Connect with us

Features

TO WHOM IS THE LOYALTY OF THE POLICE DUE?

Published

on

By Dr. Kingsley Wickremasuriya
Senior Deputy Inspector-General of Police (Retired) (kingsley.wickremasuriya@gmail.com) Prologue

“I am not bound to carry out your illegal orders..!” – SSP says to Police Minister and leaves the meeting..! (Lanka enews defense correspondent.

The Lanka-e News of Nov. 18, 2022 reported a rare incident where a Senior Superintendent of Police said to the face of Police Minister Tiran Alles that he is not bound to implement illegal orders, and then left a meeting of the Minister of Police.

According to reports, the incident is as follows. On Tuesday (Nov. 15) in the Ministry of Police, a conference was held under the chairmanship of the Minister of Police and the Inspector General of Police, where all Deputy Inspector Generals, SSPs, SPs, and ASPs of the Western Province were summoned. There, Tiran Alles has said that those holding anti-government demonstrations should be arrested.

Accordingly, Tiran Alles has scolded the police for not arresting the women who went to the United Nations office in Colombo the Monday (14) and not dispersing the protest there and another protest in front of the TID with baton charges. He then asked who the SSP in charge of that area was and told him to get up. Then Colombo South SSP Gayantha Hasantha Marapana stood up.

Senior DIG Deshabandhu Tennakoon ordered SSP Gayantha Marapana to arrest a woman including Hirunika who walked to the United Nations office yesterday (14), but he did not implement the order. And then Deshabandhu bypassed all the SSPs and SPs and ordered OIC Kurunduwatta directly to carry out the order. Accordingly, the women were arrested.

Hence Tiran Alles was very angry with SSP Gayantha Marapana. When SSP Gayantha Marapana stood up, Tiran asked him why the women were not arrested that day and threatened him to leave the police force or wait for transfers if there is anyone who could not carry out his orders. SSP Marapana responded by asking, “what is the charge” and said that he cannot face human rights cases by ordering to arrest the people without charge.

Then Tiran Alles, who turned to the Inspector General of Police, asked, “Why is there no charge? Is opposing the government not a charge?” Inspector General of Police Wickramaratna said that it was not an accusation. Minister Alles who was then angered said that, if he could not carry out his orders, he should leave the police force. SSP Marapana replied that he joined the police as an SI and became an SSP not by executing illegal orders and that no police officer is bound to execute illegal orders. He then left the Minister’s conference.

Duties and Liabilities Under the Police Ordinance

It was in 1866 that an Ordinance to provide for the establishment and regulation of a police force in Sri Lanka was established. Under Sections three to six, nine, 10, and 59 of the Ordinance, it was lawful for the Minister to make rules from time to time, and when made to revoke, alter, or amend the rules on MATTERS OF POLICY.

But the Inspector-General of Police and such other Deputy Inspectors-General of Police, Superintendents, Assistant Superintendents, inspectors, and other officers as may be necessary under (Sections 20,21,24,55,56, etc of the Ordinance), on the other hand, were vested with the powers of ADMINISTRATION OF THE POLICE. Accordingly, the Inspector-General of Police “may from time to time, subject always to the approbation of the said Minister, frame orders and regulations for the observance of the police officers who shall be placed under his control as aforesaid, and also for the general government of such persons, as to their places of residence, classification, rank, and particular services, as well as their distribution and inspection, and all such orders and regulations relative to the said as police force as he may deem expedient for preventing neglect or abuse, and for rendering such force efficient in the discharge of its duties.”

So, while the Minister was responsible for making rules on matters of policy, the administration of the Police under the Police Ordinance was vested in the hands of the Inspector-General of Police. These were the clear lines of the Chain of Command drawn under which the Police operated under the Ordinance, until Independence.

