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A JOURNEY THROUGH SRI LANKA’S NIGHT

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by Razeen Sally

Our life is a journey
Through winter and night
We look for our way
In a sky without light

Louis-Ferdinand Céline,Journey to the End of the Night

I had watched Sri Lanka’s latest catastrophe unfold from the safety and comfort of Singapore, not having been to the country for two years due to the pandemic. But I felt this catastrophe personally. I am half Sri Lankan. Colombo is my hometown, where I spent most of my childhood. After an almost three-decade absence, I returned to Sri Lanka in my forties and spent a decade travelling its length and breadth to write a travel memoir. From 2015 to 2018, I was an economic-policy adviser to the government.

I arrived at Katunayake airport in late April. A score of porters stood idle around luggage conveyor belts – one sign of chronic overstaffing in Sri Lanka’s public sector. Once on the Southern Expressway, there were striking differences from pre-pandemic times: roadside billboards were naked, reduced to their iron frames, denuded of advertising; shops and small tourist hotels and eateries were shuttered and boarded up.

Galle was front and centre in the post-2009 tourist boom, heaving with visitors all year round, with a transformative facelift of its crumbling buildings and soaring property prices. But now I saw hardly any foreign tourists, just a Colombo crowd down for the weekend.On May 9, the government imposed a nationwide curfew. In Colombo, there had been violence between Rajapaksa supporters and protestors demanding the resignation of Gotabaya, Mahinda and the rest of the government. Mahinda resigned that afternoon. That night mobs burnt down homes belonging to the Rajapaksa clan and other Rajapaksa-supporting politicians.

Armed with a tourist permit to avoid the continuing curfew, my driver Nihal and I, accompanied by Indian friends visiting from Singapore, drove from Galle to Tissamaharama. The coast road was predictably quiet. Most shops were shut, and the odd police or army checkpoint waved us through. Just out of Tangalle, the scenery changed suddenly from the deep dark green of the wet zone to the dry zone’s wider spaces and bigger skies, more economical vegetation, a paler shade of green and fewer people.

On my previous visits, Tangalle and Hambantota were plastered with posters and billboards of the Rajapaksa brothers and Mahinda’s son Namal. This time none were to be seen. A police and army cordon protected Carlton House, the family’s home in Tangalle. Right opposite, lying by the main road, was the toppled statue of D.A. Rajapaksa, Gota’s and Mahinda’s father and founder of the dynasty, a victim of anti-Rajapaksa retribution on May 9.

Initially we were the only guests at our hotel in Tissamaharama. Priyantha, a boat operator on Tissawewa, complained of hard times: no tourists, no diesel for his boat, his children’s school without new textbooks due to a paper shortage, skyrocketing prices for everything. Nearby Kataragama, normally jam-packed with worshippers from all over the island and lots of tourists, was eerily quiet.

From the south coast, Nihal and I drove to Kandy. The Kandy road seemed to be a never-ending stretch of cars, lorries, motorbikes and three-wheelers queueing for petrol and diesel, often sprouting subsidiary branches snaking down side roads. Many stations had run out of fuel; vehicles were parked in queues overnight, their drivers hoping to get fuel the following morning. This day, May 16, was Vesak. But this was the most subdued Vesak I had seen: just a few lanterns here and there, no pandals, and much less food at threadbare roadside stalls.

The following day I walked around a down-at-heel Kandy. The handful of tourists I saw were young backpackers. The Suisse and Queens, Kandy’s venerable colonial hotels, looked even more faded than they did before the pandemic, in dire need of renovation. I popped into a sepulchral Suisse for tea, seemingly the only guest that afternoon. Opposite Queens, bordering the Tooth Temple, several tourist shops and a hotel had closed down.

Back at my hotel, one of the managers told me his family were now drinking tea without milk and not eating chicken to cut down on expenses – a symptom of hyperinflation immiserating the middle class. He said poorer folk in his village were down to one meal a day. Parents were giving up meals to feed their children. Many – all day labourers in the informal economy – had lost their jobs. On my last day in Kandy I spent a couple of late-afternoon hours with Ruwan, one of the founders of the Aragalaya protests in Kandy. We met close to the small group of protesters settled in by the central roundabout and clock tower.

Ruwan, in his late twenties, with unkempt black hair and a straggly brown goatee, had an earnest sincerity and practical idealism I found immediately attractive. He spoke in intelligible, though sometimes halting, English. He was a village boy who got top A-level grades and went to the University of Peradeniya. After graduation and a Colombo internship, he ran a small advertising business from his village home, where he looked after his widowed father. He remained a villager at heart, rejecting the noise, dirt and money-driven rat race that, he thought, poisoned human relations in Colombo. He took his Buddhist philosophy and meditation seriously: a simple, focused, present-in-the-moment life was his Buddhist ideal.

Ruwan told me of his entrepreneurial plans: marketing organic agricultural products from his village; a bike-sharing scheme in Kandy that had won him a nationwide competition. And of his myriad other pursuits: singing in a Sinhala folk-rock band, for which he composed songs with social and environmental commentary; a few screenplays for teledramas; and a novel he was writing on three generations of a family of Kandyan dancers, drawing on his own family and village experience. A visit to the Aragalaya protests in Colombo convinced him to start something similar with a group of friends in Kandy. He was hopeful the movement would bring about real change – “maybe 40 per cent if not 100 per cent”. And determined, unlike so many of his university contemporaries, not to emigrate but to stay in his homeland and do his bit.

