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The 2015 election and my entry to Parliament on the National List

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Welcoming ceremony at Jaffna University.

Interactions on the Peradeniya campus

Ian Goonetilleke who was the chief Librarian at Peradeniya is a legend. His erudition, commitment and ready assistance to fledgling scholars has been recognised by many. I was lucky to be included among his friends during my student days in Peradeniya and after. Ian and his wife Roslin often invited hungry undergraduates like me for a meal. The food was good. But the conversation that preceded it was even better. His anecdotes about his best friend George Keyt were hilarious.

We would often see George being driven through Campus in Ian’s Volkswagen, to his house in Mahakanda for a meal and the former’s scandalous conversations about local artists, politicians, film stars, businessmen, villagers and his rapacious neighbours in Sirimalwatte. In 1958, HL Seneviratne and I as undergraduates helped Ian and Ralph Peiris to mount an exhibition of George’s latest paintings in the Senate room at Peradeniya.

We visited the artist’s atelier in Sirimalwatte to choose the paintings which had to be mounted for the exhibition. For the cover of the souvenir George selected the line drawing of Vessantara and his queen which the famous Steuben Glass company of USA had embossed on their expensive products.

Ian had collected a large number of paintings, line drawings, sketches, postcards and letters from George Keyt which he had lovingly framed and hung in his dining room. After retirement and a series of letters criticizing the then Minister of Higher Education for emasculating the independence of Universities, he built a small house in Navinna which did not have space-for his full collection of paintings and books.

He donated his collection of paintings to Peradeniya University after the death of Roslin. Ian died sometime later and the University authorities became the legatees of this priceless collection. However the university bureaucracy was not particularly interested in conserving it. The collection was stored in the basement of the library. When Monty Gopallawa, who was an alumnus of Peradeniya, was made Governor of Central Province he decided to intervene in this matter and sought my assistance, which I was more than ready to provide.

The Vice Chancellor had allocated a block of empty land near Jayatilleke Hall for a museum to house the Ian-Keyt collection and other memorabilia like costumes from Sarachchandra’s plays designed by Siri Gunasinghe. I managed to persuade my good friend Architect Ashley De Vos to design a building comprising different modules which would house paintings from each phase of the artists evolution.

For instance the India module would house the paintings done in Bombay and Calcutta during George’s three year sojourn in India. I was confident that I could get that module built by the Indian High Commission and well wishers from India. Unfortunately the University administration did not take up these offers to support their building programme. Later as Minister of Special Projects I managed to allocate ten million rupees for this project through a Cabinet decision.

A meeting was held in Vice Chancellor’s lodge with VC Dissanayake and Ranjini Obeyesekere but to date the University authorities have not embarked on this project. All the while the paintings languish in the library basement.

Student affairs

One of the pleasures I derived from being MP for Kandy district was that I could interact with academic communities at Peradeniya and Polgolla. Polgolla was the venue of the Mahaweli Teacher Training institute as well as training institutes of the Cooperative and Rural Development Departments. This was in addition to a large number of private teaching institutions located there. In fact Polgolla (or nearby Aruppola) was earlier considered as a possible site for our first residential university.

The proponent of Polgolla was A. Ratnayake who was the dominant politician in the Kandy district during the DS Senanayake era. Polgolla was passed over for Peradeniya because more land was available there from a large tea estate which belonged to a British planter. Says the official history of Peradeniya Campus: “The goverment acquired this site in 1938. The extent of land was about 700 hectares and a further 120 hectares were added later. About 150 hectares of the land were developed and landscaped to create the University park on which the University complex is now located while the rest of the land remains forested”.

Kshenuka Senewiratne, then ambassador in Thailand, is also in the picture

Using my prerogative as Minister to appoint members to the University Council I sought the services of several colleagues from my Peradeniya days who had distinguished themselves as academics, administrators and prominent citizens of Kandy. Among my nominees were JB Disanayake, Wijaya Wickremaratne, Lal Wijenayake [both well regarded Kandy lawyers] Dhammika Amerasinghe (a former Additional Secretary to President CBK) and Gamini Disanayake [a Kandy architect].