Then in 1947, the Soulbury Constitution provided a parliamentary form of government for Ceylon and for a Judicial Service Commission and a Public Service Commission that contained all the basic principles and procedures necessary for the Rule of Law. But the United Front Government that enacted a new constitution severed the link to the British crown, depriving the judiciary of its independence and the power of judicial review, two of the most important conditions for the rule of law.

Minority rights were safeguarded by Article 29(2) of the Constitution but on the advice of Sir Ivor Jennings, its unofficial constitutional advisor, the Board of Ministers decided not to incorporate a Bill of Rights. But with the promulgation of the DEMOCRATIC SOCIALIST REPUBLIC OF SRI LANKA on May 22, 1972, the CONSTITUTION became the SUPREME LAW of the country. It was Sri Lanka’s first republican constitution and its second since independence in 1948.

The country was officially designated “The Republic of Sri Lanka,” which came to be known as “The 1972 Republican Constitution.” The Sri Lankan Constitution of 1972 changed the country’s name to Sri Lanka from Ceylon and established it as an independent republic. The country was officially designated “Republic of Sri Lanka,” leading to this constitution being known as “the 1972 Republican Constitution” paving the way for Sri Lanka to become a republic.

When Sri Lanka joined the UN in 1955 ratifying all the main UN International Human Rights Conventions on the immutable republican principles of REPRESENTATIVE DEMOCRACY assuring all Peoples, FREEDOM, EQUALITY, JUSTICE, FUNDAMENTAL HUMAN RIGHTS, and INDEPENDENCE OF THE JUDICIARY, Sri Lanka became a signatory to Article 21 of the ICCPR and the International human rights law that lays down the obligations of the Governments.

‘The Covenant of Human Rights deals with such rights as freedom of movement; equality before the law; the right to a fair trial and presumption of innocence; freedom of thought, conscience, and religion; freedom of opinion and expression; peaceful assembly; freedom of association; participation in public affairs and elections was among those. Human rights on the other hand are rights inherent to all human beings, regardless of race, sex, nationality, ethnicity, language, religion, or any other status.

Everyone is entitled to these rights, without discrimination. Accordingly, the Constitution came to guarantee the following Fundamental Rights under Chapter III of the Constitution :(a) Freedom of thought, conscience, and religion (b) Freedom from torture (c) Right to equality (d) Detention, and punishment, and prohibition of retrospective penal legislation (e) Freedom of speech, assembly, association, occupation, movement, etc.(f) person of conscience and religion, including the freedom to have or to adopt a religion or belief of his choice. (g) No person shall be subjected to torture or cruel, inhuman, or degrading treatment or punishment (h) All persons are equal before the law and are entitled to equal protection of the law. (i) No citizen shall be discriminated against on the grounds of race, religion, language, caste, sex, political opinion, place of birth, or any one of such grounds:

Further, (j) No person shall, on the grounds of race, religion, language, caste, sex, or any one of such grounds, be subject to any disability, liability, restriction, or condition concerning access to shops, public restaurants, hotels, places of public entertainment and places of public worship of his religion. (k) No person shall be arrested except according to the procedure established by law. Any person arrested shall be informed of the reason for his arrest. (l) Every person held in custody, detained, or otherwise deprived of personal liberty shall be brought before the judge of the nearest competent court according to procedure established by law and shall not be further held in custody, detained, or of liberty except upon and in terms of the order of such judge made in accordance with the procedure established by law.

The list continues:(m) Any person charged with 5 an offense shall be entitled to be heard, in person or by an attorney-at-law, at a fair trial by a competent court. (n) No person shall be punished with death or imprisonment except by order of a competent court, made in accordance with the procedure established by law. The arrest, holding in custody, detention, or other deprivation of personal liberty of a person, pending investigation or trial, shall not constitute punishment. (o) Every person shall be presumed innocent until he is proven guilty.

