers adjourned to Queen’s House to tender advice to His Excellency the Governor-General that a State of Emergency should be proclaimed with effect from 12. 15 p.m. that day under the Public Security Ordinance.

It would be interesting to find out whether the addition of that odd fifteen minutes was for reasons astrological. Probably it was, for no Prime Minister appeared to take a step without consulting the stars. Sir Oliver Goonetilleke now took complete control of the country, obviously with the consent of his weak-kneed Government. He was an excellent man for the job and was, I believe, virtual Dictator. Emergency Regulations were pouring out of the Government Press. Ministers were meeting almost daily, not to transact business, but to be kept informed of what the situation, changing from day to day, was. Violence and arson was everywhere.

In the midst of the Emergency came S.W.R.D.’s third Speech from the Throne. Both Houses of Parliament had to be summoned on June 4, 1958, “in order that you may be informed that a State of Emergency had been declared under the Public Security Ordinance. Both your Houses have had an opportunity of discussing the subject fully.

“I have pleasure in stating that the position continues steadily to improve. My Government is taking all steps necessary to maintain law and order. My Government will also take the measures required to restore peace, goodwill and confidence amongst various sections of the people of the country. In accordance with its Policy, my Government will introduce legislation early for the reasonable use of the Tamil language.”

This last sentence upset the whole of the Tamil community because it was not quite clear that Tamil was to take second place and the Tamils were not prepared to accept that inferior position. They were determined to fight for their rights and eminent leaders to do the fighting were not lacking. They insisted on parity which the Government was not in a position to grant, having made an election promise that, if returned, they would make Sinhala the one official language of the country.

Reference was made in the Speech to the rising cost of living and the Government promised to take certain effective measures to bring it down. I was not aware what these measures were to be. The cost of living continued to rise. All I know is that the Cabinet never sat down to give serious consideration to the problem. The poor man found it difficult to obtain his foodstuffs at reasonable prices within his means. He lived normally on free rice and dried fish, or rice and sambol.

The dried fish was obtainable only at exorbitant prices. To make a sambol, one had to have lime, Maldive fish, chillies, onions and coconut, all of which were obtainable only in the black market. The Cabinet took no effective steps to bring the prices of these essential commodities, essential to the poor man who had put them into power, down to a reasonable level.

The promise in the Throne Speech was implemented and the Tamil Language (Special Provisions) Bill introduced. The uneasiness thus caused in the country made it necessary to extend the emergency for the third month. It was now September and the emergency was in its fourth month, followed later by a fifth month. The import and export of goods through all the ports of the Island and their distribution were declared to be essential services under the emergency law.

The end of 1958 saw the emergency still in operation. 1959 opened with strikes in the Port of Colombo, the Shell Company and the Banks. A token strike by certain sections in the Government as well as in the private sector was threatened. A Committee of Ministers was appointed to keep in day-to-day touch with the situation. It was my experience that these committees never worked because it was impossible to get all the ministers on the Committee together for a meeting. They dilly-dallied with the situation assuming always that, having been returned by the ‘People’, they would be in office for the rest of time. Nothing was done.

Notice was given by unions in the Government as well as in the private sector that there would be more strikes in sympathy and the Secretary to the Treasury drew the attention of all public officers to Administrative Regulation 262 which read: “No officer is allowed to call a public meeting to consider any action of the Government of Ceylon or the Government of any other country or take an active part in such a meeting unless he is authorized to do so in his official capacity with a view to discussion and settlement of points in issue with associations representing special interests etc.”

Officers were reminded that participation in any public meeting called in connection with the Public Security (Amendment) Act would be a breach of this regulation and render those taking part liable to disciplinary action. The Act, which gave rise at the time to a deal of controversy, gave the Prime Minister power to call out the armed services for the maintenance of public order if it was felt that the Police were inadequate to deal with the situation in any particular area. Power was taken to seize and remove guns, explosives and other offensive weapons. Except with the sanction of the Attorney-General, no prosecution was to lie against any officer for any act done by him in good faith. In February 1959, the emergency was still continuing.

At about this time, an entirely new scheme of taxation was introduced according to certain proposals made by Professor Kaldor. Apart from income tax, estate duty and the bank debits tax, there was introduced a personal tax, an expenditure tax, a wealth tax and a capital gains tax.