They all grumbled that it was a time consuming assignment but finally accepted my offer because of their sentimental links to Peradeniya University which was our “alma mater”. Before them many of the appointees were political supporters of the former Minister who did not have a commitment to academic life. They were important vote gatherers for my predecessor but I removed them irrespective of the political cost to me. One such “Councillor” who was a chairman of a local Pradeshiya Sabha, became my sworn enemy over his dismissal. He went out of his way to reduce my votes in his bailiwick.

However much I tried to help, the atmosphere on campus was detrimental to our progress. The students were browbeaten by Peratugami and JVP cadres into joining the “Antare” or the Inter University Student Federation. The “rag” which has now been degraded to include physical punishment for recalcitrant new entrants, was used to browbeat and “psyche” students into submission.

In our day a very attractive feature of campus life were the regular talks delivered to student assemblies by distinguished outsiders, including top leaders of all political parties. These speakers enjoyed the parry and thrust of debate and often enlivened the proceedings by arguing with the students. Among them were speakers of the calibre of Bandaranaikes [SWRD and Felix] Colvin, Dudley, Philip, NM, Pieter Keuneman and Tissa Wijeratna. Some of our best memories of campus life were of these speeches and verbal exchanges.

There was one dimunitive LSSPer from Ramanathan Hall named Charitha Wijeratna who took great delight in crossing swords with all non-LSSP speakers. He was not very coherent though persistent and his interventions inevitably drew good natured groans from the packed audience in the Arts Theatre.

Future

Due to a Cabinet reshuffle I did not get the opportunity to spend much time in the Higher Education Ministry. However together with the Higher Education Commission I had begun to rethink of the resource allocations of the Ministry which is today heavily lopsided. Of the approximately 10,000 secondary schools in the island only 1,000 have facilities for science education. This means that a large part of our school going population has no access to STEM (Science, technology, engineering and mathematics) education and are therefore trapped in a vicious cycle of liberal arts education and consequent unemployment.

Large numbers of students compete for entry to the Arts and Social Science faculties of Universities which are thereby forced to allocate the bigger part of their resources to this sector. Having consumed these large allocations state universities produce arts graduates whose main ambition is to become teachers thus completing the vicious circle. More arts stream students in schools put pressure to increase the arts intake to Universities which in turn produces more arts graduates who demand the creation of more teaching posts–a cycle that no politician has attempted to breach because of a fear of losing popularity.

As a consequence the more urbanized and more affluent children who can enter the 1,000 science schools have a head start when it comes to education which is compatible with the job market. Indeed graduates of Moratuwa University and the IT, engineering and medical faculties of other Universities have no difficulty in finding jobs both here and abroad. Add to this the output of private technical educational institutions like SLUT and NIBM and we find a difference of prospects of young people depending on their academic choice, which itself is largely determined by socio-economic circumstances.

The rich and burgeoning middle classes, whose children have adopted to new technologies, have never had it so good. The chasm between the rural arts student and the urban beneficiaries of STEM education is growing. As we have discussed earlier, Daniel Lerner’s admonitions in his book “The Passing of Traditional Society” regarding “Iranian youth educated in the arts who hide their frustration in Farsi poetry and short film making due to a skewered modernization” which led to street violence of the Shah’s time, are fast coming true also for our country.

The slogans of the “Antare” [in emotional but well composed Sinhala] and their proclivity to march to the orders of their Marxist handlers, are a sure indication that the contradictions in our educational system are now coming to boiling point. Though the “Aragalaya” cannot be compared to the Iranian revolution or the “Arab Spring” in their intensity, several common factors are beginning to emerge.

Parliamentary Election August 2015

Following the premature end of the tenure of 14th Parliament, elections for the successor Parliament were held in August 2015. The pattern regarding our Parliamentary elections is clear. The recently concluded Presidential election determines the result of the Parliamentary election which follows soon after. This was true also of the 2015 election where the UNP led coalition won 106 seats while the UPFA led by Mahinda Rajapaksa secured 95 seats. The UNP was seven seats short of a majority in the House but since the SLFP led by President Sirisena had a number of members who were willing to collaborate with the new government it was assured of a working majority with Ranil Wickremesinghe as Prime Minister.