The result was that ALL THE ORGANS OF GOVERNMENT were required to respect, secure, and advance the Fundamental Rights declared and recognized by the Constitution. The Oath of Allegiance to this Constitutional requirement, a person appointed to any office referred to in Chapter IX of the Constitution was required to enter upon an Oath of Office set out in the Fourth Schedule and Seventh Schedule to the Constitution of the Republic before such a person enters upon duties of his office. The Oath simply is an undertaking that the person referred to will perform the duties and discharge the functions of that office (a) in accordance with the Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and the law; and (b) that person will uphold and defend the Constitution of the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka.

This is a constitutional obligation applicable to ALL THE ORGANS OF GOVERNMENT under the Supreme Law of the Constitution, be they a Minister or individual Police Officer. So, this was the main constitutional obligation that came to be addressed when the Ministry of Public Security and the Police under their auspice drew up their Vision & Mission Statements. Making Sri Lanka the Safest & most secure, and Peaceful Nation is the Vision of the Ministry of Public Security ((http://www.pubsec.gov.lk/hon-minister/) ” and its Mission is to Formulate and Execute Policies and Strategic Plans to ensure Public Security through a Strong Multi-stakeholder Mechanism to create safer SRI LANKA by reducing crime, ensuring the safety of public and building trust in partnership with our Community.

The responsibility of the newly established National Police Commission https://www.police.lk/page_id=8508) on the other hand is to transform the Sri Lanka Police Force into a disciplined, credible, and community-responsive service by entertaining and investigating complaints from members of the public or any aggrieved person against a police officer or against the Police Force and to provide redress under the provisions of any law enacted by Parliament to upgrade Human Rights, Public Accountability for the Rule of Law and respect for the Rule of Law.

The Vision of the police, however, is committed to providing a Peaceful environment to live with confidence, without fear of Crime and Violence, and its Mission is committed to upholding and enforcing the law of the land, preserving public order, and preventing crime and Terrorism with prejudice to none – equity to all (www.poice.lk). So, it is the Rule of Law that the Police in the main and the Ministry of Public Security were constitutionally committed to at least by their Vision & Mission Statements.

The Rule of Law

The rule of law is one of the most important features of a democratic system of governance and a prerequisite for a good democracy. The Rule of law implies that all those involved in the state are bound by the law and are subject to the law. And that all officials from the Head of State to the lowest official should act within the limits of the powers conferred by law. Albert Venn Dicey (1835-1922) is said to be one of the most respected English scholars on constitutional law that has emphatically stressed the importance of the Doctrine of the Rule of Law.

Dicey concluded that: “The twin pillars upon which our system rests are the sovereignty of Parliament and the supremacy of the common law, administered in the ordinary courts independent of the executive over everyone within the realm, whether public official or private citizen.” Aristotle on the other hand is considered to be the original author of this concept of the Rule of Law. Rule of law calls for equal justice under the law for all citizens immaterial of social, political, and economic status. This also calls for total independence of the criminal justice system. In other words when there is a likely case of laws being violated, law enforcement – the police – should move into action on its own.

That is their constitutional obligation. They do not need to wait for orders from the political establishment. That negates the separation of powers.

Conclusions

As widely reported in the media, Senior Superintendent Gayantha Hasanth Marapana had to tell the Minister bluntly on that eventful day, Tuesday November 15, 2022, undefended by his seniors in the Department, where he stood concerning the Rule of Law. It reverberates against yet another story (as reported in the official minutes kept of this meeting) and later reported in newspaper headlines, about how the then Inspector-General of Police, Osmund de Silva (1955 – 1959) responded to the remarks of the then PM, that the Police should have that ’extra bit of loyalty to the Government. Summoning a meeting of OICC Stations by police message to inform them of the PM’s remark, he exhorted them to do their duties impartially regardless and that what they should uphold is the ‘Rule of Law’.

This assertion by the Inspector-General came at a time when there was no Bill of Rights in the Parliament or no Republican Constitution with Fundamental Rights to fall back on. Marapana on the other hand had all these constitutional safeguards to worry about, with the Attorney General’s Department leaning over the police against violations of Fundamental Rights like the Sword of Damocles. So, Marapana’s fear of having to face Rights Cases in court for violating Fundamental Rights is fully justified in the circumstances.

