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Appointment to the National Salaries Commission and many others adding to already heavy work load

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My association with committees and commissions of inquiry was still not over. On April 26, 1995, I was appointed to the National Salaries Commission as a Member. The Salaries Commission was appointed by warrant issued under the hand of the President under the provisions of the Commissions of Inquiry Act. The Members of the -commission listed in the warrant were as follows:

Mr. B.C. Perera, former Civil Servant and Ambassador (Chairman), W.D. Gunasekera, former Judge of the Supreme Court, M.D.D. Pieris, Secretary to the Ministry of Education and Higher Education, Cyril Gamage, former Civil Servant and at the time Chairman of the Salaries and Cadres Committee, Professor (Dr.) Dayasiri Fernando, R.N. Asirvathan, Chartered Accountant and at the time Chairman, Bank of Ceylon, P.A.M. Deraniyagala, Senior Engineer and at the time Chairman of the State Engineering Corporation and later of the Ceylon Electricity Board, Major General M.C.H. Fernando, who had retired from the Army and A.R.L. Wijesekera, a senior officer of the Scientific Service and former Government Analyst.

The Secretary to the Commission was senior public servant Mr. D. Wijesinghe, who at the time of this writing is Secretary to the Cabinet.

The Terms of Reference were comprehensive and broad. They were as follows:

(1) To review the Salary Structures, allowances and other forms of remuneration, concessions and related matters of Public Officers, Judicial Officers and Employees of Statutory Boards or Corporations paid out of the Consolidated Fund, with a view to ensuring a contented Public Service required for the efficient and honest discharge of public duties, having regard to:

(a) The cost of living, inflation and minimum living wage;

(b) The necessity to provide for the increasing need for specialization in Administration, Professional, Scientific and Technical skills so as to efficiently cater to all the activities in the Public Sector and the need to ensure that such skills are suitably recognized and adequately remunerated;

(c) Changes in the local job market in respect of skills currently required in the Public Service;

(d) Salary structural relationships among professional and occupational groups in neighbouring countries;

(e) Existing salary structural relationships among professional and occupational groups in the overall Public Sector and the need for their review and rationalization;

(f) Any anomalies created by ad hoc increases in remuneration and benefits that have been granted to sectors and sections of the Public Service and any other anomalies in the salary structure;

(g) The need to introduce principles of remuneration, including flexibility, to enable the Public Sector to be more responsive and efficient;

(h) The financial resources available to the Government and any equitable considerations that may be taken into account.

(2) To make recommendation on the basis of such review, for the comprehensive revision of salaries, allowances and other forms of remuneration and benefits to all employees in the Services referred to in paragraph (1) above and any other matters incidental to the Terms of Reference.

(3) To study and make recommendations as to the polices and measures that need to be taken to avoid ad hoc, unstudied, and uncoordinated adjustments and changes in salary structures in the Public Service.

The President wanted a report within five months. This was a massive task. The government also wanted us to look into the salary structure of the armed forces. The total number of employees that came within the terms of reference of the commission included 558,685 employees of the public service including employees of Provincial Councils and Local Authorities, 45,848 employees in Boards and Corporations falling within the purview of the commission; and over 100,000 service personnel. When the commission began its sittings the government also referred several other specific issues relating to public service salaries for its consideration.

The commission received 2,568 representations in response to a public invitation through the media, of which 822 or 32 per cent were from trade unions, federations of trade unions and professional associations. The commission was assisted by a carefully selected small core staff of considerable experience in the matters under inquiry. The commission arranged for special studies when necessary.

In these it was assisted by the Department of Census and Statistics, the Central Bank and in one instance by the Graduate Studies Department of the University of Colombo. We also obtained through the good offices of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and through many of our embassies, information in regard to public service salary structures from Singapore, India, the United Kingdom, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Malaysia.

The commission sat on several days to hear oral representations from relevant trade unions, federations and associations. In all, we sat through 49 long meetings. For this purpose we had to meet on Saturdays, public holidays and on many occasions after normal office hours. The task also required extensive reading of memoranda, studies, statistical tables, etc., on a regular basis. I used to read a great deal of these in the car whilst commuting. In the end the commission issued a closely printed 113 page report, which with annexures came to 196 pages.

