Features
BCC’s plan for the next hundred years
Breathing new life into domestic production:
By Vagisha Gunasekara
The need to turn the current economic crisis that was pushed off the edge by the COVID-19 pandemic into an opportunity to reconfigure national economies is the topic of many policy discussions, both in Sri Lanka and elsewhere. In June this year, addressing the 95th annual plenary session of the Indian Chamber of Commerce in Kolkata, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said it is time to create an ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’. Although ‘Atmanirbhar’ loosely translates into “self-sufficient”, the Indian PM was not at all channelling Import Substitution policies in the 1960s and 70s. He was not referring to throwing out foreign companies from operating in India or large-scale nationalisation of industries. While Atmanirbhar entails a strong push to become self-sufficient in food, water and defense needs, the concept underlies the realization that a country cannot survive or economically thrive in isolation. It does not mean closing doors and borders to the world. Rather, it is an open-door policy that encourages foreign investment and goods to be manufactured in India and exported to the rest of the world and for products made in India to be sold in the global market. In other words, the aim of atmanirbhar is for India to become the next manufacturing hub of Asia and the rest of the world. The Government of India is already exploring various modalities with domestic and foreign investors and governments on how to redesign their economy in line with the spirit of atmanirbhar, and opening their economy in a much bigger way to the rest of the world.
Here at home, there is still hesitation among some circles about whether a small developing island nation like Sri Lanka can compete in the global market without the “economies of scale” advantage that larger markets like India have. But there is optimism around producing specific items that Sri Lanka may have an advantage in the global market, solely based on the quality of the product. Coconut oil is a case in point. In the past 10 years, the global demand for skyrocketed by 500% as it was identified as a “superfood” in the West.
To be specific, this demand is primarily for two products – virgin coconut oil and coconut water. In the United States alone, coconut water is now an 800-million-dollar industry. Globally, the coconut water industry is estimated to be worth around 2.2 billion dollars. The demand for coconut water is expected to increase by 27% by 2020. Similarly, the global industry value of virgin coconut oil was 2.1 billion dollars in 2016, and it is expected to be 4.2-billion-dollar industry in 2024. In the past five-six years, there is a steadily expanding niche market for coconut-based products such as coconut flour, coconut sugar and desiccated coconut. Furthermore, as Goldstein Research finds, the global beauty care industry, which is currently worth more than 10.3 billion dollars is gradually shifting to organic ingredients and coconut oil extracts in particular. Among the top five coconut consuming countries is the Philippines, United States, India, Indonesia and Vietnam (Export Development Board 2017).
In Sri Lanka, export earnings from coconut-based products has been increasing in recent years and much of it is attributed to industries surrounding virgin coconut oil (VCO), fresh king coconut, coconut cream and coconut milk. In 2017, the total revenue generated by exporting coconut-based products was 598 million dollars, which was a 3% increase from 2016 (Coconut Research Institute 2018).
BCC Lanka Ltd is currently exploring an interesting modality to increase the production of coconut oil for cooking, wellness and other purposes both for domestic consumption and exportation. BCC is a household name in Sri Lanka. The company has a history that dates back to 1830s. According to the early records of the company, E. Price & Co. of the United Kingdom acquired patent rights for the technique of separating coconut oil into its solid and liquid parts. However, due to the irregular supply of raw material, the company set up crushing mills at Hultsdorf to separate oil directly from the kernels. The mills were set up in 1835 under a company set up in London called Hultsdorf Mills Co. (Ceylon) Ltd. The ownership of the mills changed hands between its inception and the World War I period and companies such as Wilson Richie & Co., G &W Leechman, and Freudenberg steering its operations.
In 1918, a powerful European syndicate operating in India tendered to purchase Hultsdorf Mills and it became British Ceylon Corporation (BCC). Since then, BCC operated in Sri Lanka, together with its fully owned subsidiaries such as British Ceylon Milling Company Ltd and Ceylon Extraction Company Ltd. Of the subsidiaries, in 1976 Ceylon Extraction Company Ltd ceased operations due to the lack of raw material that was required to sustain its minimum production capacity. In the period that followed, as a result of liberalisation reforms and changing political administrations, the company went through a period of decline, and this culminated in the sale of its most lucrative arm – Orient Co Lanka Ltd, which had the license for foreign liquor. In 1988, BCC Lanka was incorporated with the issue of 10,000,000 shares (held by the Treasury). Under the Conversion of Public Corporations and Government Owned Business Undertakings into Public Companies Act No. 23 of 1987. In order to trim the BCC workforce, a Voluntary Retirement Scheme was offered to its employees in 1991.
