Connect with us

Features

Cabinet squabbles over rice ration cut, PM threatens to resign

Published

on

The old parliament at Galle Face where all this drama was enacted

(Excerpted from the Memoirs of a Cabinet Secretary by BP Peiris)

Within a couple of days, another emergency meeting of the Cabinet was summoned, again at the instance of four Ministers, to consider the question of restoring the cut of half a measure imposed on the rice ration. The suggestion was made that if the rice coupons were taken away from those who had paddy, there would be a saving of Rs 20 million and, if certain other Votes were cut, the budget could be balanced. Felix stood his ground. He said he was not convinced that depriving paddy owners of their rice coupons was a satisfactory alternative proposal. If any satisfactory proposal was made, he was prepared to restore the half measure; but Ministers had no alternative proposal.

Regarding the proposed cut on the Votes, he asked whether the Minister of Education was prepared to forego his teachers, the Minister of Health his new hospitals, and the Minister of Irrigation his new and continuing works on his schemes. The Ministers were not prepared to reduce their Votes. With this deadlock the Cabinet had no option but to let the reduced ration stand. Ministerial feelings were strained and the Cabinet atmosphere appeared to be fully charged for an explosion.

Two days later (August 6, 1962) another Cabinet meeting was summoned for 7 p.m. to consider the same question. This meeting went on for two hours. The Prime Minister arrived with a very long face and I sensed trouble. She asked the Ministers bluntly what they were going to do about the rice ration. One Minister raised the old argument about taking the coupons off paddy owners. This was taken up by other Ministers. It was argued contra that the people of the Southern province would be badly affected if the cut was enforced because the people along the coast existed on rice and had no money to buy flour.

Others argued that peasants existed on breadfruit, jak, manioc etc. and had no use for flour. Felix Dias was silent, so was the Prime Minister. A suggestion was made that the whole position be considered six months later. Felix stood his ground again and retorted that he had presented a budget for 12 months and not for six months. There was wrangling in the Cabinet and the Prime Minister was obviously very angry. It was also said that many backbenchers of the Parliamentary Group were against the move to cut the rice ration and would vote against the Government or abstain from voting. Four votes were sufficient to defeat the Government but the Minister of Labour informed the Cabinet that they had twelve votes against them.

The Prime Minister pushed her chair back in an angry mood. She said she would resign and asked the Ministers to choose her successor. I had, at this stage, to remind the Prime Minister that her resignation implied the resignation of her entire Cabinet and that the question of her successor had to be left to the Governor-General. I can well imagine the extreme limit of endurance and patience to which she must have been driven by the petty-fogging and almost schoolboyish conduct on the part of her Ministers. She left the meeting abruptly. I did so myself without speaking to the other Ministers. At that moment, I felt very sorry for her.

Members of the Government Parliamentary Group anticipated defeat and were nervous that if they voted against the restoration of the rice ration cut and if the Prime Minister resigned and asked for a dissolution and a general election, they would not be able to show their faces in their electorates. It was therefore said that, at the last moment, a large number of party members might jump the stile so that they might win their seats. We had to wait and see. This was August 7, 1962 and a vote on the second reading of the budget was not due to be taken till the 20th.

Felix Dias had a proposal. He suggested that as a poor man’s family of husband, wife and, say, six children did not use their entire race ration but sold the ration books to boutiques and co-operative societies, the Government should offer them Rs 24 for each book surrendered. As there was a racket in the Guaranteed Price Scheme where the same quantity of paddy was known to go through the mills three or four times and where the cultivator, hard pressed for money, was paid Rs 7 or Rs 8 when the Government Price was Rs 12 per bushel, Felix proposed that the government should buy the paddy direct from the cultivator at Rs 12.

He said this would eliminate the racket in rice coupons. It was again proposed to give a ration of paddy to cultivators and cut the relevant number of coupons off their books. Which was to be decided was not agreed upon, but Madam Prime Minister asked that the matter be kept secret as this was part of the budget, the debate on which was to commence on August 16. A Cabinet meeting had been summoned for August 15 and someone disclosed the proposals which were awaiting discussion to the ‘Daily News’, embarrassing Felix Dias and the entire Cabinet.

The Prime Minister canceled the meeting and summoned the Ministers to meet unofficially to discuss the situation arising from this publication. I was not aware of what happened at this meeting but it was clear that that feeling of a collectively responsible Cabinet was fast disappearing.

