Features
THE 2024 PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION
by Dr Nihal Jayawickrama
The Constitution states that a President who is elected by the people shall hold office for a term of five years. In the event of his death, resignation or removal, his successor shall be elected by Parliament to serve the unexpired period of his term of office. Any Bill that seeks to amend the Constitution to extend the prescribed term of office of the President is required to be passed by Parliament by a two-thirds majority and then approved by the people at a referendum. The Constitution also provides that the poll for the election of the President “shall be taken not less than one month and not more than two months” before the expiration of the term of office of the President in office. A popular television channel appears to be unaware of these constitutional requirements when it keeps chanting in the middle of its news programmes: “When is the Election?”
Who may contest?
Any citizen who is qualified to be elected to the office of President may be nominated as a candidate for that office by a recognized political party. Alternatively, a citizen who is or has been an elected member of Parliament, may be nominated by any other political party or by an elector whose name appears on any register of electors. Upon being nominated by a recognized political party, that candidate will be allotted the approved symbol of that party. For other candidates, the approved symbol for each candidate will be determined, in the first instance, “by agreement among such candidates”. In the absence of such an agreement, the symbol is determined by the Commissioner. However, the approved symbol of a recognized political party may not be allotted to a candidate who is not nominated by that party.
A person is disqualified from being elected to the office of President if such person is under the age of 30 years, or has been twice elected to the office of President by the People.
Who may vote?
A Sri Lankan citizen who is not otherwise disqualified from being an elector (for example, if under the age of 18 years, or is serving a prison sentence, etc), will be entitled to vote only if that citizen’s name is entered in the appropriate register of electors. To be entitled to have one’s name and address entered in a register of electors, a citizen should be “ordinarily resident”, as a member of a household, at such address, within an electoral district, on the first day of June in the relevant year. A citizen’s temporary absence from such address on that day will not disqualify such citizen if it was due to “the performance of any duty incidental to any office, service or employment held or undertaken” by him/her. A citizen who has migrated abroad may therefore not be entitled to vote.
The poll
Where there are only two candidates, the voter will be required to mark figure 1 opposite the symbol and name of that voter’s preferred candidate. Where there are three candidates, the voter may specify his/her second preference by marking figure 2 opposite the symbol and name of that voter’s second choice. Where there that more than three candidates, the voter may indicate his/her second and third preferences by marking figures 2 and 3 opposite the relevant symbols and names. If a voter has specified a second preference only, or a third preference only, or both such preferences only, without specifying that voter’s first preference, the ballot paper will be void and will not be counted.
The count
The Commissioner will declare the candidate who has received “more than one-half of the valid votes cast” as elected to the office of President. In an election where there are only two candidates, this result will be immediately apparent.
Where there are three candidates, the candidate who has received the lowest number of votes will be eliminated, and each returning officer will be directed to count the second preference of those voters whose first preference had been for the candidate eliminated, as a vote in favour of one or other of the remaining two candidates.
Where there are more than three candidates, all the candidates other than the candidates who received the highest and second highest number of votes will be eliminated. Thereafter, each returning officer will be directed to count the second preference of each voter whose first preference had been for a candidate who had been eliminated, and if it is for one or other of the remaining two candidates, as a vote in favour of such remaining candidate. If the second preference is not counted, then the third preference of such voter, if it is for one or other of the remaining two candidates, will be counted as a vote in favour of such remaining candidate.
Therefore, it is evident that, whatever the number of candidates, or the number of second and third preferences that are taken into account, the new President will be the one or the other of the two candidates who received the highest number of votes in the first count.
The morning after
After the new Executive President takes his oath of office, his first duty will be to appoint the Member of Parliament who, in his opinion, is most likely to command the confidence of Parliament, to be the Prime Minister. Thereafter, in consultation with the Prime Minister, he is required to determine (a) the number of Ministers, (b) the Ministries, and (c) the assignment of subjects and functions to such Ministers. Finally, in consultation with the Prime Minister, he is required to appoint Ministers to be in charge of the Ministries that he has determined. He may, if he wishes to, appoint additional Ministers not of Cabinet rank, as well as Deputy Ministers.