Ruwan’s simple life-philosophy, his idealism and engagement, and his varied talents, reminded me how much potential there was in Sri Lanka’s heartlands. But it had long been quashed by the country’s entrenched elite and its noxious politics. And depleted by decades of emigration to faraway places with more opportunities than obstacles – emigration is accelerating fast in the present crisis.

From Kandy I went to the high tea country for a week. The winding, climbing road to Nuwara Eliya was practically deserted, free of the usual traffic of local and foreign tourists, but, alas, still scarred by the billboards that uglify landscapes along Sri Lanka’s main roads. And from Nuwara Eliya we drove to the Uva hills, where my father was born and grew up, and where I spent childhood holidays on a little tea estate.

The petrol queues were nearly as long as they were on the Colombo-Kandy road. Wherever I went I heard the same complaints about fuel, cooking-gas and milk-powder shortages, and prices of eggs, meat, fish and vegetables going through the roof. But life in these mostly rural areas did not seem quite as desperate as it was in the cities and big towns, at least for those who tilled their own land: Sinhala villagers had their paddy fields, orchards, cows and hens to fall back on; and Tamil estate workers assiduously cultivated large, neat vegetable plots next to often straggly tea bushes, rusting tea factories and the cramped, cheek-by-jowl line-rooms they lived in. Most had ready access to firewood for cooking. But even they were anxious about the fertiliser shortage that endangered the next harvest.

I arrived in Colombo after over a month outstation. How different it looked from my last visit in February 2020: so many shops and offices closed – on a Monday afternoon; half the population seemingly queueing for fuel and kerosene; multi-storey hotels, malls and condos on and just off the Galle Road, now hulking eyesores with construction suspended due to lack of finance and concrete. At one end of Galle Face Green, right next to the Aragalaya protest site, Port City lay idle, as it had done since early 2020 when its Chinese workers were whisked back to their homeland. And I saw beggars in numbers I had not seen since my childhood in the 1970s: often wizened men and women with destitution and hopelessness written in their downcast eyes.

Conversations with old friends and acquaintances were almost uniformly depressing. Corruption was endemic: grand larceny at the top and everyday petty graft at the bottom. Hyperinflation, food and fuel shortages and power cuts made daily life a wasteful, exhausting grind. Burglary was on the rise; the poor were getting desperate. Many bemoaned a galloping brain drain. Local companies were haemorrhaging professional staff who were probably leaving the country for good. But the Colombo rich were still OK, filling their favourite clubs, hotel bars and restaurants and upscale malls most evenings.

On a clear, balmy Sunday night I paid my first visit to the Aragalaya protest site, passing crowds of all ages promenading on Galle Face Green, enjoying the post-sunset Indian Ocean breeze. The Aragalaya cluster of tents, stalls and raised wooden stages started right in front of the Shangri La hotel, mall and condo complex, an in-your-face contrast between an elite in glass-encased airconditioned luxury and a suffering majority outside. A flag-bedecked “Love Stage” obscured a roadside view of the statue of S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike. Big white boards attached to a fence were filled with protest scrawls in Sinhala, English and, very occasionally, Tamil. One board displayed mugshots of all the Rajapaksa clan involved in politics. I passed a small tent with a makeshift “art gallery”, and a much larger one housing a well-frequented lending library.

One raised stage had a twenty-something man pumping his fist and shouting a slogan about Rajapaksa “robbers” repetitively, punctuated by an equally young woman singing the refrain, to the rhythmic beat of drums and cymbals. On another stage a university student, to emphasise communal unity, shouted Sinhala Ape … Damila Ape … Muslim Ape … Lanka Ape. The crowds were overwhelmingly young and Sinhala, but with Muslims and a few Tamils mixed in, even including the odd head-shaven, saffron-robed Buddhist monk and white-cassocked Catholic priest.

As I walked by one tent, my gaze turned towards a young man in a wheelchair, clad in a banian and sarong and with dishevelled hair. He made direct eye contact and beckoned me over, addressing me in Sinhala, his speech a little slurred. He took firm hold of my hand with his good hand – the other arm was skeletal, ending in a stump just below the elbow – placed it on the back of his scalp to one side, and ran it across and down to his forehead. It felt ridge-like and lumpy. These were bullet wounds, he said. He pointed to a bullet wound under one eyebrow. The eye below was clearly disfigured. A scar crossed his Adam’s apple – another bullet wound. Then he raised himself using a long crutch, lifted his sarong and showed me a broad gash running down the side of his lame leg – more bullet wounds. He told me he was hit by an LTTE sniper on Nandikidal lagoon, only two months after he got engaged. He spent over a year in a coma and the next five in hospitals undergoing surgeries and rehabilitation. Now he lived on a war veteran’s disability pension, unable to work. And never married.

As we chatted, other disabled veterans gathered round. Two had leg prosthetics, victims of landmines from battles in the Jaffna peninsula. They had all been here, in their disabled war veterans’ tent, since the first day of the protests. It was now Day 58. I found it difficult to keep up with their fast village Sinhala, but “system change”, oft repeated in English, was easy enough to understand.