Felix R. Dias Bandaranaike

Without any Cabinet decision of which I was aware, Ilangaratna announced in the House that the cut in the rice ration would take effect on October 22. Ministers were acting independently of one another. There was no team spirit. There was wrangling and maneuvering within the Cabinet and Felix Dias was forced as Finance Minister, at an emergency meeting on August 23, to withdraw the cut of half a measure in the rice ration. The Minister had no option but to resign. The Prime Minister now had nobody in the Cabinet on whom she could rely. ‘The Times of Ceylon’ commented on what happened as follows:

“That the wrangle within the Cabinet has developed into a crisis of sorts has been evident for some time now, but it is necessary to remind the Government that the country is faced with an even bigger crisis, the grave economic crisis which Ministerial pooh-poohing can no longer conjure away. It is the latter crisis which should take precedence in the Cabinet room, so that some serious and concerted efforts may be made to devise short term and long term remedies. Instead, the public interest is made a sort of football to be kicked from one end of the Cabinet room to the other.

“We refer specifically to the unseemly dispute about the rice ration, a dispute which has been reflected in successive announcements, one canceling out the other. Whether it was difficulty in obtaining supplies or (as we believe) the critical state of our foreign assets that prompted the budget proposal to cut the ration, this was obviously a matter for the most anxious consideration of the Cabinet as a whole before a firm decision was reached and announced. But no sooner was the cut announced that there were second, third and fourth thoughts, not among members of the opposition but in the Cabinet itself with the vagaries of the ministerial wrangle reflected in successive conflicting public announcements.

“When he broke the fateful news of the cut in the budget speech on July 26th, the Finance Minister said it would be effective “as far as possible from next week”. Five days later a commnique was issued saying that the cut would be made from August 13th. On August 2nd, however, the Government made the cryptic announcement that the implementation would be “on a date to be fixed by the Cabinet”. On August 3rd, after an emergency meeting of the Cabinet, it was stoutly denied that the cut would be operative from August 27th.

“Blame was heaped on ‘the newspapers’ which, it was announced, ‘had sought to infer that the Government had revised two major policy decisions contained in the budget speech regarding the sales tax and the reduction of the rice ration. The Government has not deviated in policy on either’. On August 15th the Minister of Agriculture’s proposed alternative to the rice ration cut was given publicity in the Press. Next day, August 16th, the Finance Minister told Parliament, ‘I would like to state quite clearly that the proposal before the House, and on which I have any information to give the House, still remain exactly where they were. There are no changes whatsoever.’ And now, this week, the Food Minister intervenes to tell Parliament that there may be no ration cut at all.

“The public have surely had enough of this farce. It would he pure comedy were the economic plight of the country not so tragic. There is indeed a crisis facing the nation, not merely an unseemly Cabinet wrangle but an economic crisis which may reduce the country to bankruptcy. In that context the squabbles within the Cabinet are an affront to the population. We reported on Monday that negotiation for foreign aid is to be given top priority by the Government. To beg abroad is no solution to our home-made economic difficulties. We hope the Cabinet will, at least in the grave pass to which the government had pushed the country, show a greater sense of decorum and responsibility than has been evident in recent weeks.”

Felix Dias was succeeded as Minister of Finance by C. P. de Silva who took the portfolio in addition to his other duties, an impossible task for any one man. In the meantime, Felix went round the country attacking C. P.’s finance policy from public platforms. C. P. handed back his portfolio and was succeeded by Kalugalla. Felix started the old game again and attacked Kalugalla in public. It amazed me that a Cabinet composed of men like this could ever have taken charge of the country’s affairs and, having taken charge, could have continued as a body for so long.

Kalugalla now tried his hand at finding ways and means of bridging the budget deficit. His proposals, which were not prepared in the Treasury but by a friend of his in the Central Bank, were approved. He asked Cabinet approval to increase the maximum statutory limit of Treasury Bills from Rs 1,000 million by a further Rs 150 million. Felix Dias asked why this was at all necessary. The Minister had made his proposals for bridging the budget deficit – then why more Treasury Bills?

Ultimately the increase was approved. At a subsequent meeting, Kalugalla stated that the deficit would be Rs 217 million, that his calculations had been wrong and that by his proposals only Rs 60 million could be raised. He therefore proposed to impose further taxation on a public which was already taxed to the utmost. He was asked to bring his tax proposals before the Cabinet.