The commission was chaired most efficiently by Mr. B.C. Perera. He was an administrator with great experience and a former Secretary to the Ministry of Health and a former Ambassador. He knew the public service well. Both Mr. Perera and the Secretary Mr. Wijesinghe showed great diligence and worked very hard to meet deadlines. The Commissioners themselves coming from diverse backgrounds and a multiplicity of disciplines worked harmoniously together.

They were of the maturity, experience and standing to look at wage and salary issues nationally and not parochially. Although the task entrusted to us was quite onerous and the time given limited and everyone had to work quite hard sacrificing much of their leisure, it was a pleasant experience because of the camaraderie and mutual respect that existed amongst us.

Cloaks only, no daggers

I have already mentioned the many different responsibilities a Secretary had to shoulder, and the numerous governing Boards and Councils that I as Secretary to the Ministry of Education and Higher Education had either to chair or be a member of, in addition to my normal duties. It took me a while to discover that representation on some entailed ancillary duties. This time these were of a ceremonial nature, but they still had to be performed.

The National Institute of Education amongst its multifarious tasks also awarded diplomas and degrees in Education. It was a recognized degree awarding institution. The colleges of education awarded a diploma after a two year full time residential course and a year’s practical teacher training. The practice was that after the final examinations there was a convocation for these graduates and diplomates, which the parents also attended. According to convention and practice, the Secretary, who was also the Director General of Education had to perform the role of a Chancellor of a University on these occasions.

There was a special academic dress which one had to wear at these convocations. The first time I was faced with this situation, I refused to wear an academic dress. I said that I was a Civil Servant and not an academic and that I would come in a suit. This horrified the organizers and virtually under duress I had to wear an elaborate cloak. I told my colleagues that when my friends see me on TV in this dress they would think that I had taken leave of my senses. I could see however that being adamant or stubborn was useless. There was no option to being decked out in robes. I therefore went through a few occasions of relative discomfort in the interests of duty.

Fundamental rights

To complicate one’s life further was the fairly recent upsurge of fundamental rights applications before the Supreme Court. It appeared that almost any act of appointment, transfer or discipline led to the filing of a fundamental rights application. In a large Ministry like Education the numbers of such applications were fairly heavy. This meant a special load of work on the Additional Secretary Administration. It also meant not an insignificant amount of time off me.

The reason for this was that every application had the Minister as the first respondent and the Secretary as the second. This resulted in the necessity for us to forward affidavits to the Attorney General, which then reached the relevant State Counsel handling the case for us. Sometimes the matter was important enough for the subject to be handled by senior lawyers in the Attorney General’s Department, and for consultations to take place, some of which I personally had to attend.

There was the further irritation and the disruption to work caused by the relatively short lead time available for the affidavit to be submitted. Generally, by the time when an affidavit reached me for my signature the deadline was almost upon us, and I had to stop whatever work I was doing to rapidly read through it, interrupted in its course by several telephone calls, or sometimes a Member of Parliament walking into my room or some other disturbance.

Although by now we were trained to concentrate amidst disturbances, this was not easy. The fact that some affidavits ran into several pages in response to the averments in the fundamental rights application, made matters worse. In these matters one had to exercise diligence to the extent possible because these were documents that were to be filed before the Supreme Court of the country. There were in effect two issues that one had to bear in mind. The first was the respect one had for the court. The second was one’s own position and standing in the administration and the eternally important issue of one’s credibility in the eyes of the court.

On rare occasions though something comes up which threatens to disrupt these considerations. An affidavit landed on my table one day which I found it impossible to subscribe to. When I discussed matters with the Additional Secretary concerned I was told that after consulting counsel, my affidavit was prepared to support the Minister’s position. I pointed out my difficulty in doing so and stated that I could aver to only a few matters within my knowledge, and that I could not aver to fiction.