The rich man and the not-so rich man were to be skinned for the sake of the poor man, but the poor muggins did not realize that they were getting precious little out of the carcass. Their essential commodities were almost unobtainable. Very little was left to a taxable man after the payment of his taxes.

The Government, being broke, was going to kill the goose that laid the golden eggs. The main revenue came from our exports of tea, rubber and coconut. The landed proprietors and the estate owning companies were so highly taxed that they had very little money to put back into the land by way of fertilizers and other improvements. Profits fell and accordingly dividends fell. Most people, particularly the Europeans were trying to pull out in good time and abandon the sinking ship.

There was no incentive to earn or save. If you earned, you were mulcted in income tax. If you saved, you paid wealth tax; if you spent, you were caught under the expenditure tax and if, in desperation, you just died, your heirs were probably compelled to sell your estate to pay your death duties. The taxes affected the natives as well as the foreigners. It was, for all, as Paul Robeson sang in Old Man River, “I’m tired of living and feared of dying”.

At the same time, the Government was saying, with its tongue in its cheek, that it welcomed the investment of foreign capital in the country. What was actually happening was that, with the heavy taxation, foreigners were packing up and leaving the country, foreign estates were being sold and foreign businesses were either amalgamating or closing down. The banks too were perturbed with rumours that the business of banking would be nationalized. The National Bank, an old-standing institution, amalgamated with Grindlays.

On Budget Day in Parliament, it is customary for the Cabinet to meet, not at a normal sitting, but about an hour before the Finance Minister is due to make his Budget Speech in the House. This was a measure adopted ex abundanti catitela (with an abundance of caution) to avoid budget leaks. There is no Cabinet Paper but the Minister informs the Cabinet of his revenue and taxation proposals. No one was ever known to take a ‘note.

I took a note but, contrary to my practice, did not dictate my minutes to my stenographer for fear of a leak till the Minister had made his speech in Parliament. The fear was not a fear of a leak through my stenographer. It was a fear of a leak through a Minister for which an innocent public servant might have been suspected. After the Cabinet meeting, the Minister went to Queen’s House to inform the Governor-General, as a matter of courtesy, of his taxation proposals. He then summoned the Governor of the Central Bank to his office and informed him of his proposals.

May I digress here, in lighter vein, from budget leaks to leaks in Vaudeville in the London music hall. When I was a student in London in the early thirties, an actress in variety (I think it was Gracie Fields) sang a song in which one of the lines was “She sits among the cabbages and leeks”. Promptly, the censor, the Lord Chamberlain, that undisputed guardian of British morals, came on the producer and the line was changed the next night to “She sits among the cabbages and peas”. And the sensible British public laughed.

Philip Gunawardene was now giving a little trouble in the Cabinet. Other members were becoming uneasy at the way he was trying to assume vast powers by legislation as Minister of Agriculture and Food. S.W.R.D., having taken Philip into his Cabinet, appeared to be a bit frightened of him: for example, he never addressed him as “my dear fellow”. It was obvious that he did not like Philip’s draft legislation, but he did not openly object to it. There was already the Paddy Lands Act under which the Minister had taken wide powers. Now, there came the Co-operative Development Bank Bill. When this item came on the Agenda, the Prime Minister tactfully said that he wanted a little more time to study all the implications of the Bill. Intellect was going to meet intellect, not in intellectual, but in political combat.

The matter had become one of political strategy and the combatants were putting on their gloves to enter the ring. The Prime Minister said that it was most desirable that the Government Parliamentary Party should be given an opportunity of expressing its views before the Cabinet came to decisions. This was typical of S.W.R.D.’s political legerdemain. He was playing for time; he was determined not to vest these powers in Philip.

He asked members of the Party not to canvas the matter in public as it was proposed to call an early meeting of the Party. I was directed to place the Bill, pending the Prime Minister’s order, at the bottom of the Agenda with a note to the effect that the item would not be considered at the meeting. The Agenda ceased to have any meaning. Philip was no fool and he was becoming restive.

The proposed Co-operative Development Bank was to be given vast powers. It was to develop the co-operative movement, rural banking and agricultural credit by furnishing financial and other assistance. It could transact the same kind of business as the Bank of Ceylon. It could carry on the business of a pawnbroker, acquire property, borrow funds and establish pensions and provident funds. Of the six directors on the Board, one of whom was ex officio, five were to be appointed by the Minister, who had the power to remove any director without assigning any reason.