The challenge that will face the new President will be to ensure that he commands the support of a majority of the 225 members of Parliament. Failure to do so will leave his government paralyzed and unable to secure the passage of any legislation, including money bills. This is the fundamental weakness of the executive presidential system. President J.R. Jayewardene addressed this challenge by securing an extension from six to twelve years of the life of the Parliament in which he enjoyed a five-sixth majority through an amendment of the Constitution, a rigged referendum, and through other devices such as obtaining undated letters of resignation, maintaining secret files on the financial and other activities of his Ministers, and by imposing civic disabilities on his political opponents.
It is a challenge which Anura Kumara Dissanayake, with a three-member party in Parliament, and even Sajith Premadasa, whose party falls far short of the required minimum of 113 members, will have to face. Even if the newly elected President decides to immediately dissolve Parliament, he will have to appoint his Prime Minister and Cabinet of Ministers before doing so from among the members of the present Parliament. Ranil Wickremesinghe, if he chooses to contest, and is elected, may not face this problem if his current Cabinet of Ministers remains intact. If the new President decides to immediately dissolve Parliament, what guarantee is there that he would secure the required majority at the general election that follows?
The hypocrisy of politicians
Ten years have elapsed since the late Rev. Maduluwawe Sobitha, through his National Movement for Social Justice, began the campaign for the abolition of the executive presidential system. It received the enthusiastic support of several politicians, including the three political party leaders who are now seeking to perpetuate that system. It is a movement which his successor, former Speaker Karu Jayasuriya, has resolutely kept alive. That same idealism inspired the “Aragalaya” of 2022 to drive an Executive President out of his office, his residence, his country, into the high seas, seeking refuge in a ship. Yet, after 45 years of autocratic presidential rule, buttressed by a corruption-ridden electoral system, and marked by massive loss of human life and unprecedented levels of bribery and mismanagement, three professional politicians are now seeking to perpetuate that iniquitous system.
There is yet five months to go. Is there not sufficient time for Parliament to replace the list system with the first-past-the-post system of single and multi-member constituencies, supplemented with an element of proportional representation to ensure an equitable distribution of seats based on the totality of votes cast for each political party? Is there not sufficient time for another constitutional amendment to provide for the President, the constitutional Head of State, to be elected by Parliament or other representative body? Is there not sufficient time to dissolve Parliament and hold, on the same day, a general election and a referendum (required by the Supreme Court on several occasions, though not by the Constitution) together? Indeed, is there not sufficient time to draft and enact a new Constitution to give effect to these very desirable and much awaited reforms?
Features
The challenge of being positive about SAARC
It was a few years back that a former President of Sri Lanka took it on himself to pronounce SAARC ‘dead’. Since then there have been other sections of Sri Lankan opinion that have joined the critics of SAARC and taken the solemn stance that SAARC has indeed died what may be called a natural death.
Their fatalism is understandable. SAARC has failed to meet at heads of government or state level for the past several years to take the SAARC process notably forward. Regional cooperation has more or less been only an appealing idea. No substantive concrete projects have taken off to make the idea a hard reality. ‘Inner paralysis’ seems to be SAARC’s lot. Hence the fatalism in these circles.
However, being one of the worst cash-strapped regions of the world and a teemingly populated one with people virtually left to their devices, what choices do the ‘SAARC Eight’ have other than to try their best to band together and continue with their cooperation efforts, however small they may be?
There is no escaping the mounting debt trap for many of these countries and bankrupt Sri Lanka is a glaring example, but ‘throwing in the towel’ and abandoning themselves entirely to the diktats of the strongest economies and their agencies will prove a ‘living death’ for many countries in the SAARC fold.
The gains may be meagre but giving-up on SAARC cooperation in full would prove self-defeating for the organization and South Asia. Right now, the collective intention ought to be to salvage what the region could from the tenuous cooperative efforts. Moreover, such initiatives could go some distance to generate a degree of goodwill among the Eight and help in sustaining a dialogue process.
Given this backdrop it proved ‘a stich in time’ for the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo, to recently host the SAARC Secretary General Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar to a round table discussion on the unifying potential of SAARC and its future possibilities, besides other related issue areas.