In yet another incident, even as late as 1958, when the Assistant Director of Training (ADT) Fred Brohier asked the question at an interview with some of the those applying for recruitment to the police as to whom a police officer’s loyalty is due, the ADT’s answer in response to various replies given such as: to the Prime Minister; to the Inspector General of Police, etc., was given in very categorical terms: That a Policeman owed his loyalty to no mother’s son, but to the law of the land. He was repeating the same sentiments as that of the IGP Osmund de Silva about the Rule of Law. There were yet others too who followed his example. It was the legendary DIG Sydney de Zoysa who defied such interference by yet another Prime Minster requesting that a certain constable applicant be recruited to the Department even though he did not have the required physical qualifications and yet survived to tell the tale.

A basic constitutional obligation that every policeman has to perform when joining the Police Service is taking an Oath of Allegiance. The Oath simply undertakes to perform one’s duty by the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka and the Law. In other words, it is an undertaking to uphold the Constitution as the SUPREME LAW of the land – protecting Fundamental Rights under the Constitution. In theory, this is a Noble Concept. But how it works in practice in Sri Lanka is entirely a different story as practiced by different governments since Independence.

The Rule of Law has become something of a lip service rather than a Rule of Law – a Law only in the hands of those who call the shots for their benefit raising the usual question ‘Quis custodiet ipsos custodes’? ‘Who will guard the guards themselves’? in the minds of ordinary citizens. Senior Superintendent Marapana was merely reiterating his constitutional obligations, following in the footsteps of Inspector-General Osmund de Silva and others. The issue he rightly raised with the Minister was one of a basic principle of Constitutional Law and not that of obeying orders blindly, just because it came from a political authority. The message, therefore, is loud and clear: ‘A POLICEMAN OWED HIS LOYALTY TO NO OTHER BUT TO THE LAWS OF THE LAND’. A Post Script A basic constitutional obligation that every policeman has to perform when joining the Police Service is taking an Oath of Allegiance. The Oath is as follows:



Continue Reading
Advertisement
Click to comment

Leave a Reply

Your email address will not be published. Required fields are marked *

Features

Is power devolution under JVP-NPP a political daydream?

Published

on

Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga

The JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva’s recent remarks at a news conference in Jaffna where he ruled out the possibility of holding provincial council elections this year has been widely reported and widely criticized. About the same time there was another media event in Jaffna that went largely unnoticed and unreported outside Jaffna. What was said at the second media event may carry far more political implications than Tilvin Silva’s election timing talk. A veteran Tamil political participant made the startling yet not implausible statement that the prospect of having political devolution under the JVP-NPP government is becoming “a daydream”. The statement was made by Dr. K. Vigneswaran, who served as Provincial Secretary to the only North-East Provincial Council Government that was elected under the auspices of the Thirteenth Amendment.

Dr. Vigneswaran is a Professional Civil Engineer who studied at Royal College, graduated with First Class Honours in Engineering in 1964, and went on to complete a pioneering PhD at the university of Waterloo, Canada, applying the finite element method (FEM) in the field of Geotechnical Engineering. His engineering career has always been at the Irrigation Department where he rose to a Deputy Director. That was when the department was in its golden years, and Vigneswaran was known for his technical mentorship, meticulous administrative skills, and for knowing the fine print of everything. While at the Irrigation Department, Vigneswaran married Ramya de Silva, a fellow irrigation Engineer. After 1983, Vigneswaran became a fulltime political activist and a powerful resource in Tamil politics, but with unwavering commitment to nonviolence, democracy and federalism. The family moved first to India and then Canada, and Vigneswaran has been shuttling between Canada and Sri Lanka.