My last trip outstation was to Jaffna. The scenery changed dramatically once we passed Vavuniya and entered the Vanni, becoming flat, arid, almost airless scrub jungle under an enormous sky and immensely distant horizons. We passed Kilinochchi. On my first visit, over a decade earlier, it was practically deserted, full of empty spaces where the LTTE’s buildings, parade ground and giant cemetery for its fallen soldiers had been razed to the ground by the victorious Sri Lankan army. Now it looked transformed. The smooth A9, heavily potholed a decade ago, expanded to four lanes through a town centre packed with gleaming white shops and showrooms.

The scenery changed again as we approached the causeway at Pooneryn. Parched brown scrub jungle gave way to a shallow expanse of glistening water and, entering the Jaffna peninsula, groves of black-brown palmyrahs, paddy fields and vegetable plots.

We entered Jaffna town, also busier and noisier than I had seen it before. There were new shops and eating houses, hotels and guest houses, reception halls, Hindu temples which looked like money had recently been lavished on them, and more cars and motorbikes replacing the ubiquitous bicycles I had seen on my first visit just over a decade earlier. Battered Austin Cambridges and Morris Oxfords from the 1950s and ‘60s, kept running during the lean war years, were then a familiar sight. Now I saw just one lonesome Austin Cambridge parked in a garage. In town and around the peninsula, ancestral homes that had been destroyed or lay derelict during the war had been rebuilt or renovated by their owners in Colombo and abroad. A new Indian Cultural Centre, built by the Indian government, was now the tallest building in town. But some sights and smells had not changed: plastic and other rubbish strewn on roadsides; the stench of open drains; roaming packs of stray dogs. And maddeningly dangerous driving: motorbikes, three wheelers and bicycles kept shooting out of side roads and sped across the main road.

On previous visits I had heard much about Jaffna’s post-war problems: grievances against the army and the government in Colombo; caste divisions; and disaffected youth freely spending money sent by relatives in the diaspora, indulging in drink and drugs, or whose only ambition was to emigrate. None of that had gone away. But Jaffna, like Kilinochchi, clearly had a post-war bounce. It was up and doing again, partially reviving its pre-war reputation for industriousness, alongside thrift and a thirst for education.

Selvi, introduced to me by a Colombo friend, embodied what I thought were the best Jaffna qualities. In her mid-twenties, short and bespectacled, she came to see me sprucely turned out in her Sunday best of long blouse and pants, her long raven hair brushed straight back. Her English was good. She had a mind of her own and exuded confidence.

There was tragedy in the family. Selvi’s father, a contractor, had an accident; his operation went wrong and he died after four months in hospital. A few months later, her adored younger brother, just nineteen, whose ambition was to become a pilot, committed suicide. She was left alone to support her traumatised mother.

Selvi wanted to make a career in aviation. She put herself through a training school in Colombo and was doing part-time jobs for aviation companies at Jaffna’s Palaly airport. She ran a vegetable export business on the side that generated a steady income. She did not want to rely on handouts from relatives in the diaspora, let alone emigrate via an arranged marriage with a diaspora Jaffna Tamil. Rather she wanted to stay, look after her mother and make the most of professional possibilities in post-war Sri Lanka. She told me there was a younger, aspirational generation in Jaffna without wartime baggage, who wanted to bridge old divides and mix productively with other Sri Lankans.

Jaffna, like the rest of the country, had its long queues in front of petrol stations, shortages of this and that, and hyperinflation. But it cast a different light on Sri Lanka’s present crisis to what I had seen elsewhere in the country. On our last evening in town, my hosts and I met a livewire doctor at the Northgate hotel bar, nursing a weird multicoloured cocktail and conversing in his fast-and-furious, semi-broken English. He was based at Jaffna hospital just around the corner.

He warned us to steer well clear of stray dogs; the country had run out of the anti-rabies vaccine, not to mention other essential medicines. Then he added: “The rest of the country is miserable because they don’t have petrol and cooking gas and suffer daily power cuts. But, during the war, we went for years without petrol, cooking gas and electricity. We had bombs dropping on us. We were terrorised by the army and the LTTE. This is nothing in comparison. So we cope as best we can and get on with life.”

The crisis got even worse after I left in June. In late July, the swelling Aragalaya protests finally prompted Gotabaya Rajapaksa to flee the country and resign as president. But the protestors’ victory was hollow. Parliament voted in Ranil Wickremesinghe as the new president. He owed his election to SLPP MPs and the backing of the Rajapaksas. He appointed a new prime minister and cabinet of Rajapaksa loyalists. The army and police cleared the Aragalaya protest site; some protesters were arrested and prosecuted.

There was no “system change”. Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s unopposed return to Colombo in early September, enjoying all the privileges due to a former head of state, was proof enough that the system really had not changed. Sri Lanka’s economic and humanitarian crisis continues, so far without substantial reforms to turn the situation round. Complex negotiations with international organisations (the IMF, World Bank and ADB), sovereign creditors (especially China, India and Japan) and mainly US-based private bondholders are proceeding slowly. For ordinary Sri Lankans, there is no end in sight to their suffering.Razeen Sally is author of Return to Sri Lanka: Travels in a Paradoxical Island. He was a professor at the London School of Economics and the National University of Singapore, chairman of the Institute of Policy Studies, and an adviser to the Sri Lankan government.



