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The unaffordability of politics-as-usual

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Nepal Uprising: “In Nepal, the breaking point came with a ban on 25 social media platforms (until they register with the government).”

“We pay; You flex.” A placard displayed during Nepal’s 8 September protests

On the face of it, there aren’t many similarities between the leaders of Indonesia and Nepal. Prbawo Subianto was a son-in-law of former President Suharto. As a general and special forces commander, he oversaw the crackdown on 1988 students’ protests which eventually overthrew President Suharto. Accused of serious human rights violations including against journalists and political dissenters, he was elected president for the first time in 2024.

Nepal’s prime minister until early this week, KP Sharmal Oli, is a member of the Communist Party (Unified Marxist-Leninist). A lifelong activist, he spent 14 years behind bars as a political prisoner, four of them in solitary confinement. He has served as Nepal’s prime minister thrice.

Divided by history and ideology, the two leaders had one factor in common – an inability to gauge the pulse of the people, especially the youth.

In Indonesia, the breaking point came when reports emerged that all parliamentarians enjoy a monthly housing allowance 10 times the size of minimum wage in capital Jakarta. This was while the government was implementing harsh austerity measures with deep cuts in education, health and public works.

In Nepal, the breaking point came with a ban on 25 social media platforms (until they register with the government). The ban was ordered by the Supreme Court and came at a sensitive time, when social media was rife with posts about the lavish lifestyle of ‘nepo-kids’ (a play on the word nepotism and on the Hollywood creation, Nepo-babies), children of politicians and other power-wielders who are privileged due to their parentage/family connections. “For weeks before the ban, videos were circulating on social media purporting to show the expensive cars, handbags, and vacations enjoyed by politicians’ offspring,” wrote London’s Financial Times. And the images “proved incendiary in a country that ranks 107th out of 180 countries in Transparency International’s annual corruption index and where many say political graft is rife.” Not just politicians. “Earlier this week, a video on TikTok showed images of Sayuj Parajuli, the son of former Nepali Supreme Court Chief Justice Gopal Parajuli, posing next to cars and in fancy restaurants,” according to Al Jazeera.

In both countries, the protests were more or less peaceful, initially.

In both countries, the use of lethal force was initiated by rulers.

Then all hell broke loose.

Both countries have exceptionally high youth unemployment rates. “In a survey published by the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore in January, young Indonesians express far more pessimistic attitudes about the economy and the government than their peers in Thailand, Malaysia, Singapore, the Philippines, and Vietnam,” wrote Al Jazeera. There are few employment opportunities and even fewer jobs with decent wages for Indonesian youth.

Nepal’s young people too are prospect-less and increasingly hopeless, “sick of a corrupt political system and a political class, sick of seeing the same discredited old men taking turns to lead and loot the country, sick of seeing no future path but to leave for work abroad which thousands do every day” (https://www.himalmag.com/politics/nepal-gen-z-uprising-oli-resignation).

Both countries once experienced new dawns. In Indonesia, it was in May 1988, with the fall of Suharto’s 32-year dictatorial rule, caused by economic collapse and public protests. The Reform Area with civilian rule and democratic elections began with hope. But slow pace of reforms, continuing economic woes, and unending corruption eroded the mood of optimism.

In Nepal, the break with the past was starker – transition from monarchy to a republic, and the electoral victory of a party which had engaged in an armed struggle against that monarchy. “But they failed to make any real impact and soon became another establishment party. Their failure is best symbolised by how their leader – Chairman Prachanda himself – soon became known more for his personal wealth than his revolutionary credentials. A new draft constitution, shockingly progressive in Nepal’s historical context, was stalled and stalled until it was forced through after much watering down” (ibid).

It is a dangerous business, first nourishing, then betraying popular hope.

On Constitutional Dictatorships and would-be-kings

The NPP/JVP government took nearly 10 months to fulfil one of its main election promises – removing perks and privileges enjoyed by former presidents.