Devolution: Tortuous Trajectory

Since 1987, the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, and the 13th Amendment, Vigneswaran has been a permanent fixture in all the politics and institutional dynamic of implementing 13A and establishing provincial councils. He served as Secretary to the only elected Provincial Government for the Northern and Eastern Provinces. After 1994 and the election of Chandrika Kumaratunga as President, Vigneswaran became a key participant in all the civil society efforts and government initiatives to restore the PCs and implement 13A, both during the Kumaratunga presidency and the succeeding administrations of Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo.

Devolution efforts stalled after the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who in so many words declared that he had no time for 13A or PCs in his presidential agenda, whatever it was. Only that his whole agenda turned out to be a wholesale disaster for the country. Already by then, all the nine Provincial Councils had fallen into abeyance with the cancellation of the 1988 PC elections by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo, with the TNA standing by. The abeyance continues under the JVP-NPP government with no apparent end in sight after Tilvin de Silva’s statement in Jaffna.

I say all this to provide the proper context for Vigneswaran’s statement in Jaffna that the prospects for power devolution under the JVP-NPP government are becoming a political daydream. He said something else as well: that of all the government leaders he has encountered over the years, the only leader who has been genuinely sincere about power devolution is former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, and no one else. I am constrained to add that the insincere category would include Ranil Wickremesinghe, who for all his handsome promises, never matched any of them with experiential sincerity. The present JVP-NPP government still has time to show that they are not an insincere lot.

It is not my purpose to agree with or question Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertions, but to use them as cue and context to comment on the widening mismatch between the JVP-NPP government’s promises and its practices on the matter of power devolution and the restoration of the PC system. With a stalling economy, rising prices and external shocks, it is obvious that the government has all the economic matters to worry about, but that does not mean that it can ignore all the other government responsibilities. No government is put in power to solve a single problem or address a single issue. It is in the nature of governments to deal with multiple problems with varying priorities. Otherwise you could have a single cabinet minister to deal with one problem at a time. That is never going to be the case.

The economy is of course the top of mind priority for the government even as it is a top of mind concern for the people. Even on the economic front, the government is holding steady but is showing little progress. And there are other government initiatives where political accountability will call for answers: to wit, the catchall Clean Sri Lanka programme, ambitious educational reforms, contentious energy sector reforms and, yes, power devolution as well as the overpromised constitutional reforms. Not to mention the sprawling unforced errors over substandard coal imports, foreign exchange fraud, and the chronic neglect of developing the renewable energy sector. Correcting these fields of errors may require a separate ministry for each.

Devolution: Daydream or Deliverable

On the PC system and constitutional reform, there has been scant progress in spite of handsome promises. On both, the government is inadvertently deepening the holes that it had dug itself into through indifference, inaction or procrastination, or all of them and more. In the matter of devolution and provincial councils, the government can simply defuse the situation by directing the Election Commission to conduct elections at the earliest opportunity that is logistically possible. Making his statement in Jaffna, Mr. Tilvin Silva alluded to funding shortfall and legal complications as reasons for the necessity to postpone PC elections until next year. Neither reason holds water.

The funding question would seem to have been put to rest by the statement of Health Minister and Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa, presumably reflecting cabinet consensus, that there are no funding issues and if needed additional funds could be arranged through supplementary allocations. It is also disingenuous to cite legal complications as a reason. The so called legal complications arose because of the collective stupidity of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe parliament that included the then miniscule NPP and the politically-lost TNA. The JVP-NPP has now ballooned from a handful MPs to a two-thirds majority and it can expedite any legislation that it wants to enable the PC elections to be held without delays.

Alternatively, the elections can be held under the old arrangement of proportional representation with assurance by political parties to honour their commitment to fielding more female candidates. Already at a gathering of all political parties, including the NPP (but not the JVP), and civil society groups, convened by People’s Action For Free & Fair Elections (PAFFREL), the political parties jointly committed to a 25% quota for women and youth under the old electoral system. The ongoing parliamentary committee exercise studying the legal matter, headed by the overstretched Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, is also an unnecessary red herring. The Election Commission is ready to go under whatever law or electoral system that is before it. So, there is no reason to hide behind legal complications to further delay the PC elections.