Held on June 24th and moderated by RCSS Executive Director and former ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha, the forum brought together a vibrant, wide ranging audience comprising academicians, diplomats, senior public servants, civil society activists and many others. Following the presentation by Ambassador Golam Sarwar titled, ‘Reigniting SAARC: Achievements, Challenges and the Way Ahead’, a lively Q&A followed.
The above forum could be described as an act of lighting the proverbial ‘candle’ rather than ‘cursing the darkness.’ It surely is a ‘darkness’ that could be seen as daunting considering that the region’s pivotal powers, India and Pakistan, are failing to act in a spirit of accord but are engaged in bitter finger-pointing on a number of questions of vital importance to SAARC.
On the other hand, what is the rest of the region doing to bring the above sides together? It is disappointing that to date the rest of SAARC has failed to launch a major diplomatic drive to bring peace between the feuding regional heavyweights. It needs to act without delay and establish its earnestness and this effort would need to prove SAARC’s staying power in the unfolding months and even years.
In assessing SAARC’s seeming failure local opinion in particular has failed to factor in what could be described as weak leadership. Since Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of Bangladesh, the founding father of SAARC, the region has failed to produce a visionary leader who could advance the SAARC cause with charisma and drive.
Among other reasons, weak leadership accounts considerably for the faltering and stuttering status, as it were, of SAARC. Badly needed are leaders who could go the extra mile, think less of narrow national interests and work diligently towards the collective well being of the region but SAARC’s millions of ordinary people have been made to wait in vain for leaders of such stature. Instead, they have been burdened with politicians who seem to be relishing the apparently moribund state of SAARC.
Looking back, it could be said that it was the dynamic leadership factor that led to the launching of the Non-Aligned Movement and for its sustenance for a few decades. True, it could be seen in some quarters that NAM is no more, but as in the case of SAARC, the former too has been unfortunate to be burdened over the years with politicians who lack the vision and drive to unflaggingly advance the fortunes of the South. NAM and SAARC lack the dynamism and vision of leaders of the stature of Jawaharlal Nehru, for example, to give them the required guidance and intellectual depth.
The reasons are complex for there not being among us currently political leaders with the vision and the steadfast commitment to advance the legitimate interests of the South. However, it could be stated with conviction that the majority of Southern leaders have too easily caved in to the demands of the global North and its financial agencies.
These leaders have failed to see, for instance, that the largely market economy oriented Northern governments would not view with favour a centrist economic model that attaches priority to the interests of the dis-empowered publics of the South. This realization ought to have dawned on the current government in Sri Lanka, for instance, some while ago but it has no choice but to abide by IMF dictates since economic survival at present is unthinkable without the latter’s succour.
Accordingly for SAARC this should be the time for some soul-searching. Priority needs to be attached to ending the feuding between India and Pakistan since at present the material fortunes of the region hinge largely on these regional giants giving peaceful relations among them a try. This is no easy challenge to meet but some daring, visionary diplomacy needs to take hold among the rest of SAARC.
There is some sense in SAARC bringing the peoples of the region together through programs that address their best collective interests. A meeting of minds among SAARC nations could enable SAARC and its agencies to build a region-wide people’s movement for progressive political and economic change that could in turn lead to the region’s political leaders sensitizing themselves more to the neglected needs of their publics.
However, the time is ‘now’ for the initiation of these progressive changes and the voice of SAARC well wishers would need to drown out those of their critics.
Features
OPA seminar examines Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and growth pathways
A seminar, “Sri Lanka’s Economic Crossroads: Navigating Recovery, Resilience and Growth” was recently held by the Organisation of Professional Associations of Sri Lanka (OPA) at the OPA Auditorium, bringing together economists, OPA members, and professionals from diverse fields for an insightful discussion on Sri Lanka’s economic recovery and future growth prospects.
The event was held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, and was jointly organised by the National Issues Committee (NIC) and the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee of the OPA. The event reaffirmed the organisation’s commitment to advancing professional excellence, fostering insightful intellectual engagement, facilitating interdisciplinary knowledge exchange and creating a constructive platform for informed dialogue on issues of national importance.