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Features

Investing in ecosystems

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Biodiversity is the sum of all the patterns of life that nature creates in biomass

An ecosystem is defined as a geographic area where biotic (living) organisms—plants, animals, microorganisms interact with each other and with the abiotic (non-living) components like air, water, sunlight, and soil, creating a self-sustaining unit of life. A pond with its attendant diversity is the ecosystem that supports pondlife, from frogs to fish or dragonflies, while an ocean is an ecosystem that supports fish to whales. So, it will be seen that ecosystems and their components change with scale.  This creates a challenge for investment, what is the scale chosen for investment in the ecosystem?

In terms of biodiversity, ecosystems represent an evolutionary process over geological time, to sustain life through climate extremes.  Over the span of existence, life forms and consequently their ecosystems have developed to be responsive to changes and represent the most successful combination of species in that environment.

On a geographic scale they manifest today as tropical rainforest or as temperate peatland or Andean paramo, each displaying a unique biodiversity complex that enables sustainability of that ecosystem in that place. These patterns suggest that the form and function of any resident ecosystem can provide a guide for designing restoration programmes and activities in that environment.

During the last two centuries, the landscapes of Sri Lanka were subject to massive changes. The total destruction of the montane forests, removed both above ground and below ground biomass. Fire cleared the land of standing vegetation, followed by the erosion of eons of topsoil.  The forests were replaced with monoculture plantations which were very low in biodiversity.  A response to address this loss of forest biodiversity was proposed as a ‘tree dominated ecosystem analogous to the lost native forest’. This system was tested and codified as Analog Forestry. In this process the structure and function of the original forest is used as the baseline for creating a tree dominated ecosystem.

Why should we try to mimic forests? Forests produce oxygen, filter water, cool landscapes, support biodiversity and provide renewable biomass as critical ecosystem services.  In addition, forest soils contain one of the most species rich ecosystems on the planet, full of microbial life, while at the same time acting as a repository of organic carbon that stores moisture and substrate.  Yet conventional financial systems treat the destruction of this productive infrastructure as a negative externality to the cost of doing business, forcing the environment to bear the cost. The pollution output of industry is an example.  Similarly, the loss of ecosystem services was ignored as a negative externality to the cost of establishing  plantations. It is the accumulation of these externalities that has brought us to the present crisis in environmental sustainability.

 Analog Forestry seeks to reclaim some of the lost ecosystem services by establishing a tree-dominated ecosystem that is analogous in architectural structure and ecological function to the original climax or sub climax vegetation community.  This vegetation complex may comprise natural or exotic species in any proportion, the contribution to creating an ecosystem analogous in structure and function, being a major factor that determines its design.  The ecological functions of the system can be measured by a number of variables.  The most critical being an understanding of the architecture that evolves in any ecosystem  progressing  through the process of seral succession. After this, functions within this ecosystem can be addressed. Some examples are; the ecological function of providing microhabitat, keystone species, stabilizing nutrient cycles, or maintaining trophic flows.

Analog Forestry also draws on the strengths of traditional knowledge.  Many traditional responses mimic the structure or succession process of their local forest vegetation.  The use of successional stages of natural ecosystems to design cropping systems have been recorded in many traditions. Analog Forestry encourages further complexity into the structure of such cropping systems, thus creating space for many species of the original forest to extend their ranges, either by design or effect.

As the species composition in each design varies according to different production goals, species utilised are selected from a comprehensive database.

It is in the output of this ecosystem where value can be generated and a platform for investment can be offered. Currently, only the farm product entering the economy has value in the market. The farm ecosystem has no value.  One way to increase both biodiversity and rural income is by value addition through certification systems confirming clean, responsible production as in organic or regenerative agriculture.  However, the true value of the contributions of ecosystem services generated by the farm, remain opaque to the economy.

The global economy operates on a fundamental accounting error: it classifies the depletion of natural capital as a “negative externality” to the cost of any process in creating a product. Thus, pollution of air, water or soil are considered negative externalities, with no responsibility by the consumer.

 A useful response to this negative trend is to consider creating a product that enhances natural capital through actions such as oxygen production, water purification, climate regulation, soil formation or biodiversity maintenance.

These activities generate positive externalities into the environment and have been recognised for what they are, Ecosystem Services.  Current economic models place the global value of ecosystem services at exceeding $145 trillion annually, substantially exceeding global GDP.  However, these services remain invisible on current institutional balance sheets.

An early attempt at utilising ecosystem services was the capitalisation of biomass through the voluntary carbon and biodiversity credit market. Driven by net-zero commitments, mandatory ESG disclosure frameworks, which are part of the reporting frameworks used by companies for the disclosure of data covering business operations, were developed; They address opportunities and risks that are related to environmental, social and governance (ESG) aspects of business. The Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework’s 30×30 conservation targets, which  mandates signatory nations to effectively conserve and manage at least 30% of the world’s terrestrial, inland water, and coastal and marine areas by 2030, while simultaneously placing 30% of degraded ecosystems under active restoration, create a demand for high-integrity environmental credits. This demand has  been accelerating at a pace at which the existing market infrastructure cannot adequately serve. The combined addressable market across carbon, biodiversity, water and ecosystem credits are projected to exceed $370 billion by 2035.

The regulatory frameworks driving this growth such as the TNFD  a global, market-led initiative that provides organisations with a risk management and disclosure framework to identify, assess, manage, and report on their nature-related dependencies, impacts, risks, and opportunities, or the CSRD a new European law that requires organisations to report sustainability information on an annual basis, are already in force.