The final results of the 2015 Parliamentary election was as follows: Ranil-led United National Front for Good Governance 5,098,916 [45. 6 Percent] 106 seats, MR-led United Peoples Freedom Alliance 4,732,664 [42. 3 Percent] 95 seats and JVP JVP 543,844 [six Percent] six seats.

Analysis

An analysis of the election results showed a clear divide which has became a pattern of Sri Lankan politics and elections. While electorates in the North and East went overwhelmingly to the UNP, the Sinhala Buddhist heartland remained with Mahinda Rajapaksa with the exception of Polonnaruwa, which was the fiefdom of President Sirisena. Districts with a mixed ethnic population fell into the UNP camp thereby ensuring a UNP majority.

The following details confirms that analysis; (a) Sinhala dominated “heartland” districts won by UPFA; Galle, Matara, Hambantota, Anuradhapura, Kurunegala, Ratnapura, Kalutara [radical] Moneragala and (b) Districts with significant racial minorities won by UNP; Colombo, Gampaha, Kandy, Nuwara Eliya, Matale, Kegalle, Puttalam, Amparai, Badulla and Polonnaruwa [Sirisena factor].

Kandy politics

As regards Kandy when there is a close contest, the district goes to the UNP since the minorities become the decisive factor. In fact in the list of MPs returned from the UNP on this occasion, Muslims constituted the bigger number. My nephew Dilum was returned as a UPFA member comfortably while I entered Parliament as a national list MP. However politically we went in different directions because while I remained with the Sirisena faction of the SLFP, Dilum became an important MP favouring MR and his supporters.

He became the youth leader of the “Pohottuwa” when it was formed later. The UPFA group that had supported Sirisena and accepted Cabinet office faced a dilemma at this election since the mass of UPFA supporters were unwilling to vote for them. To make matters worse MR loyalists went about campaigning against them in their electorates. I was glad that I had opted to become a national list MP, an offer which was made to me by Lalith Athulathmudali decades ago.

Other Sirisena supporters like SB Dissanayake, Fowzie and Mahinda Samarasinghe who had lost their seats agitated to get slots in the national list. At this stage Sirisena decided to give all the national list positions to his supporters leaving MR loyalists like GL Peiris who deserved selection out in limbo. As a nominated MP at first I was asked to lead the SLFP team in Parliament because other seniors had accepted Cabinet office. My SLFP team sat in the Opposition benches with MR.

I represented the UPFA in the management committee of Parliament of which the Chairman was Karu Jayasuriya who had been elected Speaker of the House. He attended to his duties with great diligence and bravery. He was easily one of the best Speakers of our Parliament. The other UPFA faction leaders like Wimal Weerawansa were apprehensive that I would penalize them in allocating speaking slots in Parliament. This I did not do and soon they would come to me with their problems which I took up in the management committee. Since most decisions regarding Parliament procedures are made by the management committee I retained a lot of power which I was determined to exercise in a fair manner.

But after a few weeks in this position President Sirisena had a discussion with me in his office, and asked me to itemize the subjects I would like to have as a Minister in his Cabinet. His Secretary Abeykoon and Deputy Secretary WAS Karunaratna were tasked to prepare a draft gazette notification for this purpose. He told me that he had limited the number of Cabinet ministers and that I would be filling the only available vacancy.

He wanted it filled by me as he was under pressure from various influential persons to fill it with their favourites. We two had a good relationship and he often asked me to represent him at meetings where he had to make an appearance. I always made sure that I did not overstep the line at these meetings and began by emphatically stating that I was only representing the leader at his request. Sometimes it led to a little tension because the sponsors of the meeting wanted the prestigious President himself to arrive and not an understudy like me. On one such occasion an apologetic President appeared in the hall while I was on my feet because the sponsor had rushed to his residence and forced him to come in order to salvage his reputation as a close friend of the leader. But such embarrassments were few and far between.

(This book is available at the Vijitha Yapa Bookshop)

(Excerpted from Vol. 3 of the Sarath Amunugama autobiography) ✍️



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Is power devolution under JVP-NPP a political daydream?