Following more privatisations in the 1990s and the lack of vision, leadership, government support and poor management resulted in further curtailment of the BCC operations and its workforce. However, when government policy shifted from a pro-privatisation position to one that was not in favour of selling off state enterprises, BCC Lanka commenced operations with minimum staff capacity in September 2006 and continues to produce and sell its number one product – refined coconut oil, both locally and internationally, along with a range of other products such as bath and laundry soap, washing powder, dish washing detergent and disinfectant.
The company appears to have received a new lease of life under the current policy trend of strengthening the viability of domestic industries. As the situation triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic has renewed interest in increasing the capacity of domestic production, BCC seems to be making plans to get back into business in a bigger and better way. During a recent visit to the BCC premises at Meeraniya Street, Colombo 12, the management revealed its plan to expand it operations and increase its competitiveness in the domestic and international market. Currently, BCC produces roughly 250 metric tonnes of refined coconut oil and 160 metric tonnes of soap and other items in a year. This, however, is well below the maximum production capacity of the company. The new strategy to increase coconut oil production is aimed at making productive use of BCC’s underutilised machinery and storage facilities, and also will carve out revenue prospects for the collaborating partner companies.
The most notable component of BCC Lanka’s new strategy is the consolidation of their supply chain for the production of coconut oil. The company is launching a partnership among BCC and three state-owned enterprises – National Livestock Development Board (NLDB), Kurunegala Plantation Ltd., and Chilaw Plantation Ltd., – and the Mahaweli B zone in order to ensure an uninterrupted supply of green coconuts in order to produce refined coconut oil. NLDB is one of the largest semi-government organisations whose core business is dairy farming. In addition to dairy and other poultry-related ventures, NLDB owns and maintains 4,545 hectares of coconut estates in the island’s “coconut-triangle”. Chilaw Plantations Ltd is a government-owned company managed by the Public Enterprise Development Ministry. Currently, they own 3,825 hectares of coconut plantations. Kurunegala Plantations Ltd is also a government-owned company with 5,244 hectares of coconut plantations. Its core business activities include cultivation, production, processing, and sale of coconuts. BCC Lanka will serve as the Original Equipment Manufacturer (OEM) and undertake downstream activities in producing edible oil. The strategic alliance among the four companies and the Mahaweli B zone is expected to ensure an uninterrupted supply of coconuts. Green coconuts collected from all four supply hubs will be transported to a central oil mill, where the initial production will take place. The central oil milling facility is a new investment proposed under the current strategic plan. Thereafter, the base coconut oil will be delivered to BCC’s refinery unit, where the value-addition process will take place. From that point onwards, BCC will take over downstream operations such as labelling, packaging, marketing, and sales. The intention is for these products to enter domestic retail markets, online shopping platforms and the export market through direct dealers, distributing agents and strategic sales partners. Given the expanding trend of the global market for coconut oil and other coconut-based products, increasing the production, marketing and sales of coconut oil and reviving state-owned companies like the BCC and its partners is a welcome move by the Ministry of Small & Medium Business and Enterprise Development, Industries and Supply Chain Management.
The second component of BCC’s strategic plan is to develop a modern, 7-storey multi-purpose commercial centre using a 6-acre portion of BCC’s current premises in Meeraniya Street. The compensation funds that BCC will obtain from giving up a parcel of their current premises to construct a court complex will be directed to the construction of the new commercial centre. Furthermore, the current management of BCC has plans to restore the original Chairman’s bungalow (located in Colombo 12) which is currently in a dilapidated state into a commercialised heritage establishment. The colonial charm of the bungalow and BCC’s collection of old machinery that were used during the colonial period is sufficient basis for this venture and a tasteful transformation of this site into a tourist attraction will undoubtedly add aesthetic and commercial value to what the currently has to offer.
