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ECAFE, ESCAP and Mrs. B’s keen eye for detail

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by Leelananda De Silva

The Economic Commission for Asia and the Far East (it changed its name in Colombo in 1974 to Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, ESCAP), is the regional commission of the United Nations, located in Bangkok. When it was originally set up in the late 1940s, Colombo was the preferred choice for its location. The then government was not inclined to have this kind of international organization in Colombo at the time, as the quiet life of Colombo would have been disturbed.

Gamani Corea talks about this in his memoirs, and it was a missed opportunity. Years later, in March 1974, the 30th annual sessions of ECAFE were held in Colombo at the Bandaranaike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH). I have enjoyed a long connection with ECAFE and ESCAP, beginning in 1972 lasting nearly 40 years, as a delegate from Sri Lanka, as a consultant to it, and later as one of its historians.

But my most important engagement with ECAFE and ESCAP was in March 1974, when I had the responsibility to organize the Annual Sessions in Colombo. I was the Secretary General of the Conference. This was the largest ever international Conference to be held in Colombo until that time and the first to be held at the newly constructed Bandaranike Memorial International Conference Hall (BMICH).

Organizing the 301 annual sessions was not plain sailing. The BMICH had just been completed, and the facilities there were meagre. While electricity, water supply and furniture were there, there were many other missing elements, and a lot of hard work was involved getting the BMICH ready for ECAFE.

Ten days before the Conference, we were getting a bit nervous and I requested Mrs. Bandaranaike to convene a meeting of high level officials to sort out the problems at the BMICH itself. She obliged and we had a productive meeting. I remember, among about 10 officials present, were D.B.I.P.S. Siriwardhana, Secretary of one of the relevant ministries, B.A. Jayasinghe, Municipal Commissioner, and Stanley Senanayake, the IGP.

Mrs. Bandaranaike’s intervention was brief. She told the officials that she wanted to make this conference a success and that it should be seen as a trial run for the Non Aligned Summit. She then said that she expects everyone there to cooperate with the Ministry of Planning. That meeting ended most of our problems.

One little incident is illustrative of the problems we had. On the morning of the opening of the Conference by Mrs. Bandaranaike, she rang me at home very early and said that she had been looking at the pictures of the hall where the sessions were to be held, appearing in the newspapers that day, and that there was no lectern for her to make her opening speech. We had missed this vital piece of equipment and had to rush a lectern into the hall. This also illustrates Mrs. Bandaranaike’s powers of observation, and if not for her intervention, we would have looked foolish indeed.

I prepared Mrs. Bandaranaike’s speech for the Conference, in consultation with her. Its main thrust was to propose the establishment of a World Fertilizer Fund. Mrs. Bandaranaike was anxious to develop a foreign economic policy which reflected the interests of the country and of other developing countries, prior to the Non Aligned Conference. It was to be pursued later at the World Food Conference in Rome in November 1974, leading to a UN General Assembly resolution on the establishment of an International Fertilizer Supply Scheme, and which led to its actual establishment.

The proposal was based on the premise that it is better for the developing countries to receive fertilizer aid than food aid, as fertilizers would enable many countries to expand agricultural production. There was a scarcity of fertilizer supplies at the time due to the oil crisis, and the prices had increased sharply. The proposal was based on Sri Lanka’s own experience and that of several other countries. The annual sessions adopted a resolution to study the proposal in depth.

Apart from this proposal of Sri Lanka, the other important decision of the Conference was to change its name from ECAFE to ESCAP. The term “Far East” appeared to some countries like Indonesia as colonial phraseology. J.B.P Maramis, from Indonesia had just taken over as Executive Secretary of ECAFE, and he was the man behind the change of name. I was to work closely with Maramis, in Colombo for the 30th annual sessions.

There were other little aspects in Conference organization which come to mind. Nauru, the small Pacific island, rich in phosphates is a member of ESCAP. Its president attended the Conference and gave a cheque to Sri Lanka of US dollars one hundred thousand towards its costs. This was a generous contribution, as that almost covered the Sri Lankan costs in organizing this Conference.

Those days the costs were modest in undertaking this type of venture. Helvi Sipila, who was Finnish, was the assistant secretary general from New York representing the Secretary General of the UN at the Conference. She was going to be the Secretary General of the first UN Conference on Women to be held in Mexico later. She was anxious to meet Mrs. Bandaranaike for a private chat, and I accompanied her to have tea with Mrs. Bandaranaike at her office (much later Helvi Sipila was to run for the post of president of Finland).