It could have fulfilled that promise much earlier since it has a two-thirds majority in parliament and more. The delay caused criticism and ridicule. The proposal to repeal the 1986 President’s Entitlements Act was presented to the cabinet only in July 2025, obviously in response to the government’s far from stellar performance at the May local government elections.

Now the deed is finally done, for which the government deserves praise. Especially since it seems as if no other political party would have done it, going by the conduct of the Opposition during the debate and the vote.

The President’s Entitlements (Repeal) Act has scrapped official residences, secretarial and other staff, transportation facilities, and pensions granted to former presidents and their relicts. Security for former presidents never came under the President’s Entitlement Act of 1986. Therefore, the Act’s repeal has no bearing on the matter. The level of security provided to former presidents will continue to be determined by a special committee, subject to periodic reviews.

A list read out by Minister Ananda Wijepala during the parliamentary debate demonstrates the degree to which various former presidents have abused the President’s Entitlements Act. The extra staff allocated to former president Mahinda Rajapaksa included 16 cooks, 26 electricians, three personnel trainers, one carpenter, and one dog minder (why a carpenter for Heaven’s sake, or 26 electricians, not to mention so many chefs?). Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s staff included eight chefs, one personal trainer and one dog minder.

Clearly, excess was the norm, entitlement the rule.

Entitlement.

During a recent a pocket meeting, Namal Rajapaksa is captured on camera saying, “Our family did politics for 100 years, father, grandfather. Whether our children do politics or not is in their hands. But if they want to, things must be set, so they can do so. It will be a mess if they are told, Your father and grandfather did badly…” (https://www.newswire.lk/2025/08/11/our-children-should-be-able-to-do-politics-if-they-want-to-namal/). His children are still toddlers, yet he is already planning their path to power, if they decide to tread it.

The Rajapaksas, like the Bourbons, are incapable of either learning or forgetting. If they return to power, the abuse of state resources will return, together with the practice of treating the state as a private fief, rampant corruption, and unbridled nepotism.

Not to mention a constitutional dictatorship.

Namal Rajapaksas reportedly birthed the term during the arrest of Ranil Wickremesinghe. The NPP/JVP government is not a constitutional dictatorship, yet. But that label is a perfect fit for the governments of Namal Rajapaksa’s father and his uncle.

Like the 18th Amendment to the constitution which emasculated the independent commissions, enhanced presidential powers and removed presidential term limits.

Or the illegal impeachment of Chief Justice Shirani Bandaranayake.

In a classified cable written on February 24, 2010, the US Ambassador identified the then Supreme Court Justice Shirani Bandaranayke as a ‘Rajapaksa-loyalist’. She was that indeed. She headed the benches which rejected Gen. Fonseka’s petition for bail, approved the 18th Amendment in just 24 hours, gave a free passage to the Expropriations Bill, and rejected petitions against compulsory Leadership Training and the blocking of anti-government websites.

She might have worked through and around the constitution, even bent it now and then. But she wasn’t willing to violate it blatantly. So she didn’t give free passes to two pet Rajapaksas projects – Basil Rajapaksa’s Divineguma Bill and Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s Town and Country Planning (Amendment) Bill, popularly known as the Sacred Areas Act. Both dealt with devolved/concurrent subjects and needed the go ahead from all provincial councils.

Consider how much more of a constitutional dictatorship Sri Lanka would have become if the Sacred Areas Act had become law.

The Act consisted of four pages and eight clauses. It empowered the Minister of Buddha Sasana and Religious Affairs to acquire any land or building by the simple expedient of labelling it a Protection area, Conservation area, Architectural or Historic Area or simply a Sacred Area. Had it gone through, it would have been Open Sesame for land grabbing, either for profit or as punishment/revenge.