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Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga

The JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva’s recent remarks at a news conference in Jaffna where he ruled out the possibility of holding provincial council elections this year has been widely reported and widely criticized. About the same time there was another media event in Jaffna that went largely unnoticed and unreported outside Jaffna. What was said at the second media event may carry far more political implications than Tilvin Silva’s election timing talk. A veteran Tamil political participant made the startling yet not implausible statement that the prospect of having political devolution under the JVP-NPP government is becoming “a daydream”. The statement was made by Dr. K. Vigneswaran, who served as Provincial Secretary to the only North-East Provincial Council Government that was elected under the auspices of the Thirteenth Amendment.

Dr. Vigneswaran is a Professional Civil Engineer who studied at Royal College, graduated with First Class Honours in Engineering in 1964, and went on to complete a pioneering PhD at the university of Waterloo, Canada, applying the finite element method (FEM) in the field of Geotechnical Engineering. His engineering career has always been at the Irrigation Department where he rose to a Deputy Director. That was when the department was in its golden years, and Vigneswaran was known for his technical mentorship, meticulous administrative skills, and for knowing the fine print of everything. While at the Irrigation Department, Vigneswaran married Ramya de Silva, a fellow irrigation Engineer. After 1983, Vigneswaran became a fulltime political activist and a powerful resource in Tamil politics, but with unwavering commitment to nonviolence, democracy and federalism. The family moved first to India and then Canada, and Vigneswaran has been shuttling between Canada and Sri Lanka.

Devolution: Tortuous Trajectory

Since 1987, the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, and the 13th Amendment, Vigneswaran has been a permanent fixture in all the politics and institutional dynamic of implementing 13A and establishing provincial councils. He served as Secretary to the only elected Provincial Government for the Northern and Eastern Provinces. After 1994 and the election of Chandrika Kumaratunga as President, Vigneswaran became a key participant in all the civil society efforts and government initiatives to restore the PCs and implement 13A, both during the Kumaratunga presidency and the succeeding administrations of Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo.

Devolution efforts stalled after the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who in so many words declared that he had no time for 13A or PCs in his presidential agenda, whatever it was. Only that his whole agenda turned out to be a wholesale disaster for the country. Already by then, all the nine Provincial Councils had fallen into abeyance with the cancellation of the 1988 PC elections by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo, with the TNA standing by. The abeyance continues under the JVP-NPP government with no apparent end in sight after Tilvin de Silva’s statement in Jaffna.

I say all this to provide the proper context for Vigneswaran’s statement in Jaffna that the prospects for power devolution under the JVP-NPP government are becoming a political daydream. He said something else as well: that of all the government leaders he has encountered over the years, the only leader who has been genuinely sincere about power devolution is former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, and no one else. I am constrained to add that the insincere category would include Ranil Wickremesinghe, who for all his handsome promises, never matched any of them with experiential sincerity. The present JVP-NPP government still has time to show that they are not an insincere lot.

It is not my purpose to agree with or question Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertions, but to use them as cue and context to comment on the widening mismatch between the JVP-NPP government’s promises and its practices on the matter of power devolution and the restoration of the PC system. With a stalling economy, rising prices and external shocks, it is obvious that the government has all the economic matters to worry about, but that does not mean that it can ignore all the other government responsibilities. No government is put in power to solve a single problem or address a single issue. It is in the nature of governments to deal with multiple problems with varying priorities. Otherwise you could have a single cabinet minister to deal with one problem at a time. That is never going to be the case.

The economy is of course the top of mind priority for the government even as it is a top of mind concern for the people. Even on the economic front, the government is holding steady but is showing little progress. And there are other government initiatives where political accountability will call for answers: to wit, the catchall Clean Sri Lanka programme, ambitious educational reforms, contentious energy sector reforms and, yes, power devolution as well as the overpromised constitutional reforms. Not to mention the sprawling unforced errors over substandard coal imports, foreign exchange fraud, and the chronic neglect of developing the renewable energy sector. Correcting these fields of errors may require a separate ministry for each.

Devolution: Daydream or Deliverable

On the PC system and constitutional reform, there has been scant progress in spite of handsome promises. On both, the government is inadvertently deepening the holes that it had dug itself into through indifference, inaction or procrastination, or all of them and more. In the matter of devolution and provincial councils, the government can simply defuse the situation by directing the Election Commission to conduct elections at the earliest opportunity that is logistically possible. Making his statement in Jaffna, Mr. Tilvin Silva alluded to funding shortfall and legal complications as reasons for the necessity to postpone PC elections until next year. Neither reason holds water.