Then there was a protocol issue with one delegation, Bangladesh. Sri Lankan- Bangladesh relations were very touchy at this time. Nurul Islam, a leading Asian economist and • Vice Chairman of the Bangladesh Planning Commission was leading the delegation. He was not received at the airport as a minister, because he was not one. But he was upset and lodged a complaint to the effect that the office of Vice Chairman of the Planning Commission in Bangladesh was at ministerial level. Did we not know that the Vice Chairman of the Indian Planning Commission was a minister?

Anyway, he had to be calmed down with an apology. Then there was another Sri Lankan minister who complained that MPs were not appropriately seated in the guest stalls, and that public servants had obtained precedence. Before I end my reflections of these annual sessions, I must record here, the hard work that was put in by some of the members of the Planning Ministry who were involved in its organization. Wilfred Nanayakkara was a source of great assistance. Indrani Sri Chandrasekara, Chandra Rodrigo, M.S Sally, Upah Gunawardane and Heather Schumacher attended to various aspects in organizing this Conference.

Leaving behind what was one of the highlights of my relationship with ECAFE and ESCAP, there were other points of interaction with this organization in my seven years in the planning ministry. In April 1973, I attended the 29th annual sessions of ECAFE in Tokyo, as a delegate from Sri Lanka. Arthur Basnayake, the Sri Lankan Ambassador in Japan led the delegation, and Manel Kannangara, (now Abeysekara), who was Sri Lanka’s Permanent Representative to ECAFE in Bangkok was the other member. It was a very happy delegation and we had a wonderful time in Tokyo.

The Prime Minister of Japan (Kakuei Tanaka) hosted a grand cherry blossom party at the Sinjuku gardens. At the Conference itself, there was a heartfelt farewell to U. Nyun, the Burmese Executive Secretary of ECAFE who had been there for over 10 years. J.B.P Maramis from Indonesia was appointed in his place. I remember that the news of the death of Dudley Senanayake reached us in Tokyo at that time.

There was a sideshow to the main annual sessions. This was the signing of the treaty establishing the Asian Clearing Union in Tokyo. The Governor of the Central Bank, Herbert Tennekoon was present for this occasion, and I was asked to assist him. He requested my help in drafting a speech, and he suggested to me that something about the gold standard should be included in his speech. I told him that the gold standard was now outmoded, and a reference to it will be out of place. He insisted on this and we decided on some harmless phraseology.

I had attended the preliminary meetings on the Asian Clearing Union in Bangkok, along with Gunaratnam (Gunam) and Hema de Zoysa, both from the Central Bank. Getting away from annual sessions, an ECAFE meeting I remember vividly was the one held in 1972 on the proposal to establish an Asian Reserve Bank (ARB). The ARB was to be some kind of a regional IMF, and at the Bangkok meeting the advisor to ECAFE on this subject was the famous economist, Robert Triffin, the father of the European monetary union project.

It was fascinating to listen to him. I feel that the Asian region missed a great opportunity in not proceeding with the ARB project. Forty years later, it might now be an appropriate time for it. ECAFE under U. Nyun, the Executive Secretary had been active in the 1960s and early 1970s in promoting regional cooperation. I was later to write the history of ECAFE/ESCAP for the UN intellectual history project.

(Excerpted from Leelananda De Silva’s autobiography, The Long Littleness of Life. A member of the Sri Lanka Administrative Service, from 1960-78, he was Senior Assistant Secretary and Director of Economic Affairs at the Ministry o Planning and Economic Affairs in the 1970s working closelywith Prime Minister Sirim Bandaranaike. He thereafter worked for many years as a senior international consultant for several UN and non-UN bodies.)



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Features

From stabilisation to transformation without delay

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At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.

When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.

Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.

Guaranteed Changes

On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.

The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.

Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.

After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.

Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.

Inter-Connected

There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.

Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.

The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.

Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.

The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.

by Jehan Perera

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Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework

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Some of the researchers at the meeting

In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.

The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.

The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.

Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.

Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.

Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.

The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.

Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.

The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.

Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.

Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.

The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.

 

By Ifham Nizam

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Back home … for a special occasion

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Seven Notes: Sri Lankans based in Dubai – with Niluk (second from left)

Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.

Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!

In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.

Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle

In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.

“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”

Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.

They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.

Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.

Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.

“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”

The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation

After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.

Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.

Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.

Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.

Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.

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