Ministers were agreed that these functions went far beyond the scope of merely co-ordinating the finances of the co-operative movement. The Minister of Finance stated that he should be the proper Minister responsible for operations of banking of this nature. Every obstacle was put in the way of Philip’s draft legislation going forward. One could see trouble ahead.

Philip retorted in print: “It is not accidental that criticism of the new bill has emanated from the same sources as opposed the Paddy Lands Act. The Paddy Lands Act aimed at sweeping away the semi-feudal system of land tenure which have, for so long, oppressed and enslaved the village farmer. The new Co-operative Bank Bill similarly aims at sweeping away the semi-feudal credit system which still prevails in the villages of Ceylon and thereby releasing the Ceylon peasant from the clutches of the village boutique keeper and the professional moneylender.” This was April 1959.

Philip’s Bill was going to be mutilated in Cabinet. S.W.R.D. thought that the best solution would be to relieve Philip of the subject and to take it over himself, which he did. Philip resigned on May 19, 1959, and William Silva, Minister of Industries, an able Minister, resigned with him.

C. P. de Silva took over Agriculture and Fisheries, and J. C. W. Munasinghe took charge of Industries.

The Government was now contemplating the taking over of assisted schools and started feeling the pulse of the country. Well-known Buddhists were all for it; the Roman Catholics knew that this was a blow at their schools. The Government stated that, in view of the need to achieve a more unified system of education in the country, they had decided, as a step towards this end, to take over such privately-managed schools as the Department of Education might determine in consultation with and with the consent of the management concerned.

The time had now come to draft S.W.R.D.’s next Speech from the Throne. He inquired whether he would be putting me into too much trouble if he asked me to come to Horagolla to attend to the matter. That was his polite way of making an order.

I asked that I may be allowed to bring my stenographer along. Siriwardene, the stenographer, and I arrived on time and were invited to tea. There were about five or six persons seated on the verandah but the Prime Minister asked them to excuse him as there was urgent Government business awaiting his attention.

When tea was over, he ordered the boy to clear the table. He then stretched his arms on the table and appeared to go to sleep with his head on his arms. This went on for about fifteen minutes, during which period Siriwardene and I kept completely silent. Suddenly, he raised his head and said “I’ve got it. Take this down”, and dictated the entire speech to Siriwardene. He was kind enough to ask me to revise the draft, but on this occasion I had not a single amendment to make.

He thanked us for having come all the way to Horagolla. The Speech contained this sentence: “My Government deplores the estrangement that prevails between the two major communities in this Island and proposes to have early discussions with a view to improving communal harmony.” What else could have been expected, other than estrangement, in view of the Sinhala Only Act is difficult to imagine.

On September 25,1959, a man whom the Prime Minister described as a person dressed in the robes of Buddhist monk shot him at his house in Rosmead Place. On the next day, he died.



Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

2025 Budget: Challenges, hopes and concerns

Published

on

Sri Lanka’s recent government budget has sparked both hope and concern. While some see it as a positive step toward improving the country’s economy, others worry about whether the government’s proposals can be successfully implemented. This analysis explores the budget’s approach and what it could mean for the country’s financial future.

Credit Rating Improvement and What It Means

Fitch Ratings recently upgraded Sri Lanka’s credit rating, moving it from a risky “Restricted Default” (RD) to a “CCC+” rating. This shows that the country’s financial situation is improving, though it still faces a high risk of default. The government aims to increase its revenue, especially through trade taxes and income tax, but experts warn that the success of these plans is uncertain, particularly when it comes to lifting restrictions on imports.

Economic Democracy and Market Regulation

The government claims that this budget is based on the idea of “economic democracy,” aiming to balance market forces with government control. While it promises fairer distribution of wealth, critics argue that it still relies on market-driven policies that may not bring the desired changes. The budget seems to follow similar strategies to past administrations, despite the government’s claim of pursuing a new direction.

The current government, led by a Marxist-influenced party, has shifted its approach by aligning with global economic institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF). This represents a departure from its previous, more radical stance. The government’s vision focuses on rural development, support for small businesses, and an export-driven economy, continuing strategies from previous administrations rather than implementing drastic changes.