In November 2011, in response to a petition by the CPA, a Supreme Court bench headed by CJ Shirani Bandaranayke ruled that the Bill needed the concurrence of provincial councils to pass. Another bench headed by her made the same ruling via the Divineguma Bill in 2012.

So, CJ Bandaranayke was hounded out of office via an illegal impeachment and Mohan Peiris appointed as CJ. During the run up to the impeachment, High Court Judge Manjula Tilakeratne, who functioned as the Secretary of the Judicial Services Commission (JSC), was pistol whipped as he waited in his car outside his son’s school on a Sunday morning. He had earned the Rajapaksa ire by issuing a public statement on behalf of the JSC warning about attempts to undermine judicial independence. His assailants were never caught.

Now that was a constitutional dictatorship.

The NPP/JVP might head there – its conduct vis-à-vis a disputed property in Yakkala indicates a dangerous latency, an unacceptable willingness to take law into its hand, while a supine police looked on. But the Gampaha High Court has ordered the police to evict those JVP members who occupying the property currently. Whether the police are allowed to carry out that judicial order – or not – will be a litmus test both for the IGP and for the government.

There is much the government does which must be resisted and opposed. The President’s Entitlement (Repeal) Bill is a rare exception. The democratic Opposition’s inability to support that Bill demonstrates how far it is from becoming a real alternative to the government.

Beware of the people

The SLPP’s decision not to support the President’s Entitlements (Repeal) Bill is understandable. Not so the decision by the SJB and the minority parties to follow suit.

The President’s Entitlements Act was the work of JR Jayewardene. But he didn’t avail himself of an official residence, post-retirement. As president, Sajith Premadasa’s father lived in his lifelong residence of Sucharitha, in Colombo Central. He would have continued to do so, post-retirement. And he was already preparing the Visura Building, also in Colombo Central, to function as his office, post-retirement. Sajith Premadasa could have honoured his father’s (and the UNP’s) tradition and supported the Bill. Unfortunately, though he mentions his father often, he rarely follows in Ranasinghe Premadasa’s footsteps.

Sajith Premadasa displayed fidelity to principles and courage in his unstinting criticism of Israel’s genocidal war in Gaza (unlike the NPP/JVP government which seems to be living in terror of Israel; its statement on Israel’s unprovoked state-terroristic attack on Qatar does not mention the word Israel even once!). It is a pity Sajith Premadasa lost that courage and fidelity to principles when it came to the President’s Entitlements (Repeal) Act. He and his party took the coward’s way out and stayed away from the chamber during voting time – probably because they know that a No vote or even an abstention could return to haunt them in the future.

The democratic opposition cannot become a credible alternative to the government if it either aligns with the Rajapaksas or emulates their stances and policies. What will it do if the NPP/JVP is compelled by public pressure to honour another – and very popular – election promise and brings a bill to remove the perks and privileges enjoyed by current and former parliamentarians? Oppose that bill too? What if the government is forced to abolish the executive presidency? Will the opposition oppose that as well?

Sri Lanka still has an unacceptably high youth unemployment rate – around 22% in 2024. Our poverty rate increased drastically thanks to the economic collapse, to about a quarter of the populace. In 2024, poverty rate remained a very high 24%. These are danger signs. If the government fails to deal with these problems adequately, if the populace veer from hopefulness to despair, there might be another outburst of public anger. And the bloody lessons from Bangladesh to Nepal make one thing clear – such outbursts are against not just the governing party but the entire political class, including the opposition.

Despair doesn’t make people rational or reasonable; it makes people lash out against anything and anyone they believe to be responsible for their plight. Keeping Sri Lanka out of that place is the responsibility of both the government and the opposition. Because the price of failure will have to be paid not by one party or individual, but every party and every citizen – and in blood.

by Tisaranee Gunasekara ✍️



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Immediate industrial reforms critical for Sri Lanka’s future

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Sri Lanka’s industrial sector has historically been an engine of growth, employment, and exports. Yet today, many industries face structural challenges, outdated practices, and intense global competition. Immediate and comprehensive policy reforms are, therefore, both urgent and essential—not only to revive growth but also to secure the future prosperity of the country.