Somewhat amusingly, Public and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala has trotted out the argument that the NPP government has already conducted two nationwide elections during the one and a half years it has been in office, and that unlike the Ranil Wickremesinghe government the JVP-NPP is not in the business “to delay elections for our personal benefit” – whatever that means. Unfortunately, the good minister is missing the point. The question is not how many elections can the JVP-NPP hold in how many years, but how many years do people in the provinces have to wait before they vote in another provincial election? How many more years? That really is the question.

We know the current situation in the provinces. There are provincial governments but no elected provincial councils. The government administration in every province is being run by the President of the Republic through his handpicked governors and unelected government officials. This is a travesty of democracy and the euthanizing of the PC system. Already under 13A, the office of the provincial governors has been constitutionally and legally compared to the office of the Governors of old Ceylon who represented the monarch in what was then a crown colony. The irony is that a JVP-NPP President may have inadvertently positioned himself as the monarch of all he provincially surveys, courtesy of the Thirteenth Amendment!

The JVP was in the forefront of the litigation that caused the demerger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. If Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertion were to prove correct, a potential dissolution of the provincial system under the JVP-NPP government would be the consummation of the JVP’s original opposition to the introduction of the provincial council system itself. The whole system may not be eradicated, but it could be devoured of its democratic essence while preserving the administrative shell as the medium for the country’s president to overreach into the provinces. That would be worse than a daydream, a real nightmare.

by Rajan Philips ✍️

Continue Reading

Features

‘Spectrum’ Art Exhibition Showcases Emerging Talent at Lionel Wendt

Published

on

A new art exhibition, titled Spectrum ,will be held at the Lionel Wendt Art Centre on the 20th and 21st of June 2026, bringing together a collection of works by ten emerging artists.

Athsara Wijegunawardena

Neha Thirumavalavan

Dillai Joseph

Wasantha Siriwardena

Champika Dias

Nipun Dias

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Kalhari Perera

Siromi Samarasinghe

Chandana Illankone

All ten artists have trained under the guidance of renowned Sri Lankan artist Royden Gibbs, and this exhibition marks an important point in their individual journeys.

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Spectrum brings together a mix of styles, subjects and approaches, giving visitors a chance to experience a wide range of work in one place. The exhibition will include pieces in watercolors, soft pastels, oils and charcoal, reflecting both the discipline and personal direction of each artist. The work ranges from scenery and portraits to still life and studies of the human form, offering different ways of seeing and interpreting familiar subjects.

Dillai Joseph

Although they share the same mentor, each artist presents a distinct point of view. The result is a show that feels varied yet connected, with each piece carrying its own character and intent. It is this balance that gives Spectrum its identity.

The exhibition aims to support and highlight emerging talent within Sri Lanka’s art scene, while also creating a space where artists and audiences can connect. Visitors will find work that shifts between quiet observation and more expressive pieces, making it an engaging experience for both seasoned collectors and those simply interested in art.

Spectrum is expected to draw art lovers, collectors, students and members of the wider creative community. It also offers an opportunity to discover and support new artists at an early stage in their careers.

Open to the public over two days, Spectrum invites visitors to experience a range of work in a venue that has long been part of Colombo’s cultural landscape.

Continue Reading

Features

Rewiring Brain: Meditation to Break the Cycle of Craving

Published

on

“Craving begets sorrow, craving begets fear. For him who is free from craving there is no sorrow; how can there be fear for him,” Dhammapada verse 216 states. The mental factor craving, Tanha in Pali, is central to Buddhist Teaching, as its ultimate goal is the cessation or extinction of it—tanhakkhaya. Even though Tanha is translated as craving here, it can sometimes mislead modern readers into thinking tanha only refers to extreme or physical addictions. Just as with any Pali term, it has broad meanings. Venerable Walpola Rahula describes it as “thirst” or unceasing wanting, one of the deep-rooted proclivities or latent tendencies (anusaya) of life (Rahula 1959), without which life as we know would not exist.