Up to May 1963, Kalugalla had no proposals to make. On May 6, Parliament was prorogued till July 17, amid strong protests by all parties of the Opposition. As a result, over one hundred items on the Order Paper lapsed. The real reason for the unusually long prorogation was that, if the six appointed members were ignored, the Government had only a slender majority of two.



Continue Reading
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

International Women’s Day spurs re-visit of unresolved issues

Published

on

The forum in progress; (L to R) BCIS Executive Director Priyanthi Fernando, Kumudini Samuel and Raaya Gomez.

‘Bread and Peace’. This was a stirring demand taken up by Russia’s working women, we are told, in 1917; the year the world’s first proletarian revolution shook Russia and ushered in historic changes to the international political order. The demand continues to be profoundly important for the world to date.

International Women’s Day (IWD) is continuing to be celebrated the world over, come March, but in Sri Lanka very little progress has been achieved over the years by way of women’s empowerment, despite Sri Lanka being a signatory to the UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and other pieces of global and local legislation that promise a better lot for women.

The lingering problems in this connection were disturbingly underscored recently by the rape-assault on a female doctor within her consultation chamber at a prominent hospital in Sri Lanka’s North Central Province; to cite just one recent instance of women’s unresolved vulnerability and powerlessness.

The Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies, Colombo (BCIS) came to the forefront in taking up the above and other questions of relevance to women at a forum conducted at its auditorium on March 7th, in view of IWD. The program was organized by the library team at the BCIS, under the guidance of the BCIS Executive Director Priyanthi Fernando.

It was heartening to note that the event was widely attended by schoolchildren on the invitation of the BCIS, besides members of the public, considering that the awareness among the young needs to be consistently heightened and broadened on the principal issue of gender justice. Hopefully, going forward, the young would champion the cause of women’s rights having gained by the insights which have been surfaced by forums such as that conducted by the BCIS.

The panelists at the BCIS forum comprised Kumudini Samuel of the Women and Media Collective, a local organization which is in the forefront of taking up women’s issues, and Raaya Gomez, an Attorney-at-Law, engaged in women’s rights advocacy. Together they gave the audience much to think about on what needs to be done in the field of gender justice and linked questions.

The currently raging wars and conflicts worldwide ought to underscore as never before, the yet to be substantively addressed vulnerability of women and children and the absolute need for their consistent empowerment. It is plain to see that in the Gaza, for example, it is women and children who are put through the most horrendous suffering.

Yet, women are the sole care-givers and veritable bread winners of their families in particularly times of turmoil. Their suffering and labour go unappreciated and unquantified and this has been so right through history. Conventional economics makes no mention of the contribution of women towards a country’s GDP through their unrecorded labour and, among other things, this glaring wrong needs to be righted.

While pointing to the need for ‘Bread and Peace’ and their continuing relevance, Kumudini Samuel made an elaborate presentation on the women’s struggle for justice and equality in Sri Lanka over the decades. Besides being the first country to endow women with the right to vote in South Asia, Sri Lanka has been in the forefront of the struggle for the achievement of women’s rights in the world. Solid proof of this was given by Ms. Samuel via her presentation.

Schoolchildren at the knowledge-sharing session.

The presenter did right by pointing to the seventies and eighties decades in Sri Lanka as being particularly notable from the viewpoint of women’s advocacy for justice. For those were decades when the country’s economy was unprecedentedly opened or liberalized, thus opening the floodgates to women’s increasing exploitation and disempowerment by the ‘captains of business’ in the Free Trade Zones and other locations where labour rights tend to be neglected.

Besides, those decades witnessed the explosive emergence of the North-East war and the JVP’s 1987-’89 uprising, for example, which led to power abuse by the state and atrocities by militant organizations, requiring women’s organizations to take up the cause of ethnic peace and connected questions, such as vast scale killings and disappearances.

However, the presenter was clear on the point that currently Sri Lanka is lagging behind badly on the matter of women’s empowerment. For example, women’s representation currently in local councils, provincial councils and parliament is appallingly negligible. In the case of parliament, in 2024 women’s representation was just 9.8 %. Besides, one in four local women have experienced sexual and physical violence since the age of fifteen. All such issues and more are proof of women’s enduring powerlessness.

Raaya Gomez, among other things, dealt at some length on how Sri Lanka is at present interacting with and responding to international bodies, such as CEDAW, that are charged with monitoring the country’s adherence to international conventions laying out the state’s obligations and duties towards women.