The funding question would seem to have been put to rest by the statement of Health Minister and Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa, presumably reflecting cabinet consensus, that there are no funding issues and if needed additional funds could be arranged through supplementary allocations. It is also disingenuous to cite legal complications as a reason. The so called legal complications arose because of the collective stupidity of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe parliament that included the then miniscule NPP and the politically-lost TNA. The JVP-NPP has now ballooned from a handful MPs to a two-thirds majority and it can expedite any legislation that it wants to enable the PC elections to be held without delays.

Alternatively, the elections can be held under the old arrangement of proportional representation with assurance by political parties to honour their commitment to fielding more female candidates. Already at a gathering of all political parties, including the NPP (but not the JVP), and civil society groups, convened by People’s Action For Free & Fair Elections (PAFFREL), the political parties jointly committed to a 25% quota for women and youth under the old electoral system. The ongoing parliamentary committee exercise studying the legal matter, headed by the overstretched Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, is also an unnecessary red herring. The Election Commission is ready to go under whatever law or electoral system that is before it. So, there is no reason to hide behind legal complications to further delay the PC elections.

Somewhat amusingly, Public and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala has trotted out the argument that the NPP government has already conducted two nationwide elections during the one and a half years it has been in office, and that unlike the Ranil Wickremesinghe government the JVP-NPP is not in the business “to delay elections for our personal benefit” – whatever that means. Unfortunately, the good minister is missing the point. The question is not how many elections can the JVP-NPP hold in how many years, but how many years do people in the provinces have to wait before they vote in another provincial election? How many more years? That really is the question.

We know the current situation in the provinces. There are provincial governments but no elected provincial councils. The government administration in every province is being run by the President of the Republic through his handpicked governors and unelected government officials. This is a travesty of democracy and the euthanizing of the PC system. Already under 13A, the office of the provincial governors has been constitutionally and legally compared to the office of the Governors of old Ceylon who represented the monarch in what was then a crown colony. The irony is that a JVP-NPP President may have inadvertently positioned himself as the monarch of all he provincially surveys, courtesy of the Thirteenth Amendment!

The JVP was in the forefront of the litigation that caused the demerger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. If Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertion were to prove correct, a potential dissolution of the provincial system under the JVP-NPP government would be the consummation of the JVP’s original opposition to the introduction of the provincial council system itself. The whole system may not be eradicated, but it could be devoured of its democratic essence while preserving the administrative shell as the medium for the country’s president to overreach into the provinces. That would be worse than a daydream, a real nightmare.

by Rajan Philips ✍️

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‘Spectrum’ Art Exhibition Showcases Emerging Talent at Lionel Wendt

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A new art exhibition, titled Spectrum ,will be held at the Lionel Wendt Art Centre on the 20th and 21st of June 2026, bringing together a collection of works by ten emerging artists.

Athsara Wijegunawardena

Neha Thirumavalavan

Dillai Joseph

Wasantha Siriwardena

Champika Dias

Nipun Dias

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Kalhari Perera

Siromi Samarasinghe

Chandana Illankone

All ten artists have trained under the guidance of renowned Sri Lankan artist Royden Gibbs, and this exhibition marks an important point in their individual journeys.

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Spectrum brings together a mix of styles, subjects and approaches, giving visitors a chance to experience a wide range of work in one place. The exhibition will include pieces in watercolors, soft pastels, oils and charcoal, reflecting both the discipline and personal direction of each artist. The work ranges from scenery and portraits to still life and studies of the human form, offering different ways of seeing and interpreting familiar subjects.

Dillai Joseph

Although they share the same mentor, each artist presents a distinct point of view. The result is a show that feels varied yet connected, with each piece carrying its own character and intent. It is this balance that gives Spectrum its identity.

The exhibition aims to support and highlight emerging talent within Sri Lanka’s art scene, while also creating a space where artists and audiences can connect. Visitors will find work that shifts between quiet observation and more expressive pieces, making it an engaging experience for both seasoned collectors and those simply interested in art.

Spectrum is expected to draw art lovers, collectors, students and members of the wider creative community. It also offers an opportunity to discover and support new artists at an early stage in their careers.