Even though the Buddha recognized this natural phenomenon two and a half millennia ago, it was only in the late 20th century that science took note of it and gave it a captivating term—the Hedonic Treadmill. The advantage of this empirical investigation to us Buddhists is that it provides a way to gain penetrative, experiential comprehension (anubodha) of this concept using the vernacular of this technology-savvy age—an alternative to struggling with the language of a bygone era.

These investigations have revealed that there are no hard-to-comprehend metaphysical or mysterious elements involved with this phenomenon; it is a biochemical process fundamental to sustaining life. What is more, an effort to grasp this concept would be well within the goals of Vipassana meditation described in the Sutta Pitaka, incorporating the four elements of investigation: body (kayanupassana), sensations (vedananupassana), mind (chittanupassana), and natural laws (dhammanupassana).

Vipassana and modern science

Vipassana meditation is an in-depth exploration of how humans perceive the world, gain knowledge, and interact with themselves and the environment. Knowing this with wisdom allows one to lead a harmonious way of life (samadhi), a condition conducive to curbing the “thirst” and achieving the Buddhist ideal. The goal of modern science is also to investigate life, but humanity has often used that knowledge to increase material wealth and comfort, providing only lip service to spirituality on the fringe.

An attitude that tends to ignore the consequences of wanting more and more – thirst, potentially endangering the planet. However, that does not prevent us from using scientific information as and aid or a tool to grasp Buddhist concepts. The scientific method bears parallels to the Buddhist approach: it is based on causality (paticcasamuppada), empirical verification (ehipassiko), systematic observation (meditation), and rejecting dogma and beliefs. The primary difference is simply the vocabulary used.

The process of perception: five aggregates

Our five external sense organs receive data (vedana) containing information on the environment: Eyes: receive light, Ears: receive sound, Skin: senses physical contact and temperature, Nose & Tongue: sense chemical properties of substances. The data received by the sense organs is transmitted to the brain, where it is registered as neural networks (sanna). Neural networks, which are interconnected groups of nerve cells (neurons) can be viewed as mind-readable QR codes.

The activity of the brain, or mind (mano), processes this data and converts them into actionable information (sankhara). Modern neuroscience and psychology have made great advances in understanding these processes at the molecular level. This process allows the individual to become aware of their environment, build an autobiographical memory or the notion of a self (atta), and take actions to protect and perpetuate life.

The Pali term vinnana refers to the collection of information committed to memory. Translating vinnana as “consciousness” can be confusing, as the latter often refers to all brain activities. All physical phenomena that sense organs encounter and the mental constructs (sankhara) are referred to as Rupa. This activity of mind forms the basis of all knowledge, representing the entire world as perceived by the individual. This process is what the Teaching refers to as the Five Aggregates (pancakkhanda). The critical takeaway is that the world we perceive is merely a mental construct. While an objective world exists, our sense organs have limitations in seeing it—a fact easily realized through the hundreds of illusions used for entertainment.

Evolution and emotion

The evolutionary purpose of this data processing mechanism is to enable living beings to respond to environmental factors for survival. The psychological and physiological state that arises prior to acting is called emotion. Primarily, emotions can be of three kinds: desire (loba) – seeing a new phone causes an urge to buy it, even though the current one works fine; aversion (dosha) – encountering a vicious dog triggers a “fight or flight” response; delusion (moha) or illusion – an unanswered message to a loved one triggers worry or speculation. Thus, tanha or thirst represents how we connect to the world in its entirety; it can be desire, aversion, and delusion, not merely simple greed. Consequently, these are natural phenomena beyond our immediate control, which are intended to sustain life. In other words, emotions are the forerunner to volitions or intentions, which the Teaching defines as kamma.