BCC’s new strategic plan and its renewed motivation to strengthen its capacity, operations and relevance both nationally and internationally is a refreshing step, particularly given the sad situation of Sri Lanka’s state-owned enterprises. Currently, Sri Lanka has over 400 SOEs, employing over a million employees, however, running on an aggregate annual loss of USD 27 billion. SOEs are seen by ordinary citizens as employment- not service providers that consume an extraordinary amount of public resources and assets. Political interference, corruption, inefficient recruitment and management practices, low productivity and the lack of autonomy in decision-making have long been identified as constraints to developing SOEs. Like BCC, the Valachchenai paper mill and the Paranthan chemical factory also seem to have risen from the ashes given the renewed interest in strengthening domestic industrial production. Acknowledging BCC’s strategic plan which carries the objective of securing its presence and relevance for the next 100 years, and the resumption of activities in Valachchenai and Paranthan factories, it would be timely for BCC and for other SOEs to set up sound governance practices, accountability mechanisms, and performance-based incentive structures and focus on improving productivity and efficiency, financial discipline, transparent and effective treasury management and credit control and technological advancement. Lastly, the management and the overall leadership must keep in mind that politicisation of SOEs has long been identified as a curse that has eventually run these enterprises to the ground. As this is ingrained in Sri Lanka’s political culture, it might be challenging to change the status quo. However, if the leadership is keen that local industries remain active and relevant for another 100 years, such structural issues must not go unaddressed.
Features
The significance of “Control” in foreign relations
Foreign Relations are all about “Control” particularly in the context of Relations between Major Powers such as the USA, China and India and small sovereign States such as Sri Lanka. While in the case of such relations, benefits to both parties are inevitable, the need to do so is invariably driven by the national interests of the Major Powers because their interests far outweigh those of small States. This mismatch of interests is what calls for “Control” of relations by Major Powers
The advice to Sri Lanka by Foreign Relations experts thus far has been to balance challenges arising from such Relations, not realising that the compulsions driven by the interests of Major Powers are such that balancing by itself does not have the needed capabilities to overcome the consequences arising from Major Power Rivalries; a fact evidenced by the recent Middle East war.
For instance, the need for the USA to strengthen the capabilities of the Sri Lankan Navy is driven by the strategic location of Sri Lanka since it is the gateway to the Indo-Pacific. Notwithstanding such motivations, it cannot be denied that the infrastructure provided to Sri Lanka’s Navy was handy to meet internal challenges as it was during the final stages of the Armed Conflict to destroy arsenals of the LTTE out at sea and the capacity to meet both external and internal threats to and within Sri Lanka.
Similarly, one of China’s primary interests is its Belt and Road Initiative. Towards this end, China has established a solid foot print in Sri Lanka by building and owning solid infrastructure projects for 99 years and more, if it is in China’s interest. However, although benefits from such projects cannot be denied, the open question is whether their scale was established to suit China’s interests or sought by Sri Lanka to suit Sri Lanka’s interests. For instance, the offer to build a 200,000 barrels a day Refinery by Sinopec of China has more to do with serving China’s interests, in view of the decision by the Sri Lankan Government to expand the Refinery at Sapugaskanda to 100,000 barrels a day.
In the case of India, the issues are more complex arising from Sri Lanka’s proximity to India, the cultural and historical heritage shared by both and the presence of the Tamil community in both countries. Consequently, India is extremely conscious of the need to keep a sharp eye and “Control” developments taking place in Sri Lanka in respect of Sri Lanka’s relations with Major Powers. This concern is driven by the notion that the territorial security of India is dependent on Sri Lanka’s Relations with Major Powers; a concern that arises from India’s past territorial history where the territory of India was transformed from a motley group of Princely States into one unified sub-continent and then partitioned into two Nation States under the British Raj. Consequently, the present territory of India has been in existence only since its independence from Colonial Rule in 1947. Hence, the fear of history repeating itself is driven by internal compulsions and by external interventions.