The additional Secretary was in a difficulty because if my affidavit did not contain the material typed in it, in his opinion the Minister would have had a problem. I said I would speak to the Attorney General, who was Mr. Shibly Aziz, PC. I knew Shibly and had worked with him on various cases in the past. I phoned and told him to kindly sort this problem out, because I was not prepared, under any circumstances to swear to an affidavit which I knew to be inaccurate. He was most sympathetic, personally handled the matter, so that I was able ultimately to sign to the best of my knowledge a truthful but much shorter document.

The disturbance and the impact of personnel matters did not stop at fundamental rights applications. There were times I had to appear before the Human Rights Commission, and the Public Petitions Committee in Parliament. All this meant prior preparation and time. Sometimes, these meetings led to a request for further information and attendance at further meetings. It must be said however that the members of both the commission and the Parliamentary Committee were extremely courteous and understanding, and this to an extent mitigated the pressures one faced.

I had once again to appear before the High Posts Committee in Parliament, a committee consisting of Ministers and senior Members of Parliament from all parties represented in Parliament. This was for the purpose of enabling the committee to judge as to whether I was suitable to hold the present “high” post. As on previous occasions, the members seemed somewhat embarrassed in calling me up. They were most courteous and kind, stated that they had to call me as a matter of formality, said they had no questions to ask, apologized for taking me away from my work and sent me away.

Committee on the allocation of the subject of technical education between ministries

After my appointment to the Salaries Commission I thought that I would enjoy some respite from appointment to any more commissions or committees. I was however wrong. A serious problem had arisen because of the decision by the government to allocate the subject of Technical Education to the Ministry of Labour and Vocational Training. Technical Education was at the time a responsibility of the Higher Education section of the Ministry of Education and Higher Education. The aim of the government was to transfer this subject to the Ministry of Labour and Vocational Training pending the setting up of an entirely new Ministry of Human Resource Development.

The proposed transfer was vehemently opposed by the students who were following the Diploma courses and the Higher National Diploma courses in the Technical Colleges. They strongly felt that their transfer away from Higher Education to Labour was a loss of prestige and would result in a devaluation of their diplomas which could have repercussions in the job market. Some of the lecturing staff were also opposed. Matters were getting to the point of street demonstrations, when the President called up a meeting of the two Ministries, as well as lecturer trade unions and representatives of student groups.

The diploma students were adamant. Therefore, a tentative decision was taken to retain the Diploma and the Higher National Diploma courses under Higher Education, and transfer the certificate and other courses to the Ministry of Labour. The dividing line was the GCE Advanced Level examination. All courses which required the Advanced Level qualifications were to be retained under Higher Education. Other courses were to be the responsibility of the other Ministry. This however necessitated going into a number of difficult questions of implementation including the sharing of the resources of the existing Technical Colleges by the two Ministries and the fixing of numerous responsibilities.

(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Pieris) ✍️



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Is power devolution under JVP-NPP a political daydream?

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Former President Chandrika Kumaratunga

The JVP General Secretary Tilvin Silva’s recent remarks at a news conference in Jaffna where he ruled out the possibility of holding provincial council elections this year has been widely reported and widely criticized. About the same time there was another media event in Jaffna that went largely unnoticed and unreported outside Jaffna. What was said at the second media event may carry far more political implications than Tilvin Silva’s election timing talk. A veteran Tamil political participant made the startling yet not implausible statement that the prospect of having political devolution under the JVP-NPP government is becoming “a daydream”. The statement was made by Dr. K. Vigneswaran, who served as Provincial Secretary to the only North-East Provincial Council Government that was elected under the auspices of the Thirteenth Amendment.

Dr. Vigneswaran is a Professional Civil Engineer who studied at Royal College, graduated with First Class Honours in Engineering in 1964, and went on to complete a pioneering PhD at the university of Waterloo, Canada, applying the finite element method (FEM) in the field of Geotechnical Engineering. His engineering career has always been at the Irrigation Department where he rose to a Deputy Director. That was when the department was in its golden years, and Vigneswaran was known for his technical mentorship, meticulous administrative skills, and for knowing the fine print of everything. While at the Irrigation Department, Vigneswaran married Ramya de Silva, a fellow irrigation Engineer. After 1983, Vigneswaran became a fulltime political activist and a powerful resource in Tamil politics, but with unwavering commitment to nonviolence, democracy and federalism. The family moved first to India and then Canada, and Vigneswaran has been shuttling between Canada and Sri Lanka.