Analog Forestry provides opportunities for investment in the ecosystems that it creates by providing high value outputs across a range of ecosystem services. For example,the high values placed on carbon sequestration services in the carbon market, could create designs in the floral architecture to provide the greatest aboveground biomass. Such designs could also provide effective cooling of the ambient atmosphere through transpiration. The application of Analog Forestry promotes the growth of organic soils that increase the water retentivity value of that land. A further output is the conservation of biodiversity facilitated by trophic and microhabitat creation.

Investment in such processes requires the setting and monitoring of standards in regard to the chain of custody in the supply of crops to markets or for conservation of biodiversity.  In Analog Forestry such a standard was instituted by the International Analog Forestry Network (IAFN) in response to the demand for a certification system that conforms to the philosophy and principles of Analog Forestry. This system of certification, termed Forest Garden Products (FGP), has been functioning for over 20 years and standards maintained by the IAFN. The certification confirms clean production and biodiversity conservation.

A more complete evaluation of the ecosystem is one that combines all the value fractions of a land, this has been introduced by AQUAE Labs as the Aquae Labs Ecosystem Conservation Index (ALCI).  It has been presented as the world’s first scientifically rigorous, field-validated set of measurement protocols for the financial recognition of natural capital. This system measures ecosystems as living, productive, regenerative infrastructure—and converts their verified output into institutional-grade, tradeable, insured digital assets. Their protocols are available to any interested person.

Thus, environmentally restorative activity has a large potential for generating business opportunities, ranging from  investment in data secure tokens to trading in a diverse range of products and outcomes, Analog Forestry provides an example of a production design for the direction ahead.

 by Dr. Ranil Senanayake

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In the shadow of the Pacific: Decoding El Niño within a landscape of local scepticism

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In the tea-scented hills, the sprawling paddy fields of the dry zone, in various types of daily conversations, academic disclosures at very high levels, extremely loud political discussions in all areas of our Motherland, and even in the crowded markets of Colombo, a single phrase of foreign origin has begun to circulate with the ominous weight of a prophecy: El Niño. It is talked about as a vile harbinger of impending doom.

To many Sri Lankans already battered by years of economic turbulence, as well as unreliable and incompetent political governance, the warnings issued from global climate monitors and the Department of Meteorology of our island, sound just like the dastardly plot of a dystopian novel. We are told that from about July 2026, the island would face an unprecedented climate threat: a major drought capable of drying up reservoirs, decimating crops, and crippling an already fragile power grid.

Yet for all that, as the rhetoric heats up, so does public scepticism. In a nation aimlessly navigating through a severely bruised rupee, skyrocketing costs of living, erratic transport costs, and an endless cycle of political scandals, a collective weariness has set in. It is completely natural to ask: “Is this climate crisis real? Or is it merely a well-timed political smoke screen, a government ploy designed to divert our gaze from systemic corruption, economic mismanagement, and the everyday struggle to survive?”

To find the truth, we must separate genuine meteorological science from political convenience and understand that nature’s cycles have been profoundly altered by the modern world.

Framework of a Distant Monster: What really is El Niño?

El Niño

, which is Spanish for “The Boy Child,” named by Peruvian fishermen who noticed the warm ocean currents peaking around Christmas, is not a sudden, man-made disaster or an unpredictable catastrophe that is profoundly inevitable. It is one half of the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) Cycle; the planet’s most powerful natural climate driver. Under normal conditions of the globe, strong trade winds blow from East to West across the equatorial Pacific Ocean, pushing warm surface water towards Asia and Australia, while deep, cold, nutrient-rich water wells up along the South American coast.

During an El Niño event, these trade winds weaken or even completely reverse. The pool of warm water sloshes backwards, migrating toward the Americas. This shift alters the atmospheric circulation across the entire globe, shifting jet streams and flipping weather patterns upside down. Where there was rain, there is drought; where there was dry air, there are torrential floods.

The weakening of the trade winds does not happen spontaneously. Instead, it is the result of a massive, fragile feedback loop between the ocean and the atmosphere known as the Bjerknes Feedback. We need to think of the Pacific Ocean as a giant bathtub. Normally, trade winds push all the warm water to the West (near Asia), leaving cold water in the East (near South America). Because the West is warm, it creates rising air, clouds, and low pressure. Because the East is cold, it creates sinking air and high pressure. This pressure difference is what keeps the winds blowing.

An El Niño event begins when this loop encounters a disruption. Deep in the Western Pacific, sudden, intense bursts of wind blowing from the West (opposite of normal trade winds) occur. These are often triggered by natural weather phenomena, like the Madden-Julian Oscillation, described as a massive band of rain and wind that circles the globe every 30 to 60 days.

Then there is the Oceanic Wave. These wind bursts push a massive, subsurface wave of warm water, called a Kelvin Wave, in the direction of the East across the Pacific. As this warm water moves East, it warms the cold Eastern Pacific. The result thereof is that because the East is now warm, the temperature and pressure difference between the East and the West shrinks. With the pressure difference gone, the trade winds collapse completely.