US – SRI LANKA RELATIONS
Against the background of Geopolitical interests presented above, Sri Lanka adopted the Policy of Neutrality in 2019 and this Government continues to exercise and live by its Internationally recognised principles, as it did when Sri Lanka denied landing rights to US Aircraft during the Middle East conflict. Sri Lanka’s Foreign Minister stated that Sri Lanka was “always neutral” when he met the US Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs to convey Sri Lanka’s appreciation for the assistance rendered to procure fuel during the Middle East crisis and for the maritime vessels and aircraft gifted to Sri Lanka (Daily News, June 23, 2026).
In the meantime, The Island has reported that the “US declares SLN its Indo-Pacific Partner” (June 25, 2026). A statement issued by the US Embassy in Colombo quotes the Assistant Secretary of State as having stated: “Today, we announced the delivery of US satellite communication technology to the Sri Lankan Navy, our Indo-Pacific partner: This secure, real-time connection—representing a transformational upgrade for the Sri Lankan Navy-– will be available aboard their entire fleet of offshore patrol vessels…” (Ibid).
There is no doubt whatsoever that these assets would collectively boost the capabilities of the SL Navy to “strengthen maritime domain awareness, improve operational coordination, support emergency response, help interdict vessels engaged in illicit trafficking etc.” (Ibid). However, the unilateral declaration by US that the SL Navy is a “Indo-Pacific Partner” of the US has NO validity unless such a declaration has the approval of the SL Government. Furthermore, such an approval by the SL Government would compromise its Policy of Neutrality to which the country has pledged.
Therefore, the declaration should be accompanied with a caveat, that being, that the partnership should NOT extend to the entirety of the Indo-Pacific but be limited to Sri Lanka’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEC). It is only then that the SL Government is Internationally entitled to exercise its rights as a Neutral State, namely, to protect its territory under the UN Law of the Sea. Furthermore, considering the extent of Sri Lanka’s EEC in relation to the extent of the Indian Ocean, the Partnership would be proportionate.
CHINA – SRI LANKA RELATIONS
China’s interest is to consolidate its interests in its Belt and Road Initiative. Towards this end it has attempted to exercise “Control” over Sri Lanka by offering infrastructure projects of a scale that benefits China rather than Sri Lanka as evidenced by the example of the offer by Sinopec Refinery cited above. This example demonstrate that Sri Lanka should be faulted for accepting projects offered without question and when questioned, based on local evaluations of scale to meet Sri Lankan needs as in the case of the existing Refinery at Sapugaskanda, the scale of projects become significantly less. The lesson to be learnt from this experience is that no project offered should be accepted without question in respect of its suitability to Sri Lanka in all respects, if Sri Lanka is not to become a victim of self-inflicted debt traps.
INDIA –SRI LANKA RELATIONS
How India “Controls” Sri Lanka is by making Sri Lanka politically and economically vulnerable and dependent on India, not only through physical connectivity, but also by being a handmaiden in internal political arrangements where power is devolved to Provinces that are a threat to Sri Lanka’s territorial integrity (13th Amendment) and also by focusing development that benefit the Tamil community in Sri Lanka. The end result is to keep relations between communities in Sri Lanka on the “boil”, much against the interests of Sri Lanka to function as a united Nation State.
The proposal to connect Sri Lanka with India with under-water pipelines to transfer petroleum products from the Middle East and Power Grids would make Sri Lanka vulnerable and dependent on India as Germany was with Natural Gas from Russia when Nord-Stream I and II were sabotaged. Similarly, the road access through a Land Bridge connecting India and Sri Lanka would legalize access between the two countries that today takes place illegally because of the disparity in wages and livelihoods.
Despite such possible outcomes, there is a concerted effort by individuals and a body of NGOs who are of the opinion that it is in the best interests of Sri Lanka for Sri Lanka to hitch its wagons to the rising star of India. Others are grateful to India as the first responder to Sri Lanka at times of need, mindless of the weekly destruction of Sri Lanka’s marine resources etc. caused by thousands of fishing boats from India resorting to illegal fishing practices whose value over the years are beyond assessment.