Open to the public over two days, Spectrum invites visitors to experience a range of work in a venue that has long been part of Colombo’s cultural landscape.

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Rewiring Brain: Meditation to Break the Cycle of Craving

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“Craving begets sorrow, craving begets fear. For him who is free from craving there is no sorrow; how can there be fear for him,” Dhammapada verse 216 states. The mental factor craving, Tanha in Pali, is central to Buddhist Teaching, as its ultimate goal is the cessation or extinction of it—tanhakkhaya. Even though Tanha is translated as craving here, it can sometimes mislead modern readers into thinking tanha only refers to extreme or physical addictions. Just as with any Pali term, it has broad meanings. Venerable Walpola Rahula describes it as “thirst” or unceasing wanting, one of the deep-rooted proclivities or latent tendencies (anusaya) of life (Rahula 1959), without which life as we know would not exist.

Even though the Buddha recognized this natural phenomenon two and a half millennia ago, it was only in the late 20th century that science took note of it and gave it a captivating term—the Hedonic Treadmill. The advantage of this empirical investigation to us Buddhists is that it provides a way to gain penetrative, experiential comprehension (anubodha) of this concept using the vernacular of this technology-savvy age—an alternative to struggling with the language of a bygone era.

These investigations have revealed that there are no hard-to-comprehend metaphysical or mysterious elements involved with this phenomenon; it is a biochemical process fundamental to sustaining life. What is more, an effort to grasp this concept would be well within the goals of Vipassana meditation described in the Sutta Pitaka, incorporating the four elements of investigation: body (kayanupassana), sensations (vedananupassana), mind (chittanupassana), and natural laws (dhammanupassana).

Vipassana and modern science

Vipassana meditation is an in-depth exploration of how humans perceive the world, gain knowledge, and interact with themselves and the environment. Knowing this with wisdom allows one to lead a harmonious way of life (samadhi), a condition conducive to curbing the “thirst” and achieving the Buddhist ideal. The goal of modern science is also to investigate life, but humanity has often used that knowledge to increase material wealth and comfort, providing only lip service to spirituality on the fringe.

An attitude that tends to ignore the consequences of wanting more and more – thirst, potentially endangering the planet. However, that does not prevent us from using scientific information as and aid or a tool to grasp Buddhist concepts. The scientific method bears parallels to the Buddhist approach: it is based on causality (paticcasamuppada), empirical verification (ehipassiko), systematic observation (meditation), and rejecting dogma and beliefs. The primary difference is simply the vocabulary used.

The process of perception: five aggregates

Our five external sense organs receive data (vedana) containing information on the environment: Eyes: receive light, Ears: receive sound, Skin: senses physical contact and temperature, Nose & Tongue: sense chemical properties of substances. The data received by the sense organs is transmitted to the brain, where it is registered as neural networks (sanna). Neural networks, which are interconnected groups of nerve cells (neurons) can be viewed as mind-readable QR codes.

The activity of the brain, or mind (mano), processes this data and converts them into actionable information (sankhara). Modern neuroscience and psychology have made great advances in understanding these processes at the molecular level. This process allows the individual to become aware of their environment, build an autobiographical memory or the notion of a self (atta), and take actions to protect and perpetuate life.

The Pali term vinnana refers to the collection of information committed to memory. Translating vinnana as “consciousness” can be confusing, as the latter often refers to all brain activities. All physical phenomena that sense organs encounter and the mental constructs (sankhara) are referred to as Rupa. This activity of mind forms the basis of all knowledge, representing the entire world as perceived by the individual. This process is what the Teaching refers to as the Five Aggregates (pancakkhanda). The critical takeaway is that the world we perceive is merely a mental construct. While an objective world exists, our sense organs have limitations in seeing it—a fact easily realized through the hundreds of illusions used for entertainment.