Strengthening economic growth and diversification

Industries contribute significantly to GDP and export earnings. They create value-added products, reduce import dependency, and improve trade balances. Sri Lanka’s economy remains overly reliant on a few traditional sectors, such as garments and tea. Industrial reforms can encourage diversification into higher-value manufacturing, technology-driven production, and knowledge-based industries, increasing resilience against global shocks.

Job creation and social stability

The industrial sector is a major source of formal employment, particularly for youth and women. Small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) provide both direct and indirect jobs. Without reforms, job creation is limited, pushing young people to seek opportunities abroad, which drains talent and exacerbates social and economic inequality. By modernising industries and supporting SME growth, the country can create high-quality, sustainable employment, reduce migration pressures, and promote social stability.

Competitiveness and export expansion

Sri Lanka faces stiff competition from countries such as Vietnam, Bangladesh, and India in textiles, garments, and other manufacturing exports. Many local industries struggle with outdated technology, high production costs, and weak supply chains. Urgent reforms—such as improving industrial infrastructure, incentivising technology adoption, and simplifying trade regulations—are critical to enhancing competitiveness, retaining market share, and expanding exports.

Attracting domestic and foreign investment

Investors require clarity, stability, and efficient regulatory processes. Complex licensing, bureaucratic delays, and inconsistent policies deter both domestic and foreign investment. By implementing transparent and predictable industrial policies, the government can attract capital, encourage innovation, and accelerate industrial modernisation. Investment is not just about funding production—it is also about transferring technology and upgrading skills, which is essential for long-term industrial development.

Promoting innovation and technological upgrading

Many Sri Lankan industries continue to rely on outdated production methods and low-value processes, limiting productivity, efficiency, and global competitiveness. Comprehensive industrial reforms can incentivise research and development, digitalisation, automation, and adoption of green technologies, enabling local industries to move up the value chain and produce higher-value goods. This is particularly urgent as global competitors are rapidly implementing Industry 4.0 standards, including AI-driven production, smart logistics, and sustainable manufacturing. Without modernisation, Sri Lanka risks not only losing export opportunities but also falling permanently behind in technological capabilities, undermining long-term industrial growth and economic resilience.

Strengthening supply chains and local linkages

Effective industrial reform can improve integration between agriculture, services, and manufacturing. For example, better industrial policies can ensure that local raw materials are efficiently used, logistics systems are modernised, and SMEs are integrated into global supply chains. This creates multiplier effects across the economy, stimulating productivity, innovation, and competitiveness beyond the industrial sector itself.

Environmental sustainability and resilience

Global trends demand green and sustainable industrial practices. Sri Lanka cannot afford to ignore climate-friendly production methods, energy efficiency, or waste management. Reforms that promote sustainable manufacturing, circular economy principles, and renewable energy adoption will future-proof industries, improve international market access, and ensure compliance with global trade standards.

Institutional capacity and governance

Industrial reforms are not just about incentives; they require strong institutions capable of policy design, monitoring, and enforcement. Weak governance, policy inconsistency, and politicisation have historically undermined industrial development in Sri Lanka. Strengthening industrial institutions, simplifying bureaucracy, and ensuring accountability are essential components of meaningful reform.

Responding to global technological and trade shifts

The industrial landscape is rapidly changing due to digitalisation, automation, AI, and new global trade patterns. Sri Lanka must adapt quickly to benefit from global industrial trends rather than risk falling behind regional competitors. Immediate reform will allow industries to adopt modern production systems, integrate with global value chains, and improve export competitiveness.

Conclusion

Industrial policy reforms in Sri Lanka are urgent because delays threaten employment, competitiveness, and investment. They are important because a modern, resilient industrial sector is crucial for economic growth, export expansion, technological advancement, social stability, and environmental sustainability. Strategic, forward-looking reforms will not only save existing industries but also position Sri Lanka for a prosperous, resilient, and inclusive future.