CONCLUSIION
The reason for the recent conflict in the Middle East is all about “Control” of Nation States by Major Powers in pursuit of their Geopolitical interests. The need to “Control” Sri Lanka by the US is because of Sri Lanka’s location to the Indo-Pacific and by China because Sri Lanka is a vital link to its Belt and Road Initiative. On the other hand, Relations with India are influenced and guided by India’s obsession with the sustainability of its territorial integrity because that is what makes India a Major Power. The survival of Sri Lanka in such a complex background depends on how astutely Sri Lanka protects its Policy of Neutrality.
By Neville Ladduwahetty
Features
“Sir”: A prefix or a suffix in Sri Lanka?
The word “Sir” is classically and linguistically associated with Great Britain and His Majesty’s English Language. As an esteemed prefix, it generally refers to a Knight, but very strictly speaking, that is perhaps a rather narrow and restricted synonym. While a Knight of the British Empire is the most common type of knight people encounter today, Great Britain actually has several different orders of knighthood, as well as an ancient rank that does not belong to any such order at all.
When someone is dubbed a knight in Britain and referred to as “Sir” X, Y or Z, they generally fall into one of three categories. The first is a Knight Bachelor, undoubtedly the oldest rank. This is the most common form of knighthood awarded for public service, arts, or science. In that context, one should think of Sir Elton John, Sir Paul McCartney, or Sir Ian McKellen. It is not a part of an explicit “Order”, like that of the British Empire. It is the oldest mechanical form of knighthood, dating back to the 13th century under King Henry III. The recipients are simply styled as Sir, followed by the first name, such as Sir Ian, without any post-nominal letters like KBE or OBE attached to the end of their name.
The second is a Knight Commander of the Most Excellent Order of the British Empire (KBE). This is a specific group, established relatively recently in 1917 by King George V, to fill a gap for rewarding civilian and military effort during World War I. To qualify to be called “Sir” within this specific order, a man must be appointed as a Knight Commander (KBE) or a Knight Grand Cross (GBE).
The third is a group of Chivalric Orders, the so-called Elite and Ancient Orders. Several highly exclusive, ancient orders of knighthood sit much higher in precedence than the Order of the British Empire. These include the Most Noble Order of the Garter, the pinnacle of British honours founded in 1348, and scrupulously limited to the Monarch, the Prince of Wales, and only 24 other companion members. Then there is the Most Ancient and Most Noble Order of the Thistle, the highest chivalric honour in Scotland. The last of this group is the Most Honourable Order of the Bath; typically awarded to high-ranking military officers and senior civil servants.
The Summary Rule of this entire scenario is that every Knight of the British Empire (KBE) is a British Knight, but not every British Knight is a Knight of the British Empire. If you see a modern British knight who does not have military or diplomatic ties, odds are high that they are actually a Knight Bachelor.
With reference to the title of this presentation, now for the flip side of this, as we see things in our region of the globe. In Great Britain, it is the standard form of address to refer to a Knight as Sir John, Sir Ian etc. However, in Sri Lanka, as well as in the Indian sub-continent, very often people use the word “Sir” as a suffix or a postfix to honour someone and frequently use “X Sir”; the name followed by the word “Sir” as a suffix or postfix.
It is a fascinating linguistic oddity, and Sri Lanka is definitely not alone in this, and most definitely, we are second to none in that outlook. While using “Sir” as a suffix or postfix (e. g., De Silva Sir, Nihal Sir) completely cartwheels over the standard British etiquette, where “Sir” must strictly prefix a first name. This charming practice of using it as a suffix is actually widespread across South Asia and parts of Southeast Asia. It is a classic example of dialectal crossbreeding, where local grammatical structures and cultural norms go to the extent of rewriting even the rules of the standard English as a language.
In a very broad sense, this phenomenon is very definitely seen in the Indian Subcontinent (E.g. Sri Lanka, India, Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and Pakistan). This is arguably where the “Name + Sir” phenomenon is largest and perhaps even the strongest. Across Sri Lanka, India and Bangladesh, you will constantly hear people refer to superiors, teachers, or public figures as Karu Sir, Vijay Sir, Sachin Sir, Shahrukh Sir, or Ahmad Sir, etc.