Evolution and emotion

The evolutionary purpose of this data processing mechanism is to enable living beings to respond to environmental factors for survival. The psychological and physiological state that arises prior to acting is called emotion. Primarily, emotions can be of three kinds: desire (loba) – seeing a new phone causes an urge to buy it, even though the current one works fine; aversion (dosha) – encountering a vicious dog triggers a “fight or flight” response; delusion (moha) or illusion – an unanswered message to a loved one triggers worry or speculation. Thus, tanha or thirst represents how we connect to the world in its entirety; it can be desire, aversion, and delusion, not merely simple greed. Consequently, these are natural phenomena beyond our immediate control, which are intended to sustain life. In other words, emotions are the forerunner to volitions or intentions, which the Teaching defines as kamma.

The biochemistry of craving

Emotions result from the interaction between the nervous system and biochemicals known as neurotransmitters and neuromodulators (e.g., dopamine, serotonin, epinephrine, GABA, glutamate, acetylcholine, and endorphins). Just as the Buddha’s simile of two bundles of bamboo supporting each other describes, these two processes are interdependent and co-arising. Every thought or emotional state corresponds to patterns of neural firing. When neurons fire, they release these chemicals into synapses, influencing how one feels and acts. This release perturbs the body’s normal balance, or homeostasis. Once an action is complete, these chemicals are reabsorbed, and the body returns to its baseline.

Return to baseline is essential for survival. For example, if we stay satisfied with just one meal forever, we could not sustain life. Nature has developed another mechanism to prevent us from being satisfied – we also habituate. In the case of dopamine, the brain adapts by reducing the response to the same stimulus. To get the same level of satisfaction with repeated experiences, the amounts of neurotransmitters needed keeps increasing. This leads to the cycle of craving and dissatisfaction—the Hedonic Treadmill. You “run” toward happiness on the treadmill, but it does not take you anywhere, leaving you in the same emotionally unsatisfactory state, wanting more and more.

Breaking the cycle

This explains why achievements and possessions do not bring permanent happiness, and lead to a cycle of struggle, addiction, crime, and other ills of society. For Buddhists, it also explains why we cling to meaningless rituals. The Dhamma captured this complex phenomenon in the Four Noble Truths: pleasant experiences are impermanent (anicca), leading to grasping (tanha) and unsatisfactoriness (dukkha). The remedy is the Eightfold Path that involves wisdom (panna), conduct (sila), and harmony (samadhi).

Neuroplasticity and the point of liberation

While we cannot stop the sense organs from receiving stimulation (vedana) and sending them to brain, the mind can be developed to prevent vedana from leading to tanha. This is the “point of liberation,” the seventh link in the paticcasamuppada formula. We may not have free will, but we have ‘Free Won’t’ or the ability to say no to the natural tendency to act upon stimuli. We can rewire our neural connections to do so. This ability can be cultivated by practice and repetition, and neuroscience refers to it as neuroplasticity—the brain’s ability to change with experience.

The natural tendency of the brain is to strengthen frequently used neural networks while weakening and eliminating lesser used networks and building new ones as needed. This is known as neural plasticity or rewiring the brain. As described in the Eight-fold Path, the way to weaken and eliminate dopamine-driven neural networks includes three aspects. First, the process leading to thirst must be understood. One must engage in sila – activities and thoughts that cultivate Metta: loving-kindness and goodwill, Karuna: compassion, Mudita: appreciative joy, and Upekkha: equanimity, emotional stability, calmness, and evenness of mind in the face of gain and loss, praise and blame, fame and disrepute, pleasure, and pain. That must be done with wisdom, ritualistic behavior does not strengthen the correct neural networks. These activities promote a “cocktail” of oxytocin, serotonin, and GABA, subduing the role of dopamine and helping us step off the Hedonic Treadmill. This leads to a tranquil state of mind and a harmonious existence – samadhi. Again, it is an interdependent, co-arising process that improves upon repetition. Using mind altering substances hijacks this process, thus the need for adhering to the Fifth Precept.

The goal of Vipassana is to understand this process and train the mind to say “no” to tanha. It is not just about sitting on a mat; it requires developing a lifestyle that maintains homeostasis or harmony, samadhi, at every moment. Pali term bhavana means the development of wisdom and insight. In modern vernacular – rewiring brain. This model must be assessed for its efficacy by the individual and realize the benefits by themselves –ehipassiko; knowledge without practice does not work. According to what the Buddha taught, that is the path to cessation or extinction of craving – tanhakkhaya, the supreme goal.

by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D. ✍️

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