Features
Dissenting with the Minister of Shipping
(Continued from last week)
The Managing Director of the Commonwealth Banking Corporation hosted a lunch for us in their 32nd floor dining room with a spectacular view of Melbourne. Felix Dias Abeysinghe, the former Elections Commissioner, about whom I have already written, was our High Commissioner in Australia, and it was a delight to meet him in Canberra. Whilst we were in Melbourne, our hosts knowing the interest of some of us in Cricket took us to the Melbourne cricket grounds to see a couple of hours play in the Third Test match between Australia and England. You just cannot capture the atmosphere on the ground by watching T.V. On T.V., you just get the Cricket.
But on the ground. you are part of a large community enjoying interesting and varied reactions. It’s far greater fun than being in the relative silence of a home or a hotel room. We were also told that the pressure to become a member of the Melbourne Cricket club was so great that children were put on the waiting list at birth. It was not everyone who made it before death! During the visit, my wedding anniversary came up, and the rest of the delegation knowing about this, sent up a large bowl of flowers to my room with a card signed by all, wishing us. This was very kind of them. I telephoned my wife and told her.
As usual, there were many matters to be followed up after the visit. But the main thing was that we had assured ourselves of another reliable source of supply of wheat for the new mill. We reached a range of understandings including on possible emergency purchases if necessary. Discussions held both in the United States and Australia made us feel much more secure as to the regular availability of the commodity. Tapping Canada was not possible due to high freight costs.
Coastal Shipping
Sri Lanka did not have a coastal shipping service at this time. The Ceylon Shipping Corporation of which I was a Director was not geared to handle coastal shipping. Their mandate was carrying cargo into and out of Sri Lanka. Certain officials of the Ceylon Shipping Lines however, showed an interest in developing a coastal service. There was.a ship sailing on in experimental basis and bringing some cement from the Kankesanturai factory.
But an occasional cargo of cement was not sufficient to sustain a coastal service. Some of the officers from “Shipping Lines” came to see me on this. During the discussions, it became quite clear that a coastal shipping service could not be a success without the full backing of the Food Ministry, perhaps the largest mover of cargoes. I could see the importance of attempting to start such a service, and I therefore undertook to study the question.
When I did so, it became apparent that the freight costs were going to be more than the alternative costs of road and rail transport. Therefore, from the Food Ministry’s point of view, carriage of food cargo by ships could not be justified on economic grounds.
But I was convinced that developing a coastal shipping service was a strategic necessity. One had to think beyond the requirements of just one Ministry. I had already seen at close quarters, the type of disruption caused to road and rail transport during the time of the insurgency of 1971 and episodes of strike action and disruption thereafter. We had large store complexes at the main Ports and particularly in an emergency, the operation of coastal vessels would lead to a greater ease in logistics and for greater food security.
I therefore, discussed all aspects of the matter fully with the Minister. I told him that even at a greater cost to us we should support the building up of a viable coastal shipping fleet in the national interest; that as an island with good strategically placed harbours, it would be advantageous to us naturally in the longer run; that the time has come for us to think in terms of developing a strategic vision and that there would be tangible ancillary benefits in the form of producing a core of trained seamen, whilst at the same time expanding employment opportunities for young people.
The Minister fully supported me in this thinking. He said that he would discuss matters with the President and obtain his approval. This was done, leading to the beginning of a coastal service with full Food Ministry backing. In fact the service was formally inaugurated somewhere in early November 1980. This led to other developments in due course with the private sector showing an interest, and a private company with German collaboration and investment emerging and putting in ships.
This in turn led to further developments when some powerful Singapore interests tried to kill the local venture and take over the coastal service. The Singapore attempt was an aggressive one, and soon there were rumours floating around of various officials being bribed. But we in the Food Ministry stood firm. We held the view that coastal shipping should be conducted by nationals of Sri Lanka in a National Company or Companies.
Foreign investment was in order. But Sri Lankan nationals should control the venture. This did not find favour with some, who adduced the argument that we were standing in the way of an improved Singapore directed service. Our position was that we had no objection to Singapore investment, but not a Singapore company owning and running the service. Unfortunately, in the end I myself had to come to the conclusion that the rumours of bribery were not without foundation, for when some of the representatives of this company came to see me they hinted at gold and jewellery, and holidays for my wife and myself. I was polite and pretended to be dense.