(The writer is a former senior public servant and policy specialist.)

BY Chinthaka Samarawickrama Lokuhetti

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How to insult friends and intimidate people!

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Trump in Davos

US President Donald Trump is insulting friends and intimidating others. Perhaps. Following his rare feat of securing a non-consecutive second term, one would have expected Trump to be magnanimous, humble and strive to leave an imprint in world history as a statesman. However, considering the unfolding events, it is more likely that he will be leaving an imprint but for totally different reasons!

From the time of his re-election, Trump has apparently been determined to let the world know who the ‘boss’ is and wanted to Make America Great Again (MAGA) by economic measures that were detrimental even to his neighbours and friends, totally disregarding the impact it may have on the world economy. Some of his actions were risky and may well have backfired. Businessmen are accustomed to taking risks and he appears to behave as a businessman rather than as a politician. There was hardly any significant resistance to his arbitrary tariff increases except from China. He craved for the Nobel Peace Prize, claiming to have ended and prevented wars and, and unashamedly posed for a picture when the Nobel Peace Prize was ‘presented’ to him by the winner! To add insult to injury, Trump demonstrated his ignorance by blaming the Norwegian Prime Minister for having overlooked him for the Nobel Peace Prize. He should surely have known, before the Norwegian PM pointed out, that the awardee was chosen by a non-governmental committee.

Trump’s erratic behaviour reached its climax in Davos. He came to Davos determined to railroad the European leaders into accepting his bid to acquire Greenland and seemed to do so by hurling insults left, right and centre! Even before he started the trip to Davos, Trump had already imposed a 10% tariff on imports from seven European countries including the UK, increasing to 25% from the beginning of February, until he was able to acquire Greenland. In a rambling speech, lasting over an hour, he referred to Greenland as Iceland on four different occasions.

Exaggerating the part played by the US in World War II Trump proclaimed “Without us right now, you’d all be speaking German and a little Japanese”. After making a hideous claim that the US had handed Greenland to Denmark, after World War II, Trump said, “We want a piece of ice for world protection, and they won’t give it. You can say yes and we will be very appreciative. Or you can say no and we will remember”. A veiled threat, perhaps!

However, the remark that irked the UK most was his reference to the war in Afghanistan. He repeated the claim, made to Fox News, that NATO had sent ‘some troops’. but that they ‘had stayed a little back, a little off the front line’. On top of politicians, infuriated families of over 500 soldiers who sacrificed their lives in the front-lines in Afghanistan, started protesting which forced the British PM Keir Starmer to abandon the hitherto used tactic of flattery to win over Trump, to state that Trump’s remarks were “insulting and frankly appalling.” After a call from Starmer, Trump posted a praise on his Truth Social platform that UK troops are “among the greatest of all warriors”!

The resistance to Trump’s attempts at reverting to ‘unconstrained power of Great Powers’, which was replaced by the ‘rule-based-order’ after World War II, was spearheaded from an unlikely quarter. It was by Mark Carney, financier turned politician, PM of Canada. He was the Governor of the Bank of England, during the disastrous David Cameron administration, and left the post with hardly any impact but seems to have become a good politician. He apparently has hit Trump where it hurts most, as in his speech, Trump stated that Canada was living on USA and warned Carney about his language!

Mark Carney’s warning that this was a moment of “rupture” with the established rules-based international order giving way to a new world of Great Power politics and his rallying cry that “the middle powers” needed to act together, need to be taken seriously. What would the world come to, unless there is universal condemnation of actions like the forcible extraction of the Venezuelan President which, unfortunately, did not happen maybe because of the fear of Trump heaping more tariffs etc? What started in Venezuela can end up anywhere. Who appointed the US to be the policeman of the world?