Then there is the Indian “Ji” Factor: In Indian languages like Hindi or Punjabi, it is a strict cultural taboo to call an elder or a superior by their bare name. People naturally append the respectful suffix “Ji” (e. g., Gandhi-ji, Sharma-ji). It is then no surprise at all that when switching to English, the Indian mind seamlessly swaps the local suffix Ji for the English honorific Sir, thereby turning Vijay-ji into Vijay Sir.
In Hong Kong, a very specific variation of this exists within the police force and civil service. Influenced by decades of British administration, mixed with Cantonese naming customs, junior officers and the public address superiors by their surname followed by “Sir”, such as “Wong-Sir” or “Chan-Sir“. There is even a universal colloquial generic term, “Ah-Sir“, used commonly to address male police officers or teachers.
In the Philippines, while the syntax is slightly different, the sheer density of “Sir/Madam, Ma’am” usage matches that of Sri Lanka. Filipinos deeply value hierarchical courtesy. While they might say “Sir Jason“, it is incredibly common to use “Sir” almost like a pronoun or a mid-sentence suffix punctuation mark when addressing superiors, bosses, or clients, to ensure that respect is suitably maintained conscientiously.
The mismatch between British English and South/Southeast Asian English comes down to how different native cultures view status and intimacy. In South Asia, especially in Sri Lanka, there is the Linguistic Tradition of the suffix, where an extension in the nation’s own language is inserted into a word to enhance its status. In languages like Sinhala (-thuma / –mahathmaya), in Tamil (-ayyah / –avargal), and in Hindi (-ji), respect is always attached to the end of a name. It simply means that forcefully bringing a sleek word that implies social deference to the front, like Sir John, feels syntactically peculiar or even inappropriate to a native speaker of these local languages.
The “First Name Dilemma” is another type of rather quaint occurrence. In the West, calling your boss simply “John” is seen as a gesture that is egalitarian, free and open. In South Asia, calling an elder or superior by their first name feels somewhat jarringly rude. Conversely, using just “Mr Perera” can also feel too cold, official and even distant. “Perera Sir” or “Silva Sir” strikes the perfect culturally mitigatory concession, as it maintains a warm, personal connection by using the surname while also overtly and safely conveying a layer of professional public respect by adding the word “Sir” as a suffix or a postfix.
Yet for all that, it is worth noting that fundamentally, all languages are symbolic expressions of human thought and human intelligence. Whether expressed as spoken, written or sign language, all dialects are means of human communication. The type of words like “Sir” that we use in the English Language and the real context in which they are used indicate our thoughts in our human intellect. When they are used appropriately, they reflect our commitment to uninhibited respect and even admiration. While the British people and even their Monarch might feel quite a bit confused to hear someone called “Perera Sir”, right across Sri Lanka and its neighbouring nations. Yet for all that, it is simply the most natural and fusion technique to bridge and integrate traditional deference and admiration with modern expressive English.
by Dr B. J. C. Perera
Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow,
Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.
An independent freelance correspondent.
Features
The Murder Room
Tales of Mystery and Suspense – 8
The Murder Room gets its title from a room of that name in a museum dedicated to Victorian memorabilia, including famous murders, which are featured in that room. But the first murder in the story occurs outside, when one of the trustees, who had been against renewing the lease of the building – which would have meant the museum having to close – is set on fire when he comes to the museum late one evening to pick up the car in which he went away for weekends. This was a regular habit, and the murderer had obviously lain in wait, with a can of petrol, and set him on fire.
I took several books with me when I went to England earlier this year, but as usual I read hardly any of them, finding enough and more of interest in the shelves of those I stayed with. My first stop was at New College, where, as on several previous occasions I stayed in what is known as the Bishop’s Room, on the topmost storey of the Warden’s Lodgings. Sadly, I shall not stay there again, for my friend who has been Warden there for a decade now, Miles Young, retires this year.
The bookshelves there have much of interest though on the last couple of occasions I have concentrated on the detective stories, which Miles says are not his, but came with the house. The second I read this time was by the generally workmanlike P. D. James, whose Adam Dalgliesh is in the long line of whimsical but efficient detectives that has Hercule Poirot at its head. Though I had not been impressed by the one novel I read, featuring James’ female detective, Dalgliesh, I liked it, and this novel confirmed my affection.