This year, we were told, the Sri Lankan government submitted 11 reports to CEDAW in Geneva on issues raised by the latter with the state. Prominent among these issues are continuing language-related difficulties faced by minority group Lankan women. Also coming to the fore is the matter of online harassment of women, now on the ascendant, and the growing need for state intervention to rectify these ills.

It was pointed out by the presenter that overall what needs to be fulfilled by Sri Lanka is the implementation of measures that contribute towards the substantive equality of women. In other words, social conditions that lead to the vulnerability and disempowerment of women need to be effectively managed.

Moreover, it was pointed out by Gomez that civil society in Sri Lanka comes by the opportunity to intervene for women’s empowerment very substantively when issues relating to the Lankan state’s obligations under CEDAW are taken up in Geneva, usually in February.

Accordingly, some Lankan civil society organizations were present at this year’s CEDAW sessions and they presented to the body 11 ‘shadow reports’ in response to those which were submitted by the state. In their documents these civil society groups highlighted outstanding issues relating to women and pointed out as to how the Lankan state could improve its track record on this score. All in all, civil society responses amount to putting the record straight to the international community on how successful or unsuccessful the state is in adhering to its commitments under CEDAW.

Thus, the BCIS forum helped considerably in throwing much needed light on the situation of Lankan women. Evidently, the state is yet to accelerate the women’s empowerment process. Governments of Sri Lanka and their wider publics should ideally come to the realization that empowered women are really an asset to the country; they contribute immeasurably towards national growth by availing of their rights and by adding to wealth creation as empowered, equal citizens.

Continue Reading

Features

Richard de Zoysa at 67

Published

on

by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha

Today would have been Richard de Zoysa’s 67th birthday. That almost seems a contradiction in terms, for one could not, in those distant days of his exuberant youth, have thought of him as ever getting old. His death, when he was not quite 32, has fixed him forever, in the minds of those who knew and loved him, as exuding youthful energy.

It was 35 years ago that he was abducted and killed, and I fear his memory had begun to fade in the public mind. So we have to be thankful to Asoka Handagama and Swarna Mallawarachchi for bringing him to life again through the film about his mother. This was I think more because of Swarna, for I still recall her coming to see me way back in 2014 – August 28th it was, for my father was dying, though he was still mindful enough to ask me how my actress was after I had left him that afternoon to speak to her downstairs – to talk about her plans for a film about Manorani.

His friends have in general criticised the film, and I too wonder as to why she and the Director did not talk to more of his friends before they embarked on the enterprise. But perhaps recreating actual situations was not their purpose, or rather was not his, and that is understandable when one has a particular vision of one’s subject matter.

After listening to and reading the responses of his friends, I am not too keen to see the film, though I suspect I will do so at some stage. Certainly, I can understand the anger at what is seen as the portrayal of a drunkard, for this Manorani never to my knowledge was. But I think it’s absurd to claim there was never alcohol in the house, for there was, and Manorani did join in with us to have a drink, though she never drank to excess. Richard and I did, I fear, though not at his house, more at mine or at his regular haunt, the Art Centre Club.

I am sorry too that the ending of the film suggests that the murder was the responsibility of just its perpetrators, for there is no doubt that it was planned higher up. I myself have always thought it was Ranjan Wijeratne, who was primarily responsible, though I have no doubt that Premadasa also had been told – indeed Manorani told me that he had turned on Ranjan and asked why he had not been told who exactly Richard was.

But all that is hearsay, and it is not likely that we shall ever be able to find out exactly what happened. And otherwise it seems to me from what I have read, and in particular from one still I have seen (reproduced here), illustrating the bond between Richard and his mother, the film captures two vital factors, the extraordinary closeness of mother and son, and the overwhelming grief that Manorani felt over his death.

Despite this she fought for justice, and she also made it clear that she fought for justice not only for her son, but for all those whose loved ones had suffered in the reign of terror unleashed by JR’s government, which continued in Premadasa’s first fifteen months.

I have been surprised, when I was interviewed by journalists, in print and the electronic media, that none of them remembered Ananda Sunil, who had been taken away by policemen eight years earlier, when JR issued orders that his destructive referendum had to be won at all costs. Manorani told me she had met Ananda Sunil’s widow, who had complained, but had then gone silent, because it seemed the lives of her children had been threatened.