With words, Trump gave false hope to protesters rebelling against the theocracy in Iran but started showing naval strength only after the regime crushed the rebellion by killing, according to some estimates, up to 25,000 protesters. If he decides to attack, Iran is bound to retaliate, triggering another war. In fact, Trump was crass enough to state that he no longer cares for peace as he was snubbed by the Nobel Peace committee! Trump is terrorising his own people as is happening in Minnesota but that is a different story.

Already the signs of unity, opposing Trump’s irrationalities, are visible. Almost all NATO members opposing Trump’s plans resulted in his withdrawal from Greenland acquisition plans. To save face, he gave the bogus excuse that he had reached an ever-lasting settlement! Rather than flattery, Trump’s idiosyncrasies need to be countered without fear, as well illustrated by the stance the British PM was forced to take on the Afghan war issue. For the sake of world peace, let us hope that Trump will be on the retreat from now.

 Mark Carney’s pivotal speech received a well-deserved and rare standing ovation in Davos. One can only hope that he will practice what he preached to the world, when it comes to internal politics of his country. It is no secret that vote-bank politics is playing a significant role in Canadian politics. I do hope he will be able to curtail the actions of remnants of terrorist groups operating freely in Canada.

by Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

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Trump is a product of greed-laden American decadence

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One wonders why the people of the US, who have built the most technologically and economically advanced country, ever elected Donald Trump as their President, not once, but twice. His mistakes and blunders in his first term are too numerous to mention, but a few of the most damaging to the working people are as follows:

Trump brought in tax cuts that overwhelmingly favour the wealthy over the average worker. The Tax Cuts and Jobs Act (TCJA) signed into law, at the end of 2017, provides a permanent cut in the corporate income tax rate that will overwhelmingly benefit capital owners and the top one percent. His new laws took billions out of workers’ pockets by weakening or abandoning regulations that protect their pay. In 2017 the Trump administration hurt workers’ pay in many ways, including acts to dismantle two key regulations that protect the pay of low- to middle-income workers. These failures to protect workers’ pay could cost workers an estimated $7 billion per year. In 2017, the Trump administration—in a virtually unprecedented move—switched sides in a case before the US Supreme Court and  fought on the side of corporate interests and against workers.

Trump’s policies on climate change could ruin the global plans to cut down emissions and reduce warming, which has already affected the US  equally badly as anywhere else in the world. Trump ridiculed the idea of man-made climate change, and repeatedly referred to his energy policy under the mantra “drill, baby, drill”. He said he would increase oil drilling on public lands and offer tax breaks to oil, gas, and coal producers, and stated his goal for the United States to have the lowest cost of electricity and energy of any country in the world. Trump also promised to roll back electric vehicle initiatives, proposed once again the United States withdrawal from the Paris Agreement, and rescind several environmental regulations.  The implementation of Trump’s plans would add around 4 billion tons of carbon dioxide to the atmosphere by 2030, also having effects on the international level. If the policies do not change further, it would add 15 billion tons by 2040 and 27 billion by 2050. Although the exact calculation is difficult, researchers stated: “Regardless of the precise impact, a second Trump term that successfully dismantles Biden’s climate legacy would likely end any global hopes of keeping global warming below 1.5C.” ( Evans, et al, 2024). Despite all these anti-social policies Trump was voted into power for a second term.

Arguments suggesting the USA is a decadent society, defined as a wealthy civilisation in a state of stagnation, exhaustion, and decline, are increasingly common among commentators. Evidence cited includes political gridlock, economic stagnation since the 1970s, demographic decline, and a shift toward a “cultural doom loop” of repeating past ideas (Douthat, 2024, New York Times).