Stability and Continuity in Policy

One of the more positive aspects of the budget is its consistency with the fiscal policies of the past government. Sri Lanka’s economy has suffered from sudden policy changes in the past, often triggered by political transitions. By maintaining a steady course, the current government seeks to ensure stability in the recovery process, despite criticisms from political opponents.

Sri Lanka continues to face significant financial challenges, including a large budget deficit. The government’s spending in 2025 is expected to exceed its revenue by about LKR 2.2 trillion, leading to a deficit of around 6.7% of GDP. To cover this gap, the government plans to borrow both locally and internationally. However, debt repayment remains a major concern, with billions needed to settle existing obligations.

Tax Revenue and Public Spending Issues

Sri Lanka’s tax collection remains critically low, which worsens the country’s financial troubles. Tax evasion, exemptions, and inefficient administration make it hard to collect sufficient revenue. The government has raised VAT to 18% to boost income, but this could increase inflation, further harming families’ ability to afford basic goods. Additionally, corruption in public institutions continues to drain state resources, preventing effective use of funds for national development.

The Auditor General’s Department recently uncovered financial irregularities in several ministries, reinforcing concerns over systemic corruption.

Sectoral Allocations, Budget Inequities and Falures

Despite claims of prioritizing social welfare, the government’s budget allocation for key sectors remains insufficient. For example, while the government allocated LKR 500 million to improve 379 childcare centers nationwide, this amount pales in comparison to regional standards. In neighboring Bangladesh, the government spends around USD 60 per child annually, while Sri Lanka spends less than USD 25. It’s unclear whether this allocation represents an increase in funding or just a reshuffling of existing resources.

One of the biggest criticisms of the budget is its failure to address the high cost of essential goods, going against promises made during the election. Prices for basic items like rice and coconut are still high, due to supply chain issues, rising fuel costs, and tax policies. The absence of targeted subsidies or price controls has led to growing public dissatisfaction.

Public sector salary adjustments are also a point of contention. The government plans to introduce salary increases in three phases, with the full benefits expected by 2027. However, much of this increase was already granted in previous years through allowances, meaning the adjustment is more about restructuring existing funds than providing real pay increases. This slow approach raises concerns about whether employees’ purchasing power will improve, especially with inflation still a pressing issue.

The government has also urged the private sector to raise wages, but past experiences suggest that private companies often resist such requests. Without formal agreements or laws to enforce wage hikes, there is uncertainty over whether employees will see real wage growth that matches the rising cost of living.

Neglecting Vulnerable Workers and Obstinate Behaviour

Another group left out of the budget’s plans is casual and contract workers, who were expecting improvements in job security and wages, particularly those earning below LKR 1,800 per day. Despite promises made during the election, these workers have not seen any significant changes, which raises doubts about the government’s commitment to improving labor rights and income equality.

The government’s handling of private sector wage increases has also been criticized for a lack of transparency. In a televised discussion, A government representative became visibly agitated when questioned about the date of the agreement with employers, displaying obstinate behavior and refusing to answer the opposition MP’s inquiry.

Review of the Banking Sector’s Role in Govt. Revenue and Economic Growth

The banking sector helps generate national revenue through taxes such as corporate income tax, value-added tax (VAT), and financial transaction levies. However, the claim that it contributed 10% to government revenue in 2024 needs to be understood in context. Past figures have shown fluctuations in financial sector taxes, influenced by economic conditions and fiscal policies. The government’s growing reliance on the banking sector for tax revenue could signal financial stress, and this situation warrants further analysis to understand its long-term sustainability.

While the Sri Lanka Bankers Association (SLBA) emphasizes banks’ support for implementing the government’s budget proposals, their ability to do so effectively depends on broader economic conditions, regulations, and financial stability. Sri Lanka has faced persistent economic issues like high public debt and inflation, which could hamper the ability of banks to help implement fiscal policies effectively. The real impact of the banking sector in driving economic growth remains uncertain, especially given factors like currency instability and a lack of foreign investment.