It is not spontaneous, but it is uncontrolled. It is a self-regulating, natural oscillation. The Earth’s climate system builds up heat over time. Think of the tropical Pacific as a solar heat collector. Eventually, it traps more heat than it can distribute normally. El Niño acts like a planetary pressure release valve. It releases the trapped oceanic heat into the atmosphere, which is why global temperatures spike during an El Niño year. Once the heat is dissipated, the system naturally resets, often swinging to the opposite extreme called La Niña, where trade winds become violently strong and the Eastern Pacific becomes abnormally cold, before returning to neutral.

It is totally reasonable to look at something as massively disruptive as El Niño and wonder if human hands are pulling the triggers, especially given how much we have messed with the planet’s ecosystems. Man’s actions are NOT directly responsible for triggering El Niño, but we are guilty of intensifying its impacts. Because of human-induced greenhouse gas emissions, the oceans have absorbed over 90% of excess global heat. Therefore, when a natural El Niño develops today, it is operating on a much hotter baseline. A “strong” El Niño today causes far more severe heatwaves and droughts than what an El Niño did 100 years ago. In addition, while human stupidity does not directly cause the weather pattern, political negligence, corruption, and deforestation make us completely defenceless against it. Nature creates the drought; human mismanagement creates the famine.

An El Niño event does not just randomly occur; it is highly predictable, but only up to a certain point in time. Meteorologists use a massive network of deep-sea buoys, satellites, and advanced computer models to track sub-surface ocean temperatures. Because those Kelvin Waves take months to travel across the Pacific, scientists can see an El Niño incident brewing even six months before it actually changes the weather on land.

For Sri Lanka, sitting in the warm embrace of the Indian Ocean, this remote shifting of the Pacific engine behaves like a massive atmospheric vacuum. By mid-2026, the developing El Niño is projected to significantly weaken our Southwest Monsoon (Yala season). The moisture-laden winds that usually drench the western slopes and central hills are disrupted, leading to prolonged dry spells, suppressed rainfall, and soaring temperatures: an impending doom of unpredictable severity.

The Mirage of the “Natural Cycle”

A frequent and valid argument raised by sceptics is that Sri Lanka has always survived droughts. Our ancient civilisation was entirely built upon a sophisticated cascade of tanks (Wewas) engineered by our ancient Kings to balance the natural cycles where rain and flood inevitably follow dry spells. Why should 2026 be any different?

The answer lies in a dangerous convergence: the intersection of a natural cycle with an unnaturally altered planet. Historically, El Niño events occurred in predictable intervals of two to seven years. However, decades of global greenhouse gas emissions have trapped immense thermal energy within the world’s oceans. When an El Niño occurs today, it acts on top of a baseline global temperature that is already higher than at any point in recorded human history. It injects a massive burst of heat into an atmosphere that is already supercharged.

Furthermore, our local buffering systems have been systematically dismantled. The natural cycles of nature rely on healthy ecosystems to self-regulate. Decades of rampant deforestation in our central catchments mean that when rain does fall, the soil can no longer retain it; it washes away as flash floods, leaving the land parched shortly after.

Our ancient tank systems are heavily silted due to unchecked agricultural runoff and poor maintenance, dramatically reducing their storage capacity. Today, our population has increased many times over since the last great historical droughts. The margin for error has vanished. When a dry spell hits in 2026, it is no longer just a meteorological event. It becomes an immediate, high-stakes threat to our collective survival.

The Dual Faces of the Peril: “Climate Whiplash”

The relationship between El Niño and Sri Lanka’s climate is highly complex and profoundly uneven. It is quite a hazardous oversimplification to state that the entire island will simply dry up into a desert. In reality, scientists warn of a phenomenon known as “climate whiplash”, a brutal, two-phase sequence that tests different parts of the island in different ways.

This dual nature makes preparation immensely difficult. While the western agricultural zones face severe water stress during the crucial Yala growing season, the Eastern and Northern Plains may experience a stronger-than-normal Northeast Monsoon later in the year, threatening the Maha harvest with floods rather than lack of water.

Compounding this is the impact on marine life. The disruption of oceanic currents halts the upwelling of cold, nutrient-rich waters along our coasts, threatening the phytoplankton populations that form the foundation of our fishing industry. A crisis in the ocean quickly transforms into a livelihood crisis for our coastal communities.

A Convenient Shield: Is the Government likely to exploit the “Crisis”?

Given the undeniable scientific reality of El Niño, why does the suspicion of a “government ploy” remain so stubbornly entrenched in the public psyche?

The truth is that while the weather phenomenon is entirely natural, the political exploitation of it is a time-honoured strategy. For an administration presiding over a heavily depreciated rupee, staggering inflation, fuel shortages, and an electorate deeply disillusioned by systemic corruption and unethical political behaviour, a looming natural disaster is a highly convenient distraction.

Historically, political regimes globally have utilised “disaster capitalism” and the rhetoric of impending doom to achieve three distinct political objectives:

1. Shifting the Blame:

Politicians can attribute economic misery, power outages, and food shortages to an “act of God” rather than years of policy failures, financial scams, and a lack of long-term planning.

2. Consolidating Control:

Under the guise of national crisis management, governments can divert public funds, bypass standard procurement transparency, and suppress public dissent or protests regarding living costs. They can even use draconian laws nonchalantly to quell protests.

3. Securing Foreign Aid:

Crying “imminent drought” acts as a powerful tool to solicit international foreign aid and concessions. Such a step could secure foreign exchange that can prop up a failing currency.