Manorani told me that she was comparatively lucky. She had seen her son’s body, which brought some closure, which the other women had not obtained. She had no other children, and she cared nothing for any threats against her own life for, as she said repeatedly, her life had lost its meaning with Zoysa’s death and she had no desire to live on.

I am thankful then that the film was made, and I hope it serves to renew Richard’s memory, and Manorani’s, and to draw attention to his extraordinary life, and hers both before and after his death. And I cannot be critical about the fact that so much about his life was left out, for a film about his mother’s response to his death could not go back to the past.

But it surprised me that the journalists did not know about his own past, his genius as an actor, his skill as a writer. All of them interviewed me for ages, for they were fascinated at what he had achieved in other spheres in his short life. Even though not much of this appeared in what they published or showed, I hope enough emerged for those interested in Richard to find out more about his life, and to read some of his poetry.

A few months after he died – I had been away and came back only six months later – I published a collection of his poetry, and then a few years later, having found more, republished them with two essays, one about our friendship, one about the political background to his death. And the last issue of the New Lankan Review, which he and I had begun together in 1983 in the tutory we had set up after we were both sacked from S. Thomas’, was dedicated to him. It included a striking poem by Jean Arasanayagam who captured movingly the contrast between his genius and the dull viciousness of his killers.

After those initial memorials to his life and his impact, I started working on a novel based on our friendship. I worked on this when I had a stint at the Rockefeller Centre in Bellagio in 1999, but I was not satisfied, and I worked on it for a few years more, before finally publishing the book in 2005. It was called The Limits of Love and formed the last book in my Terrorist Trilogy, the first book of which, Acts of Faith, had been written with his support, after the July 1983 riots. That was translated into Italian, as Atti di Fedi, and came out in 2006 in Milan.

The Limits of Love

did not receive much publicity, and soon afterwards I was asked to head the Peace Secretariat, and after that I wrote no more fiction. But when Godage & Bros had published several of my non-fiction works in the period after I was excluded from public life, I asked them to republish Acts of Faith, which they did, and that still remains in print. They also republished in 2020 Servants, my novel that won the Gratiaen Prize for 1995.

I thought then that it would be a good idea to republish The Limits of Love, and was delighted that Neptune agreed to do this, after the success of my latest political history, Ranil Wickremesinghe and the emasculation of the United National Party. I thought initially of bringing the book out on the anniversary of Richard’s death, but I had lost my soft copy and reproducing the text took some time. And today being Poya I could not launch the book on his birthday.

It will be launched on March 31st, when Channa Daswatte will be free to speak, for I recalled that 20 years ago my aunt Ena told me that he had admired the book. I think he understood it, which may not have been the case with some of Richard’s friends and relations, for this too is fiction, and the Richard’s character shares traits of others, including myself. The narrator, the Rajiv’s character, I should add is not myself, though there are similarities. He is developed from a character who appeared in both Acts of Faith and Days of Despair, though under another name in those books. Rajiv in the latter is an Indian Prime Minister, though that novel, written after the Indo-Lanka Accord, is too emotional to be easily read.

Manorani hardly figures in The Limits of Love. A Ranjan Wijesinghe does, and also a Ronnie Gooneratne, but of more interest doubtless will be Ranil and Anil, two rival Ministers under President Dicky, both of whom die towards the end of the book. Neither, I should add, bears the slightest resemblance to Ranil Wickremesinghe. His acolytes may try to trace elements of him in one or other of the characters, for I remember being told that Lalith Athulathmudali’s reaction to Acts of Faith was indignation that he had not appeared in it.

Fiction has, I hope, the capacity to bring history to life, and the book should be read as fiction. Doubtless there will be criticism of the characterisation, and of course efforts to relate this to real people, but I hope this will not detract from the spirit of the story, and the depiction of the subtlety of political motives as well as relationships.

The novel is intended to heighten understanding of a strange period in our history, when society was much less fragmented than it is today, when links between people were based on blood as much as on shared interests. But I hope that in addition it will raise awareness of the character of the ebullient hero who was abducted and killed 35 years ago.

The film has roused interest in his life, though through a focus on his death. The novel will I hope heighten awareness of his brilliance and the range of his activity in all too short a life.

Continue Reading

Features

SL Navy helping save kidneys

Published

on

By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne

WV, RWP& Bar, RSP, VSV, USP,

NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)

Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defense Staff

Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd

Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation

Former High Commissioner to Pakistan

Navy’s efforts to eradicate Chronic Kidney Disease (CKD) from North Central and North Western Provinces:

• Navy’s homegrown technology provides more than Ten million litres of clean drinking / cooking water to the public free of charge.