First, we will look at the economic aspect of the matter though the moral and spiritual degradation may be more important, for it is the latter that often causes the former . The reasons for the  economic decline, characterised  by increase in inequality, dates back to the seventies. Between 1973 and 2000, the average income of the bottom 90 percent of US taxpayers fell by seven percent. Incomes of the top one percent rose by 148 percent, the top 0.1 percent by 343 percent, and the top 0.01 percent rose by 599 percent. The redistribution of income and wealth was detrimental to most Americans.

If the income distribution had remained unchanged from the mid-1970s, by 2018, the median income would be 58 percent higher ($21,000 more a year). The decline in profits was halted, but at the expense of working families. Stagnant wages, massive debt and ever longer working hours became their fate.

Since 1973, the US has experienced slower growth, lower productivity, and a diminished share of global manufacturing, notes the (American Enterprise Institute). Despite the low growth, the rich have doubled their wealth. In our opinion this is due to the “unleash of a culture of greed” that Joseph Stiglitz spoke about.

Nobel Prize winning economist Joseph Stiglitz has frequently argued that the United States has unleashed a culture of greed, selfishness, and deregulation, which he blames for extreme inequality, financial crises, and environmental destruction.

Income stagnation is not the only quality of life indicator that suffered. In 1980, life expectancy in the US was about average for an affluent nation. By the 2020s, it dropped to the lowest among wealthy countries, even behind China or Chile, largely due to the stagnation of life expectancy for working-class people. With regard to quality of life the US has fallen to 41st in global, UN-aligned, sustainable development rankings, highlighting issues with infrastructure and social systems, (The Conversation). The political system is described as trapped in a “stale system” with high polarisation, resulting in inaction rather than progress, (Douthat, New York Times).

It is often the moral and spiritual degradation that causes an overall decline in all aspects of life, including the US economy. Statistics on crime, drug and alcohol addiction, suicide rate and mental health issues in the US, which are the indicators for moral and spiritual status of a society, are not very complimentary. The Crime Index in the US is 49 while it is 23 in China and 32 in Russia. Drug abuse rate is 16.8% in the US and alcohol addiction is 18%. Mental illness in adults is as common as 23%. Only about 31% follow a religion. Erich Fromm in his book, titled “Sane Society,” refers to these facts to make a case that the US and also other countries in the West are not sane societies.

Let us now look at Joseph Stiglitz’s thoughts on greed which is the single most important factor in the aetiology of moral degradation in the US society. Stiglitz has directly linked corporate greed and the pursuit of immediate, short-term profits to accelerating climate change and economic failure for the majority of Americans. He argues that “free” (unregulated) markets in the US have not led to growth, but rather to the exploitation of workers and consumers, allowing the top 1% to siphon wealth from the rest of society. Stiglitz argues that neoliberalism, which he calls “ersatz capitalism,” has fostered a moral system where banks are “too big to fail, but too big to be held accountable,” rewarding greedy, risky behaviour. He contends that US economic policies have been designed to favour the wealthy, creating a “rigged” economy where the middle class is shrinking. In essence, Stiglitz argues that the US has allowed a “neoliberal experiment” to turn capitalism into a system focused on greed, which is harming the economy, the environment, and the social fabric.

Big oil companies spent a stunning $445m throughout the last election cycle to influence Donald Trump and Congress, a new analysis has found. These investments are “likely to pay dividends”, the report says, with Republicans holding control of the White House, House and Senate – as well as some key states. Trump unleashed dozens of pro-fossil fuel executive actions on his first day in office and is expected to pursue a vast array of others with cooperation from Congress (The Guardian, Jan 2025). 

Trump himself has accumulated wealth just as much as the rest of billionaires, and his poor voters are becoming poorer. He is greedy for wealth and power. He is carving up the world and is striving to annex as much of it as possible at the expense of sovereignty of other countries, the US allies, and international law.

Greed is an inherent human character which when unfettered could result in psychopathic monsters like Hitler. A new world order will have to take into serious consideration this factor of greed and evolve a system that does not depend on greed as the driver of its economy.

by N. A. de S. Amaratunga

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