The panel of speakers comprised Dr. Harsha Aturupane, Lead Economist and Programme Leader for Human Development at the World Bank for Sri Lanka and the Maldives; Dr. Achinthya Koswatta, Senior Lecturer in Economics at the Open University of Sri Lanka, and Anushan Kapilan, Lead Economist at Verité Research.
In his welcome address, the President of the OPA emphasised that Sri Lanka was at a critical juncture in its economic recovery journey where sustained reforms, effective implementation, and collective national commitment are essential to achieving long-term stability, resilience and inclusive growth. He noted that the country had experienced one of the most severe economic crises in its history with the economy contracting by 7.8 percent in 2022 and a further 11.5 percent in 2023, resulting in significant economic and social challenges.
Delivering his introductory remarks Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee, underscored the need to move beyond short-term economic stabilisation towards a comprehensive agenda of structural transformation. He observed that the economic crisis had revealed deep-rooted weaknesses within the economy, including persistent fiscal pressures, rising public debt, foreign exchange limitations, and insufficient diversification of the export base. He stressed that addressing these challenges through strategic reforms, institutional strengthening and long-term economic planning would be essential to establishing a more resilient and competitive economy.
While acknowledging recent positive developments, including improved inflation management, tourism recovery and signs of economic stabilisation, Wijeyaratne stressed the need to advance reforms aimed at strengthening fiscal discipline, enhancing productivity, improving competitiveness, developing human capital and reinforcing governance and institutional effectiveness.
He further highlighted the important role of professionals, businesses, academia and other stakeholders in contributing to evidence-based dialogue and supporting Sri Lanka’s journey towards a resilient, inclusive and sustainable economic future.
Delivering the keynote presentation, Dr. Harsha Aturupane provided a comprehensive assessment of Sri Lanka’s economic prospects within the broader context of global economic transformation. He argued that Sri Lanka functioned as a small open economy whose performance is significantly influenced by developments in the global marketplace. External factors could not be controlled, and the country must strengthen its domestic capacity and resilience to respond effectively to international economic shifts, he noted.
Tracing the evolution of global economic systems, Dr. Aturupane highlighted the transition from ideological divisions between state-controlled and market-oriented economies towards increasingly pragmatic approaches focused on growth, competitiveness and development. He noted that Sri Lanka’s own economic journey reflects a similar evolution, with contemporary policy debates now centred on practical solutions for sustainable economic progress.
The presentation also examined the transformative impact of globalisation. Dr. Aturupane observed that global economic integration had enabled several East Asian economies, including South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan and Hong Kong, to achieve remarkable economic advancement through export-led growth strategies. Sri Lanka similarly benefited from this process through the expansion of its apparel industry and increased integration into global value chains.
Turning to Sri Lanka’s recovery programme, Dr. Aturupane emphasised that the ongoing stabilisation process should be viewed as a national programme supported by the International Monetary Fund rather than solely as an IMF initiative. He observed that strong worker remittances, improved tourism earnings, enhanced government revenue mobilisation and prudent import management have contributed significantly to economic stabilisation.
Despite this progress, he cautioned that rebuilding foreign exchange reserves and meeting future debt obligations remain major challenges. He underscored the need to strengthen export performance, attract investment and generate sustainable foreign exchange earnings to ensure long-term economic resilience.
The discussion also focused on monetary stability, inflation management and exchange-rate policy. Dr. Aturupane stressed that maintaining price stability was fundamental to sustainable growth and household welfare, while sound monetary policy remains essential for preserving economic confidence.
Looking beyond stabilisation, he argued that Sri Lanka must transition towards a broader economic transformation agenda. Sustainable growth, he noted, will depend on expanding productive capacity through investment, technological advancement, innovation, skills development and structural reforms.
Among the key constraints identified was the high cost of energy, which continues to affect competitiveness and investment attractiveness. Dr. Aturupane emphasised the importance of improving efficiency and affordability within the energy sector to enhance Sri Lanka’s business environment.
He further highlighted the social dimensions of the crisis, noting the rise in poverty and economic vulnerability among households. Strengthening social protection systems and ensuring inclusive growth, he argued, must remain central components of the national development agenda.