Digitization and Financial Transparency

The proposal to introduce Point-of-Sale (POS) machines at VAT-registered businesses aligns with global trends in digital financial integration. This move is expected to improve transparency, reduce tax evasion, and increase banking efficiency. Research has shown that digital payments can boost financial inclusion and reduce informal economic activities. However, Sri Lanka faces challenges such as limited digital infrastructure, cybersecurity concerns, and resistance from businesses that still prefer cash transactions.

More digital services could strengthen anti-money laundering (AML) controls, improve transaction monitoring, and reduce cyber threats. However, shifting to a fully digital banking system requires substantial investments in technology, regulatory alignment, and digital literacy among consumers.

Support for SMEs and Development Banking Initiatives

The creation of a Credit Guarantee Institute for SMEs is a significant step. Research shows that credit guarantees can reduce lending risks and improve SME access to financing. However, past state-managed financial programs in Sri Lanka have been inefficient, often involving politicized lending practices.

For these new initiatives to succeed, they will need transparent governance, careful credit risk management, and strong regulations….

Conclusion

Sri Lanka’s banking sector is crucial for economic stability and revenue generation, but the increasing fiscal demands and the push for digital transformation present both significant opportunities and risks. Policymakers need to avoid over-taxation that could stifle credit expansion and investment while addressing digital finance challenges like cybersecurity and infrastructure gaps. The 2025 budget underscores the nation’s vulnerable fiscal situation, where efforts for economic stabilization are hampered by public debt, corruption, and welfare constraints. Achieving sustainability requires comprehensive tax reforms, better public expenditure management, and stronger anti-corruption measures. Without these reforms, Sri Lanka faces prolonged economic hardship, rising inequalities, and diminishing trust in governance. The budget also reflects a blend of ideological transformation and economic pragmatism, with policies largely aligning with past approaches. Fitch Ratings’ cautious optimism signals the potential for recovery, contingent on successful policy implementation. Ultimately, policy continuity is seen as Sri Lanka’s best bet for navigating fiscal uncertainty and achieving economic stability.

(The writer, a senior Chartered Accountant and professional banker, is Professor at SLIIT University, Malabe. He is also the author of the “Doing Social Research and Publishing Results”, a Springer publication (Singapore), and “Samaja Gaveshakaya (in Sinhala). The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)

Continue Reading

Features

Rethinking cities – Sustainable urban innovation

Published

on

Dr. Chandrasena

by Ifham Nizam 

Dr. Nadeesha Chandrasena is an urban innovator reshaping the landscape of sustainable development. With a background that spans journalism, banking, and military engineering, she brings a unique perspective to urban planning and environmental resilience.

Her work integrates cutting-edge technology with human-centered design, ensuring that cities of the future are not only livable but also adaptive to climate change and rapid urbanisation.

In this interview with The Island, Dr. Chandrasena shares insights into her journey—from her early days in journalism to pioneering the Smart Drain Initiative, a groundbreaking infrastructure project addressing urban drainage inefficiencies. She discusses the critical role of community engagement, the challenges of balancing innovation with political realities, and the urgent need for sustainable urban solutions in Sri Lanka and beyond.

Her story is one of relentless curiosity, problem-solving, and a deep commitment to building better cities. As she puts it, “Urbanisation is inevitable; our challenge is to shape it in ways that are inclusive, sustainable, and forward-thinking.”

Urbanisation is one of the defining challenges of the 21st century, and few understand its complexities better than Dr. Chandrasena. A trailblazer in sustainable urban development, she has dedicated her career to bridging the gap between technological innovation and environmental sustainability. Through her work, she emphasises a crucial message: cities must evolve—not just grow.

From Journalism to Urban Innovation

Dr. Chandrasena’s career path is anything but conventional. Beginning as a journalist, she honed her skills in field research and community engagement, which later became instrumental in her work as an urban planner. “Journalism taught me how to listen to people’s stories and understand the realities on the ground,” she explains. This background helped her develop urban solutions rooted in real-world insights rather than abstract theories.

Her transition into urban innovation was fueled by a deep-seated passion for environmental resilience. After a stint in banking and serving in the Sri Lanka Army Corps of Engineers, she pursued town and country planning, ultimately integrating her diverse experiences to address urban challenges holistically.