Devolution: Tortuous Trajectory

Since 1987, the Indo-Sri Lanka Agreement, and the 13th Amendment, Vigneswaran has been a permanent fixture in all the politics and institutional dynamic of implementing 13A and establishing provincial councils. He served as Secretary to the only elected Provincial Government for the Northern and Eastern Provinces. After 1994 and the election of Chandrika Kumaratunga as President, Vigneswaran became a key participant in all the civil society efforts and government initiatives to restore the PCs and implement 13A, both during the Kumaratunga presidency and the succeeding administrations of Mahinda Rajapaksa and the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo.

Devolution efforts stalled after the election of Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who in so many words declared that he had no time for 13A or PCs in his presidential agenda, whatever it was. Only that his whole agenda turned out to be a wholesale disaster for the country. Already by then, all the nine Provincial Councils had fallen into abeyance with the cancellation of the 1988 PC elections by the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe duo, with the TNA standing by. The abeyance continues under the JVP-NPP government with no apparent end in sight after Tilvin de Silva’s statement in Jaffna.

I say all this to provide the proper context for Vigneswaran’s statement in Jaffna that the prospects for power devolution under the JVP-NPP government are becoming a political daydream. He said something else as well: that of all the government leaders he has encountered over the years, the only leader who has been genuinely sincere about power devolution is former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, and no one else. I am constrained to add that the insincere category would include Ranil Wickremesinghe, who for all his handsome promises, never matched any of them with experiential sincerity. The present JVP-NPP government still has time to show that they are not an insincere lot.

It is not my purpose to agree with or question Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertions, but to use them as cue and context to comment on the widening mismatch between the JVP-NPP government’s promises and its practices on the matter of power devolution and the restoration of the PC system. With a stalling economy, rising prices and external shocks, it is obvious that the government has all the economic matters to worry about, but that does not mean that it can ignore all the other government responsibilities. No government is put in power to solve a single problem or address a single issue. It is in the nature of governments to deal with multiple problems with varying priorities. Otherwise you could have a single cabinet minister to deal with one problem at a time. That is never going to be the case.

The economy is of course the top of mind priority for the government even as it is a top of mind concern for the people. Even on the economic front, the government is holding steady but is showing little progress. And there are other government initiatives where political accountability will call for answers: to wit, the catchall Clean Sri Lanka programme, ambitious educational reforms, contentious energy sector reforms and, yes, power devolution as well as the overpromised constitutional reforms. Not to mention the sprawling unforced errors over substandard coal imports, foreign exchange fraud, and the chronic neglect of developing the renewable energy sector. Correcting these fields of errors may require a separate ministry for each.

Devolution: Daydream or Deliverable

On the PC system and constitutional reform, there has been scant progress in spite of handsome promises. On both, the government is inadvertently deepening the holes that it had dug itself into through indifference, inaction or procrastination, or all of them and more. In the matter of devolution and provincial councils, the government can simply defuse the situation by directing the Election Commission to conduct elections at the earliest opportunity that is logistically possible. Making his statement in Jaffna, Mr. Tilvin Silva alluded to funding shortfall and legal complications as reasons for the necessity to postpone PC elections until next year. Neither reason holds water.

The funding question would seem to have been put to rest by the statement of Health Minister and Cabinet Spokesman Nalinda Jayatissa, presumably reflecting cabinet consensus, that there are no funding issues and if needed additional funds could be arranged through supplementary allocations. It is also disingenuous to cite legal complications as a reason. The so called legal complications arose because of the collective stupidity of the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe parliament that included the then miniscule NPP and the politically-lost TNA. The JVP-NPP has now ballooned from a handful MPs to a two-thirds majority and it can expedite any legislation that it wants to enable the PC elections to be held without delays.