• Small project Navy started on 22nd December 2015 providing great results today.

• 1086 Reverse Osmosis (RO) Water purification plants installed to date – each plant producing 10,000 litres of clean drinking water – better quantity than bottled water.

• Project continued for 10 years under seven Navy Commanders highlights the importance of “INSTITUTIONALIZING” a worthy project.

What you see on the map of Sri Lanka (Map 1) are RO water purification plants installed by SLN.SLN is famous for its improvisations and innovations in fighting LTTE terrorists out at sea. The Research and Development Institute of SLN started to use its knowledge and expertise for “Nation Building” when conflict was over in May 2009. On request of the Navy Commander, R and D unit of SLN, under able command of Commander (then) MCP Dissanayake, an Indian trained Marine Engineer, embarked on a programme to build a low- cost RO plant.

The Chronic Kidney Disease was spreading in North Central Province like a “wildfire “in 2015, mainly due to consumption of contaminated water. To curb the situation, providing clean drinking and cooking water to the public was the need of the hour.

The Navy had a non-public fund known as “Naval Social Responsibility Fund “(NSR) started by former Navy Commander Admiral DWAS Dissanayake in 2010, to which all officers and sailors contributed thirty rupees (Rs 30) each month. This money was used to manufacture another project- manufacturing medicine infusion pumps for Thalassemia patients. Thalassemia Medicine Infusion pumps manufactured by SLN R and D Unit. With an appropriately 50,000 strong Navy, this fund used to gain approximately Rupees 1.5 million each month- sufficient funds to start RO water purification plant project.

Studies on the spreading of CKD, it was very clear of danger to the people of North central and North Western provinces, especially among farmers, in this rice producing province. The detailed studies on this deadly disease by a team led by Medical experts produced the above map (see Map 2) indicating clear and present danger. Humble farmers in “the Rice Bowl” of Sri Lanka become victims of CDK and suffer for years with frequent Dialysis Treatments at hospitals and becoming very weak and unable to work in their fields.

The Navy took ten years to complete the project, under seven Navy Commanders, namely Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne, Admiral Travis Sinniah, Admiral Sirimevan Ranasinghe, Admiral Piyal De Silva, Admiral Nishantha Ulugethenna, Admiral Priyantha Perera, present Navy Commander Kanchana Banagoda. Total cost of the project was approximately Rs. 1.260 million. Main contributors to the project were the Presidential Task Force to Eradicate CDK (under the then President Mithripala Sirisena), Naval Social Responsibility Fund, MTV Gammedda, individual local and foreign donors and various organisations. Their contributions are for a very worthy cause to save the lives of innocent people.

The Navy’s untiring effort showed the World what they are capable of. The Navy is a silent force. What they do out at sea has seen only a few. This great effort by the Navy was also noticed by few but appreciated by humble people who are benefited every day to be away from deadly CKD. The Reverse Osmosis process required power. Each plant consumes approximately Rs 11,500 worth power from the main grid monthly. This amount brought down to an affordable Rs 250 per month electricity bill by fixing solar panels to RO plant building roofs. Another project to fix medical RO plants to hospitals having Dialysis machines. SLN produced fifty medical RO plants and distributed them among hospitals with Dialysis Machines. Cost for each unit was Rs 1.5 million, where an imported plant would have cost 13 million rupees each. Commodore (E) MCP Dissanayake won the prize for the best research paper in KDU international Research Conference 2021 for his research paper to enhance RO plant recovery from 50% to 75%. He will start this modification to RO plants soon making them more efficient. Clean drinking water is precious for mankind.

Thalassemia Medicine Infusion pumps manufactured by SLN R and D Unit

The Navy has realised it very well. In our history, King Dutugemunu (regained from 161 BC to 137 BC), united the country after 40 years and developed agriculture and Buddhism. But King Dutugemunu was never considered a god or deified. However, King Mahasen (277 to 304 AD) who built more than 16 major tanks was considered a god after building the Minneriya tank.

The people of the North Central Province are grateful to the Navy for providing them with clean drinking and cooking water free of charge daily. That gratitude is for saving them and their children from deadly CKD.

Well done Our Navy! Bravo Zulu!

Continue Reading

Trending