The Smart Drain Initiative: A Game Changer in Urban Infrastructure

One of Dr. Chandrasena’s most groundbreaking contributions is the Smart Drain Initiative—a next-generation urban drainage system designed to combat flooding and waste accumulation. Implemented in areas like Balapola and Ambalangoda, this technology incorporates IoT-based monitoring, predictive maintenance, and automated waste filtration to enhance resilience against climate change.

“Storm drains are often neglected, but they are the foundation of a city’s flood resilience,” she says. By modernising drainage infrastructure, her initiative is setting a precedent for cities worldwide to rethink their approach to urban water management.

Livability as the Core Urban Challenge

For Dr. Chandrasena, urban planning is not just about infrastructure—it’s about people. She identifies livability as the root problem that must be addressed in city planning. “Congestion, pollution, lack of green spaces, and inefficient waste management are all symptoms of poor urban planning,” she explains. Her work focuses on designing cities that prioritise well-being, accessibility, and sustainability.

Sri Lanka, in particular, faces unique challenges due to rapid urbanisation. With cities like Colombo struggling to accommodate a massive influx of commuters, Dr. Chandrasena advocates for affordable housing solutions near economic hubs and improvements in public transportation. “A city’s economic success should not come at the cost of its residents’ quality of life,” she insists.

Technology and Community Engagement: The Future of Urban Development

Dr. Chandrasena sees technology as a powerful tool for fostering inclusive urban development. From using social media for community consultations to deploying smart infrastructure, she believes digital solutions can democratise urban planning. “We need to move beyond traditional engagement methods and empower people through accessible technology,” she says.

Her leadership philosophy reflects this inclusive approach. Through initiatives like the MyTurn Internship Platform, she mentors young professionals, encouraging them to take an active role in shaping the future of cities. “Leadership is not about authority—it’s about creating opportunities for collaboration,” she adds.

Global Urban Challenges and the Need for Collaboration

Urban issues are not confined to national borders. Dr. Chandrasena highlights the importance of global partnerships, citing the twin-city concept as a model for knowledge exchange. By pairing cities with similar challenges—such as Galle, Sri Lanka, and Penang, Malaysia—municipalities can co-create solutions that address both local and global urban challenges.

Her work has not gone unnoticed. She recently won Australia’s Good Design Award for Best in Class Engineering Design, a testament to the impact of her innovative approaches.

Call to Action for Sustainable Cities

Dr. Chandrasena’s vision for the future is clear: cities must be designed to be resilient, inclusive, and sustainable. While challenges like climate change and urban congestion persist, she remains optimistic. “There are no perfect cities—just as there are no perfect people. But by striving for practical solutions, we can make cities better for everyone.”

Her journey—from journalist to urban innovator—demonstrates that change begins with a vision and the determination to act on it. As urbanisation accelerates, her work serves as a blueprint for how cities can not only survive but thrive in an ever-evolving world.

Continue Reading

Features

Need to appreciate SL’s moderate politics despite govt.’s massive mandate

Published

on

President Dissanayake

by Jehan Perera

President Donald Trump in the United States is showing how, in a democratic polity, the winner of the people’s mandate can become an unstoppable extreme force. Critics of the NPP government frequently jibe at the government’s economic policy as being a mere continuation of the essential features of the economic policy of former president, Ranil Wickremesinghe. The criticism is that despite the resounding electoral mandates it received, the government is following the IMF prescriptions negotiated by the former president instead of making radical departures from it as promised prior to the elections. The critics themselves do not have alternatives to offer except to assert that during the election campaign the NPP speakers pledged to renegotiate the IMF agreement which they have done only on a very limited basis since coming to power.

There is also another area in which the NPP government is following the example of former President Ranil Wickremesinghe. During his terms of office, both as prime minister and president, Ranil Wickremesinghe ruled with a light touch. He did not utilise the might of the state to intimidate the larger population. During the post-Aragalaya period he did not permit street protests and arrested and detained those who engaged in such protests. At the same time with a minimal use of state power he brought stability to an unstable society. The same rule-with-a-light touch approach holds true of the NPP government that has succeeded the Wickremesinghe government. The difference is that President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has an electoral mandate that President Wickremesinghe did not have in his final stint in power and could use his power to the full like President Trump, but has chosen not to.