It is a most unfortunate but quite q realistic tragedy of loss of faith that, when our leaders shout “drought,” the citizens do not see a proactive state protecting the public. Politicians are perceived as villains looking for an exit strategy from their own defaults and scandals. The public cynicism is born out of a well-earned, deeply ingrained suspicion: one that is based on abundant past experience.

Bridging the Divide: Real Science Meets Justified Anger

We must not let political pessimism blind us to physical reality. The rising temperatures, the drying up of rural wells, and the global oceanic data, are not fabrications cooked up in a political campaign office; they are verifiable facts measured by independent scientists worldwide.

If we dismiss El Niño as a mere myth, we play directly into the hands of the very politicians we distrust. Total apathy ensures that when the agricultural yields drop, when food prices skyrocket further, and when the power grid fails due to a lack of hydropower, the public will be left entirely unprotected, while the political elite remain insulated in their air-conditioned enclaves.

The real challenge facing Sri Lanka in 2026 is a dual crisis: we are being forced to battle a volatile climate anomaly while simultaneously navigating a severe governance deficit.

The Path Forward: Demanding Accountable Resilience

Surviving the coming months requires a radical shift in how we view governance and climate preparation. We must transform our justified anger into an unyielding demand for transparency and structural resilience.

=Dynamic Energy Management: With hydropower severely threatened by drying reservoirs, the state must immediately diversify our energy mix. This means removing the bureaucratic hurdles that have historically stalled private solar and wind initiatives, often held back to protect corrupt coal and heavy fossil fuel monopolies as well as political henchmen.

= Decentralised Water and Food Security:

Rather than waiting for centralised, state-led distribution networks that are historically prone to corruption and inefficiency, local provincial councils must be empowered. Investment must be funnelled into rehabilitating local cascades, scaling up regional rainwater harvesting, and accelerating tech-driven solutions like the Thalaiyadi desalination efforts in parched Northern Zones.

= Transparent Climate Audits:

If the state claims it requires funds to mitigate El Niño, the civil society and independent media MUST demand a line-by-line public accounting of every rupee spent. If food is imported to offset local crop failures, the procurement processes must be completely transparent to prevent the predictable scams that have plagued past crises.

El Niño

is a very real possibility in the months to come, and its atmospheric mechanics are entirely beyond our control. We could only pray that we will be spared to th greatest extent possible. There is the distinct possibility that the power dynamics of nature could even be completely inverted by a force that could even be similar to the energy associated with the movement of a tectonic plate. Recently there have been a lot of opinions presented by many people, including so-called “experts”, and “pundits”,, pontificating on the likely impact of El Niño on our resplendent isle. These have varied from projected rather innocuous and tame effects on Sri Lanka, to some of them escalating the impact to major disastrous effects on the island. As usual, politicians of all hues have even waxed eloquent, most of them at the top of their voices, on the perceived potential effects of this likely natural calamity.

Yet for all that, even in the face of all the water that has gone under the bridge (pun unintended), it is vital to understand that the impact of an El Niño affair on our lives would be determined completely by human action, policy, preparedness, strategy implementation, and, of course, absolutely candid integrity. We cannot stop the Pacific Ocean from warming. However, we can prevent our institutions that need to deal with the phenomenon from sinking down to vile behaviour patterns, and even stimulate the deteriorating as well as decaying essential response portals.

The ultimate “litmus test” for Sri Lanka in 2026 is not merely whether we can survive a natural dry spell. The real, true, and candid trial for all of us would be the ultimate result as to whether we can be resilient enough to withstand the projected volatile developments of nature, while severely holding accountable the political forces that have left us ever so vulnerable to all types of quirks of nature, as experienced by the management of natural disasters even in the not-too-distant past.

By an Aficionado

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense – episode 6

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Dark Fire

From a tale set just over a 100 years ago, I move back several centuries to one set in the 16th century, in the reign of Henry VIII. This was given to me by my friend Daniel Moylan – Lord Moylan I should say, which is how he was announced when he came to see me in the flat of a friend in London. He had mentioned enjoying tales of a Tudor detective, and when I expressed interest, he brought me the second in the series. The first had introduced the hero, a hunchback lawyer called Mathew Shardlake, who worked for Thomas Cromwell, Henry VIII’s Chief Minister after the fall of Cardinal Wolsey. Here, too, it is Cromwell who gets Shardlake to find out more about a secret weapon that had been brought to his notice.

The book by C J Sansom, is called Dark Fire and this refers to fire that in Byzantine days could be projected onto enemies and their equipment, notably ships, to set them immediately ablaze. But the secret had been lost, except that it seemed that a soldier, back from the east, had brought home a barrel of the stuff, which had been discovered in one of the monasteries that Henry VIII had dissolved.

Two shady individuals, including a lawyer called Gristwood, had told Cromwell about the weapon and given him a demonstration, which led him to tell the King that he could see the fire in action in a couple of weeks. But the lawyer Gristwood had torn off the formula from the document describing the weapon, and Cromwell asked Shardlake to persuade Gristwood to hand it over.