Alternatively, the elections can be held under the old arrangement of proportional representation with assurance by political parties to honour their commitment to fielding more female candidates. Already at a gathering of all political parties, including the NPP (but not the JVP), and civil society groups, convened by People’s Action For Free & Fair Elections (PAFFREL), the political parties jointly committed to a 25% quota for women and youth under the old electoral system. The ongoing parliamentary committee exercise studying the legal matter, headed by the overstretched Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath, is also an unnecessary red herring. The Election Commission is ready to go under whatever law or electoral system that is before it. So, there is no reason to hide behind legal complications to further delay the PC elections.

Somewhat amusingly, Public and Parliamentary Affairs Minister Ananda Wijepala has trotted out the argument that the NPP government has already conducted two nationwide elections during the one and a half years it has been in office, and that unlike the Ranil Wickremesinghe government the JVP-NPP is not in the business “to delay elections for our personal benefit” – whatever that means. Unfortunately, the good minister is missing the point. The question is not how many elections can the JVP-NPP hold in how many years, but how many years do people in the provinces have to wait before they vote in another provincial election? How many more years? That really is the question.

We know the current situation in the provinces. There are provincial governments but no elected provincial councils. The government administration in every province is being run by the President of the Republic through his handpicked governors and unelected government officials. This is a travesty of democracy and the euthanizing of the PC system. Already under 13A, the office of the provincial governors has been constitutionally and legally compared to the office of the Governors of old Ceylon who represented the monarch in what was then a crown colony. The irony is that a JVP-NPP President may have inadvertently positioned himself as the monarch of all he provincially surveys, courtesy of the Thirteenth Amendment!

The JVP was in the forefront of the litigation that caused the demerger of the Northern and Eastern Provinces. If Dr. Vigneswaran’s assertion were to prove correct, a potential dissolution of the provincial system under the JVP-NPP government would be the consummation of the JVP’s original opposition to the introduction of the provincial council system itself. The whole system may not be eradicated, but it could be devoured of its democratic essence while preserving the administrative shell as the medium for the country’s president to overreach into the provinces. That would be worse than a daydream, a real nightmare.

by Rajan Philips ✍️

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Rewiring Brain: Meditation to Break the Cycle of Craving

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“Craving begets sorrow, craving begets fear. For him who is free from craving there is no sorrow; how can there be fear for him,” Dhammapada verse 216 states. The mental factor craving, Tanha in Pali, is central to Buddhist Teaching, as its ultimate goal is the cessation or extinction of it—tanhakkhaya. Even though Tanha is translated as craving here, it can sometimes mislead modern readers into thinking tanha only refers to extreme or physical addictions. Just as with any Pali term, it has broad meanings. Venerable Walpola Rahula describes it as “thirst” or unceasing wanting, one of the deep-rooted proclivities or latent tendencies (anusaya) of life (Rahula 1959), without which life as we know would not exist.

Even though the Buddha recognized this natural phenomenon two and a half millennia ago, it was only in the late 20th century that science took note of it and gave it a captivating term—the Hedonic Treadmill. The advantage of this empirical investigation to us Buddhists is that it provides a way to gain penetrative, experiential comprehension (anubodha) of this concept using the vernacular of this technology-savvy age—an alternative to struggling with the language of a bygone era.

These investigations have revealed that there are no hard-to-comprehend metaphysical or mysterious elements involved with this phenomenon; it is a biochemical process fundamental to sustaining life. What is more, an effort to grasp this concept would be well within the goals of Vipassana meditation described in the Sutta Pitaka, incorporating the four elements of investigation: body (kayanupassana), sensations (vedananupassana), mind (chittanupassana), and natural laws (dhammanupassana).

Vipassana and modern science

Vipassana meditation is an in-depth exploration of how humans perceive the world, gain knowledge, and interact with themselves and the environment. Knowing this with wisdom allows one to lead a harmonious way of life (samadhi), a condition conducive to curbing the “thirst” and achieving the Buddhist ideal. The goal of modern science is also to investigate life, but humanity has often used that knowledge to increase material wealth and comfort, providing only lip service to spirituality on the fringe.