At two successive national elections, the NPP obtained the people’s mandate, and at the second one in particular, the parliamentary elections, they won an overwhelming 2/3 majority of seats. With this mandate they could have followed the “shock and awe” tactics that are being seen in the U.S. today under President Donald Trump whose party has won majorities in both the Senate and House of Representatives. The U.S. president has become an unstoppable force and is using his powers to make dramatic changes both within the country and in terms of foreign relations, possibly irreversibly. He wants to make the U.S. as strong, safe and prosperous as possible and with the help of the world’s richest man, Elon Musk, the duo has become seemingly unstoppable in forging ahead at all costs.

EXTREME POWER

The U.S. has rightly been admired in many parts of the world, and especially in democratic countries, for being a model of democratic governance. The concepts of “checks and balances” and “separation of powers” by which one branch of the government restricts the power of the other branches appeared to have reached their highest point in the U.S. But this system does not seem to be working, at least at the present time, due to the popularity of President Trump and his belief in the rightness of his ideas and Elon Musk. The extreme power that can accrue to political leaders who obtain the people’s mandate can best be seen at the present time in the United States. The Trump administration is using the president’s democratic mandate in full measure, though for how long is the question. They have strong popular support within the country, but the problem is they are generating very strong opposition as well, which is dividing the U.S. rather than unifying it.

The challenge for those in the U.S. who think differently, and there are many of them at every level of society, is to find ways to address President Trump’s conviction that he has the right answers to the problems faced by the U.S. which also appears to have convinced the majority of American voters to believe in him. The decisions that President Trump and his team have been making to make the U.S. strong, safe and prosperous include eliminating entire government departments and dismissing employees at the Consumer Financial Protection Bureau (CFPB), Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) and the Food and Drug Administration (FDA) which were established to protect the more disadvantaged sectors of society. The targets have included USAID which has had consequences for Sri Lanka and many other disadvantaged parts of the world.

Data obtained from the Department of External Resources (ERD) reveal that since 2019, USAID has financed Sri Lankan government projects amounting to Rs. 31 billion. This was done under different presidents and political parties. Projects costing USD 20.4 million were signed during the last year (2019) of the Maithripala Sirisena government. USD 41.9 million was signed during the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government, USD 26 million during the Ranil Wickremesinghe government, and USD 18.1 million so far during the Anura Kumara Dissanayake government. At the time of the funding freeze, there were projects with the Justice Ministry, Finance Ministry, Environment Ministry and the Energy Ministry. This is apart from the support that was being provided to the private sector for business development and to NGOs for social development and good governance work including systems of checks and balances and separation of powers.

MODERATE POLITICS

The challenge for those in Sri Lanka who were beneficiaries of USAID is to find alternative sources of financing for the necessary work they were doing with the USAID funding. Among these was funding in support of improving the legal system, making digital technology available to the court system to improve case management, provision of IT equipment, and training of judges, court staff and members of the Bar Association of Sri Lanka. It also included creating awareness about the importance of government departments delivering their services in an inclusive manner to all citizens requiring their services, and providing opportunities for inter-ethnic business collaboration to strengthen the economy. The government’s NGO Secretariat which has been asked to submit a report on USAID funding needs to find alternative sources of funding for these and give support to those who have lost their USAID funding.

Despite obtaining a mandate that is more impressive at the parliamentary elections than that obtained by President Trump, the government of President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been more moderate in its efforts to deal with Sri Lanka’s problems, whether in regard to the economy or foreign relations. The NPP government is trying to meet the interests of all sections of society, be they the business community, the impoverished masses, the civil society or the majority and minority ethnic and religious communities. They are trying to balance the needs of the people with the scarce economic resources at their disposal. The NPP government has demanded sacrifice of its own members, in terms of the benefits they receive from their positions, to correspond to the economic hardships that the majority of people face at this time.

The contrast between the governance styles of President Trump in the U.S. and President Dissanayake in Sri Lanka highlights the different paths democratic leaders can take. President Trump is attempting to decisively reshape the U.S. foreign policy, eliminating entire government departments and overwhelming traditional governance structures. The NPP government under President Dissanayake has sought a more balanced, inclusive path by taking steps to address economic challenges and governance issues while maintaining stability. They are being tough where they need to be, such as on the corruption and criminality of the past. They need to be supported as they are showing Sri Lankans and the international community how a government can use its mandate without polarising society and thereby securing the consensus necessary for sustainable change.

Continue Reading

Trending