He forces Shardlake to agree by involving himself in a case Shardlake had taken on to defend a young girl, Elizabeth Wentworth, accused of having murdered her cousin in whose house she was dwelling after she had been orphaned. Joseph, her oldest uncle, who loved her, thought she would do better in town with his rich brother Edwin rather than on his farm, but she hated the house and its inhabitants, and they were all determined, including her grandmother, who was blind but dominated the household, to have her found guilty, after she was found near a well in which her cousin had drowned and his sisters said she had pushed him in.

She refuses to plead, and the judge orders her to be pressed, a form of torture, which would soon have cost her life, but Cromwell sends a trusted servant to get the judge to suspend the sentence for two weeks. And the servant, Jack Barak, tells Shardlake that he must now see Cromwell, who says that the price of the girl’s freedom is finding out Gristwood’s secret.

After this convoluted beginning, the story moves swiftly. Gristwood and his brother are found murdered. Shardlake and Barak realise they are dealing with ruthless men, and Gristwood’s wife and the librarian who had given Gristwood information about the old soldier, are taken into safe custody by Cromwell. The wife, meanwhile, tells Shardlake about Gristwood’s mistress, and they go to a brothel to find her but she flees with her brother, having evidently been sought out previously by the murderers.

Finally, the youngsters agree to meet Shardlake, but when they get to Gristwood’s house, as had been arranged, they find the boy killed, and the girl so injured that she soon dies, though not before having told Shardlake that Gristwood had told her that his contacting Cromwell was part of a plot against him.

Meanwhile, Shardlake has also been working on his own case, and realises that the key to that mystery was the well, from which there had been a foul smell when the body of the boy was brought out. This was by the house steward, who is the confidante of the family, and fancied it seemed by one of the two sisters of the murdered boy.

Shardlake and Barak explore the well on two separate nights, fleeing the first time when dogs are set loose, but also because Barak is horrified by what he seems to see there. The next time he confirms that there were dead animals there, and also the body of a little boy. And after he had managed to get Elizabeth to speak, if obliquely, she then makes it clear that these were victims of her cousin, who had been aided in his cruelty to animals by his sisters.

Shardlake has many narrow shaves from the two murderers, who follow him to the different places he has to visit, and who seem to have a source of information about what he thought was known only to him and Barak and Cromwell. He does wonder then about the three intermediaries through whom Gristwood had got his story to Cromwell, two lawyers and an aristocratic lady whom Shardlake begins to fancy, feeling that his interest is reciprocated.

To his relief she is not the traitor, nor is the lawyer who had vanished for a couple of days, though the other – who had been feared dead when his ring was found on a dismembered finger, near Lincoln’s Inn, where they all practised – was implicated along with the fountainhead of the plot, who was determined to bring down Cromwell.

So he turns up at the climax, which comes in a shed by the river where Shardlake and Barak are trapped. But after the plotters have told them what they had done, they escape since Shardlake had a dagger which Barak uses to cut his bonds, and in the scuffle the chief murderer is killed. His accomplice had died earlier, having fallen off the top of the cathedral, where he had been cornered by Shardlake and Barak, after a hectic chase.

Before the principal murderer in Dark Fire was killed by Barak, the chief plotter had left. The lawyer who had been his principal accessory was caught but before he could be taken to Cromwell, he tried to kill Barak when he was off guard. He was only stopped by Shardlake shooting the last remains of Dark Fire at him, and him being set alight by a candle so that he threw himself into the Thames.

The evidence then is gone but Shardlake and Barak have no doubt that Cromwell will believe them, and they go to his office. He is away, but his secretary says he will send a message, and the two go back home, to rest, after Barak’s wounds have been attended to, by the physician Guy, who had, one gathers, assisted Shardlake also in the first book about him.

They are surprised when there is no word from Cromwell the following morning, but they have decided that they must now go to the Wentworth home to conclude that case. The father of the murdered boy is not there, but they go to see his mother, who is with the steward. She seems to realise the game is up, and having invited them to have a drink she confesses to what had happened.

But Shardlake then realises that he has been poisoned, though he has the presence of mind to remember that Guy had told him an emetic was the answer, and he swallows some mustard and is sick, as Barak is to whom he passes the mustard pot. The steward flees, for Barak has his sword in his hand, and before the pair collapse the grandmother rises in a panic and knocks her head against a wall when she stumbles and falls.

Shardlake had managed to call for a constable before he falls senseless, and had managed to tell the constable who comes in to get Guy, who attends to the two men. The steward is caught, and a magistrate is brought in to take depositions. Edwin is distraught, for he knew nothing of what had gone on, and his brother Joseph tries to comfort him, evincing the goodness that had made Shardlake take on the case in the first place.

The story comes out at the court hearing the next day, and the crusty old magistrate has to acquit Elizabeth and arraign the grandmother and the two sisters. But when Shardlake and Barak go to the Inns, they find that Cromwell has fallen. The Catholics are now in the ascendancy, and Shardlake and Barak leave London, though since the reaction is mild, they get back a few months later. They find that the grandmother has died, and the two sisters have been imprisoned for the murder, for one of them had pushed the boy in, and then both had concealed this and tried to blame Elizabeth.

Shardlake resumes his practice, with Barak now his assistant. His former assistant, who continues though he now needs more support, had turned out to have bad eyesight, which Shardlake had not noticed. Barak had brought this to his attention, which made him realise that underneath the rough exterior was a sensitive soul. And as the extract from the next novel indicates, they will be a pair, on Holmes and Watson lines, or Poirot and Hastings.

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