The Murder Room
gets its title from a room of that name in a museum dedicated to Victorian memorabilia, including famous murders, which are featured in that room. But the first murder in the story occurs outside, when one of the trustees, who had been against renewing the lease of the building – which would have meant the museum having to close – is set on fire when he comes to the museum late one evening to pick up the car in which he went away for weekends. This was a regular habit, and the murderer had obviously lain in wait, with a can of petrol, and set him on fire.
The other two trustees, his brother and his sister, obviously benefited from his death, for they promptly renewed the lease. The employees of the museum also clearly benefited, for they had all found some sort of refuge here. These included the caretaker/cleaner, who lived in a cottage on the premises, a manager who was unpaid but used the place for his research, the receptionist, who also looked after the flat at the museum which was used by the sister, and two volunteers plus a gardener’s boy.
The caretaker, Tally, came across the fire before discovery had been intended, for an evening class everyone knew she went to on Fridays had been cancelled. On her way in she was knocked off her bicycle by a speeding car, the driver of which stopped to make sure she was safe, before speeding off again. She manages then to summon everyone else, including Dalgliesh, who had visited the museum for the first time a few days earlier, brought by a friend who relished its strange attractions.
The museum has to be closed for a few days while investigations are carried out, but in the course of them the friend brings some transatlantic visitors, and when they are in the Murder Room a chest (in which a body had been supposed to have been hidden in Victorian times) is opened, and a body found there. That murder, the autopsy indicated, had taken place around the time of the first murder.
The body was that of a girl who had attended a finishing school part-owned by the Dupayne sister. When Tally, by chance, sees the man who had knocked her down, and identifies him as a Lord who was known for his philanthropy, Dalgliesh realises that there are wheels within wheels here. The Lord confesses that he belonged to a group that met for promiscuous sex in the flat, and that he had planned to meet the girl there but she had not turned up.
Lord Martlesham, when the girl failed to appear, thought he should get away after the fire broke out. It was then that he had bumped into Tally, and his stopping to make sure she was all right indicated that he could not have been the murderer. Dalgliesh then deduced that the murderer had seen the girl at the window of the murder room, from which she must have seen the preparations for the murder. That was why she too had been killed.
Dalgliesh then has a fair idea of who the murderer was, but in waiting for proof, he leaves room for yet another murder to happen. For Tally, who had been mulling over something said on the night of the murder, asking about the petrol that caused the fire, realized that she had not mentioned petrol herself. This happened on her way back to her cottage, and not having a phone herself she goes into the museum to call, and then gets back to her cottage and locks herself in.
But then she hears her cat howling and goes out to find him strung up. She cuts him down, but when she goes back to the cottage the murderer is waiting and knocks her down. That happens in the section called The Third Victim, but this is in fact a boy on a motorbike knocked down by the speeding car of the escaping murderer. So Dalgliesh is able to effect an arrest when he turns up as summoned, and fortunately is in time to resuscitate Tally and send her to hospital.
The reason for the murder and the identity of its perpetrator are then fairly straightforward, though the background to the second murder introduces an element of loose living that contrasts with the Victorian age, or at least the image it projected – undercut though that is by the murders highlighted in the Murder Room with their sexual overtones.
And there is another louche element in the adventures of the gardener’s boy, who lives with a Major who is homosexual, though he declares, truthfully it seems, that he was not attracted at all to the boy but had given him shelter because of his vulnerability. He is generally charming, but capable of rages, in one of which he knocked down the major, though he was forgiven. He had taken shelter with Tally, who was fond of him but decided she preferred to live alone, which was why she had sent him away the day before she was attacked.
The murdered brother was a psychiatrist, and it turns out that the mysterious weekends he spent away from his London home were spent at country inns, where he took long walks to clear his mind of the demons his practice kept bringing into it. His profession also contributed to his death, in addition to his standing in the way of the museum continuing to exist, for one of his patients, connected to the murderer, had set fire to herself.
Solid plotting, with all the loose ends tied up, of incidents and the bizarre cast of characters.
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