Another critical challenge identified was Sri Lanka’s demographic transition. With an ageing population, outward migration and evolving labour market dynamics, the country is increasingly confronting labour shortages in several sectors. Dr. Aturupane suggested that greater automation, increased labour-force participation and strategic workforce planning would be necessary to address these emerging realities.
Concluding his presentation, he emphasised the need to improve governance, strengthen institutions, enhance competitiveness and create an enabling environment for private sector investment. Sri Lanka’s future success, he noted, will depend on its ability to move decisively beyond crisis management towards a development model founded on resilience, innovation, productivity and inclusive growth.
Dr. Achinthya Koswatta reiterated the importance of policy consistency and predictability in fostering investment and industrial development. She observed that frequent policy changes create uncertainty and discourage long-term investment decisions, whereas stable and coherent policy frameworks build confidence and support sustainable economic transformation.
Meanwhile, Anushan Kapilan highlighted the substantial progress achieved in restoring macroeconomic stability following the recent crisis. He noted significant improvements in fiscal performance, including increased government revenue, reduced reliance on debt financing and a historically low fiscal deficit.
He further observed that public debt levels are declining faster than anticipated, economic growth has exceeded expectations and inflation has been brought under control more rapidly than forecast. Nevertheless, he cautioned that the recovery remains uneven, particularly within the industrial sector and that many households have yet to experience a meaningful improvement in living standards.
The seminar was expertly coordinated by Eng. Chamil Edirimuni, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee, while the technical moderation and interactive discussion session were facilitated by Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee.
The event was attended by Tisara De Silva, President-Elect of the OPA, Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary, Past Presidents, members of the Executive Council, representatives of the General Forum and professionals representing a wide range of disciplines.
The seminar concluded with a vibrant exchange of ideas and perspectives, reaffirming the importance of evidence-based policy dialogue, institutional collaboration and collective national commitment in advancing Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and sustainable growth.
Features
Her roots run deep in Sri Lanka
Yes, for UK-based presenter and artiste Samantha Kay, home is where the heart – and the roots – are. And her roots run deep in Sri Lanka.
In an exclusive interview with The Island, Samantha says “I’m proud to be Sri Lankan. My mum is from Kandy and my dad is from Colombo, so Sri Lanka has always held a very special place in my heart.
“Whenever I visit Sri Lanka, I love spending time on the beautiful south coast, especially Hikkaduwa and Mirissa. It’s somewhere I always feel connected to my roots and completely at peace.”
Now living in Bournemouth, on the south coast of England, where, she says, she is lucky to be close to some of the UK’s most beautiful beaches, including the iconic Sandbanks, Samantha has built a career that refuses to fit into one box.
She is a radio presenter, podcast host, singer-songwriter, personal trainer and life coach.
“I genuinely love the variety because every role allows me to connect with people and, hopefully, make a positive difference in someone’s day.”
Of course, music has taken her far.
One of her proudest achievements, she says, was releasing a song with 90s music icon Angie Brown, which reached No. 9 in the UK Club Charts.
She also reached the final stages of The X Factor and performed at Wembley Stadium in front of thousands.
Beyond music, Samantha competed in bikini bodybuilding across the UK, winning several titles. “It taught me discipline, resilience and self-belief,” she recalls.
Today, her focus is on radio, podcasting and coaching women. Her podcast encourages people to live life on their own terms rather than feeling pressured to follow society’s expectations.
Says Samantha: “Whether someone is single, changing careers, travelling solo or simply trying to find their purpose, I want them to know that it’s never too late to create a life that feels authentic. If you’ve ever felt like you don’t fit into the box, maybe you were never meant to.”
Samantha Kay also spent a year in Dubai, performing at five-star hotels, including FIVE, and coaching at the iconic outdoor gym on Palm Jumeirah.
“I taught strength and conditioning classes, and hosted wellness retreats, combining my passion for music, health and inspiring others.”
However, with family matters calling her back to the UK, she made the choice to return. “Family comes first,” she says.
Looking ahead, Samantha plans to grow her radio and podcast work, release more music, and expand her wellness retreats.
“My biggest passion is helping people, especially women, build confidence and believe in themselves,” she says.
“Wherever my career takes me, I hope to continue inspiring others to live with courage, kindness and authenticity, while never forgetting my Sri Lankan roots.”
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