An attitude that tends to ignore the consequences of wanting more and more – thirst, potentially endangering the planet. However, that does not prevent us from using scientific information as and aid or a tool to grasp Buddhist concepts. The scientific method bears parallels to the Buddhist approach: it is based on causality (paticcasamuppada), empirical verification (ehipassiko), systematic observation (meditation), and rejecting dogma and beliefs. The primary difference is simply the vocabulary used.

The process of perception: five aggregates

Our five external sense organs receive data (vedana) containing information on the environment: Eyes: receive light, Ears: receive sound, Skin: senses physical contact and temperature, Nose & Tongue: sense chemical properties of substances. The data received by the sense organs is transmitted to the brain, where it is registered as neural networks (sanna). Neural networks, which are interconnected groups of nerve cells (neurons) can be viewed as mind-readable QR codes.

The activity of the brain, or mind (mano), processes this data and converts them into actionable information (sankhara). Modern neuroscience and psychology have made great advances in understanding these processes at the molecular level. This process allows the individual to become aware of their environment, build an autobiographical memory or the notion of a self (atta), and take actions to protect and perpetuate life.

The Pali term vinnana refers to the collection of information committed to memory. Translating vinnana as “consciousness” can be confusing, as the latter often refers to all brain activities. All physical phenomena that sense organs encounter and the mental constructs (sankhara) are referred to as Rupa. This activity of mind forms the basis of all knowledge, representing the entire world as perceived by the individual. This process is what the Teaching refers to as the Five Aggregates (pancakkhanda). The critical takeaway is that the world we perceive is merely a mental construct. While an objective world exists, our sense organs have limitations in seeing it—a fact easily realized through the hundreds of illusions used for entertainment.

Evolution and emotion

The evolutionary purpose of this data processing mechanism is to enable living beings to respond to environmental factors for survival. The psychological and physiological state that arises prior to acting is called emotion. Primarily, emotions can be of three kinds: desire (loba) – seeing a new phone causes an urge to buy it, even though the current one works fine; aversion (dosha) – encountering a vicious dog triggers a “fight or flight” response; delusion (moha) or illusion – an unanswered message to a loved one triggers worry or speculation. Thus, tanha or thirst represents how we connect to the world in its entirety; it can be desire, aversion, and delusion, not merely simple greed. Consequently, these are natural phenomena beyond our immediate control, which are intended to sustain life. In other words, emotions are the forerunner to volitions or intentions, which the Teaching defines as kamma.

The biochemistry of craving

Emotions result from the interaction between the nervous system and biochemicals known as neurotransmitters and neuromodulators (e.g., dopamine, serotonin, epinephrine, GABA, glutamate, acetylcholine, and endorphins). Just as the Buddha’s simile of two bundles of bamboo supporting each other describes, these two processes are interdependent and co-arising. Every thought or emotional state corresponds to patterns of neural firing. When neurons fire, they release these chemicals into synapses, influencing how one feels and acts. This release perturbs the body’s normal balance, or homeostasis. Once an action is complete, these chemicals are reabsorbed, and the body returns to its baseline.

Return to baseline is essential for survival. For example, if we stay satisfied with just one meal forever, we could not sustain life. Nature has developed another mechanism to prevent us from being satisfied – we also habituate. In the case of dopamine, the brain adapts by reducing the response to the same stimulus. To get the same level of satisfaction with repeated experiences, the amounts of neurotransmitters needed keeps increasing. This leads to the cycle of craving and dissatisfaction—the Hedonic Treadmill. You “run” toward happiness on the treadmill, but it does not take you anywhere, leaving you in the same emotionally unsatisfactory state, wanting more and more.

Breaking the cycle

This explains why achievements and possessions do not bring permanent happiness, and lead to a cycle of struggle, addiction, crime, and other ills of society. For Buddhists, it also explains why we cling to meaningless rituals. The Dhamma captured this complex phenomenon in the Four Noble Truths: pleasant experiences are impermanent (anicca), leading to grasping (tanha) and unsatisfactoriness (dukkha). The remedy is the Eightfold Path that involves wisdom (panna), conduct (sila), and harmony (samadhi).