The biochemistry of craving

Emotions result from the interaction between the nervous system and biochemicals known as neurotransmitters and neuromodulators (e.g., dopamine, serotonin, epinephrine, GABA, glutamate, acetylcholine, and endorphins). Just as the Buddha’s simile of two bundles of bamboo supporting each other describes, these two processes are interdependent and co-arising. Every thought or emotional state corresponds to patterns of neural firing. When neurons fire, they release these chemicals into synapses, influencing how one feels and acts. This release perturbs the body’s normal balance, or homeostasis. Once an action is complete, these chemicals are reabsorbed, and the body returns to its baseline.

Return to baseline is essential for survival. For example, if we stay satisfied with just one meal forever, we could not sustain life. Nature has developed another mechanism to prevent us from being satisfied – we also habituate. In the case of dopamine, the brain adapts by reducing the response to the same stimulus. To get the same level of satisfaction with repeated experiences, the amounts of neurotransmitters needed keeps increasing. This leads to the cycle of craving and dissatisfaction—the Hedonic Treadmill. You “run” toward happiness on the treadmill, but it does not take you anywhere, leaving you in the same emotionally unsatisfactory state, wanting more and more.

Breaking the cycle

This explains why achievements and possessions do not bring permanent happiness, and lead to a cycle of struggle, addiction, crime, and other ills of society. For Buddhists, it also explains why we cling to meaningless rituals. The Dhamma captured this complex phenomenon in the Four Noble Truths: pleasant experiences are impermanent (anicca), leading to grasping (tanha) and unsatisfactoriness (dukkha). The remedy is the Eightfold Path that involves wisdom (panna), conduct (sila), and harmony (samadhi).

Neuroplasticity and the point of liberation

While we cannot stop the sense organs from receiving stimulation (vedana) and sending them to brain, the mind can be developed to prevent vedana from leading to tanha. This is the “point of liberation,” the seventh link in the paticcasamuppada formula. We may not have free will, but we have ‘Free Won’t’ or the ability to say no to the natural tendency to act upon stimuli. We can rewire our neural connections to do so. This ability can be cultivated by practice and repetition, and neuroscience refers to it as neuroplasticity—the brain’s ability to change with experience.

The natural tendency of the brain is to strengthen frequently used neural networks while weakening and eliminating lesser used networks and building new ones as needed. This is known as neural plasticity or rewiring the brain. As described in the Eight-fold Path, the way to weaken and eliminate dopamine-driven neural networks includes three aspects. First, the process leading to thirst must be understood. One must engage in sila – activities and thoughts that cultivate Metta: loving-kindness and goodwill, Karuna: compassion, Mudita: appreciative joy, and Upekkha: equanimity, emotional stability, calmness, and evenness of mind in the face of gain and loss, praise and blame, fame and disrepute, pleasure, and pain. That must be done with wisdom, ritualistic behavior does not strengthen the correct neural networks. These activities promote a “cocktail” of oxytocin, serotonin, and GABA, subduing the role of dopamine and helping us step off the Hedonic Treadmill. This leads to a tranquil state of mind and a harmonious existence – samadhi. Again, it is an interdependent, co-arising process that improves upon repetition. Using mind altering substances hijacks this process, thus the need for adhering to the Fifth Precept.

The goal of Vipassana is to understand this process and train the mind to say “no” to tanha. It is not just about sitting on a mat; it requires developing a lifestyle that maintains homeostasis or harmony, samadhi, at every moment. Pali term bhavana means the development of wisdom and insight. In modern vernacular – rewiring brain. This model must be assessed for its efficacy by the individual and realize the benefits by themselves –ehipassiko; knowledge without practice does not work. According to what the Buddha taught, that is the path to cessation or extinction of craving – tanhakkhaya, the supreme goal.

by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D. ✍️

Continue Reading

Trending