Neuroplasticity and the point of liberation

While we cannot stop the sense organs from receiving stimulation (vedana) and sending them to brain, the mind can be developed to prevent vedana from leading to tanha. This is the “point of liberation,” the seventh link in the paticcasamuppada formula. We may not have free will, but we have ‘Free Won’t’ or the ability to say no to the natural tendency to act upon stimuli. We can rewire our neural connections to do so. This ability can be cultivated by practice and repetition, and neuroscience refers to it as neuroplasticity—the brain’s ability to change with experience.

The natural tendency of the brain is to strengthen frequently used neural networks while weakening and eliminating lesser used networks and building new ones as needed. This is known as neural plasticity or rewiring the brain. As described in the Eight-fold Path, the way to weaken and eliminate dopamine-driven neural networks includes three aspects. First, the process leading to thirst must be understood. One must engage in sila – activities and thoughts that cultivate Metta: loving-kindness and goodwill, Karuna: compassion, Mudita: appreciative joy, and Upekkha: equanimity, emotional stability, calmness, and evenness of mind in the face of gain and loss, praise and blame, fame and disrepute, pleasure, and pain. That must be done with wisdom, ritualistic behavior does not strengthen the correct neural networks. These activities promote a “cocktail” of oxytocin, serotonin, and GABA, subduing the role of dopamine and helping us step off the Hedonic Treadmill. This leads to a tranquil state of mind and a harmonious existence – samadhi. Again, it is an interdependent, co-arising process that improves upon repetition. Using mind altering substances hijacks this process, thus the need for adhering to the Fifth Precept.

The goal of Vipassana is to understand this process and train the mind to say “no” to tanha. It is not just about sitting on a mat; it requires developing a lifestyle that maintains homeostasis or harmony, samadhi, at every moment. Pali term bhavana means the development of wisdom and insight. In modern vernacular – rewiring brain. This model must be assessed for its efficacy by the individual and realize the benefits by themselves –ehipassiko; knowledge without practice does not work. According to what the Buddha taught, that is the path to cessation or extinction of craving – tanhakkhaya, the supreme goal.

by Geewananda Gunawardana, Ph.D. ✍️

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‘Spectrum’ Art Exhibition Showcases Emerging Talent at Lionel Wendt

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A new art exhibition, titled Spectrum ,will be held at the Lionel Wendt Art Centre on the 20th and 21st of June 2026, bringing together a collection of works by ten emerging artists.

Athsara Wijegunawardena

Neha Thirumavalavan

Dillai Joseph

Wasantha Siriwardena

Champika Dias

Nipun Dias

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Kalhari Perera

Siromi Samarasinghe

Chandana Illankone

All ten artists have trained under the guidance of renowned Sri Lankan artist Royden Gibbs, and this exhibition marks an important point in their individual journeys.

Dr. Prasanna Siriwardena

Spectrum brings together a mix of styles, subjects and approaches, giving visitors a chance to experience a wide range of work in one place. The exhibition will include pieces in watercolors, soft pastels, oils and charcoal, reflecting both the discipline and personal direction of each artist. The work ranges from scenery and portraits to still life and studies of the human form, offering different ways of seeing and interpreting familiar subjects.

Dillai Joseph

Although they share the same mentor, each artist presents a distinct point of view. The result is a show that feels varied yet connected, with each piece carrying its own character and intent. It is this balance that gives Spectrum its identity.

The exhibition aims to support and highlight emerging talent within Sri Lanka’s art scene, while also creating a space where artists and audiences can connect. Visitors will find work that shifts between quiet observation and more expressive pieces, making it an engaging experience for both seasoned collectors and those simply interested in art.

Spectrum is expected to draw art lovers, collectors, students and members of the wider creative community. It also offers an opportunity to discover and support new artists at an early stage in their careers.

Open to the public over two days, Spectrum invites visitors to experience a range of work in a venue that has long been part of Colombo’s cultural landscape.

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