Given their influence locally at that point of time, I had no desire whatsoever to antagonize them. I merely played for time. Eventually, their bid failed, and the local venture took root. The importance of this service was demonstrated to us much earlier than one could have imagined. When the ethnic situation deteriorated seriously in 1983, the availability of coastal vessels proved to be crucial in sending a large number of Tamil citizens to the North.
This helped to stabilize a dangerous situation. It was also possible to move food and other cargoes when the country was under curfew. Subsequent events have proved with even greater force the enormous value of a coastal shipping service in Sri Lankan hands.
Dissenting with the Minister of Shipping
During the middle of 1980, I was summoned by Minister of Trade and Shipping Mr. Lalith Athulathmudali. The summons arose from something I had done as a Director of the Ceylon Shipping Corporation. The Board after careful consideration and after following due procedures had taken a decision on an important appointment to the Corporation. At the subsequent Board meeting Mr. M.L.D. Caspersz the Chairman, informed us that the Minister wanted someone else appointed. He mentioned his name. The Treasury representative Mr. Nalin Mendis, later to become Commissioner General of Inland Revenue, and I found it difficult to agree to this decision. Mr. Caspersz advised us in his fatherly manner that we should bow to the practical. This argument certainly had some merit. But both Nalin and I felt strongly enough to dissent.
To the considerable surprise of Mr. Caspersz both of us drafted separately to be included in the minutes, our inability to agree with the Minister’s order. In my draft, I added that I was not certain that the Minister was in full possession of the facts, and that I would like to be afforded an opportunity to personally explain matters to him, if he so desired. Hence the summons. When I appeared before him, with some trepidation, he had Secretary, Mr. Lakshman de Mel, and his two Additional Secretaries, Mr. Gaya Cumaranatunge and Mr. Harsha Wickremasinghe with him. “What is this all about?” inquired the Minister.
I explained. As I was speaking, the Minister was looking more and more surprised. “I didn’t know all this,” he said. “I thought not,” I replied. He immediately rescinded his order. He thanked me and said that his officers will bear witness that they could bring any disagreement to his attention and that they had the full freedom to do so. He said, he appreciated my stand. Then he asked his officials to remind him to talk to Mr. Caspersz, since he felt that he had not been given the full picture. Later in my career, I had the opportunity of serving as Mr. Athu lath mudal i’s Secretary in two different Ministries and I had no problem in telling him frankly, whatever needed to be said.
The Strike of 1980
In the midst of urgency and rapid change, where the government was making a major thrust towards policy changes and accelerated development came the general strike of July 1980. From the point of view of the strikers, the trade Unions that were in the forefront of the strike and the opposition politicians who encouraged and supported the strike, there were no doubt reasons. With the opening out of the economy and the restructuring of subsidies, the cost of living went up.
Prices rose to more realistic market levels. The agitation for wage increases reflected this situation. In addition to this, an authoritarian trend had manifested itself in government. Opposition Trade unions were strongly, sometimes harshly dealt with. Physical violence was unleashed on Trade Union demonstrators, some attackers wielding bicycle chains. It was in this overall context that the government reacted to an across the board wage demand. The result was a virtual general strike.
From the government’s point of view, the strike was a deliberate and planned act of sabotage by anti-government Trade Union elements, backed by opposition political parties, who sought to nullify the overwhelmingly popular mandate the government had received at the hustings. Therefore, their view was that unless the strike was ruthlessly crushed, it would open the door to interminable demands and wildcat strikes of a political nature intended to reduce government’s efficacy and thwart important policy changes and its programme of accelerated development. In other words, government was not prepared to view the strike as a last resort to redress genuine grievances.
They viewed it as a concerted attempt at political sabotage. Arising from this belief, action taken against those who struck work was harsh. After the expiry of an indicated deadline, those who did not return to work were all summarily dismissed from service. This was a shocking and unprecedented step which caused a great deal of disquiet in the public service as a whole. Government also decided to immediately fill the vacancies caused by these dismissals, so that very soon, Ministries and Departments were inundated with Government Members of Parliament, clamouring for the appointment of their favourites.
I personally felt that these were appallingly harsh decisions. Particularly, the decision to fill the vacancies meant that there was no hope of any of the striking officers coming back. Even if it was government policy to inflict stern punishment, in order to prevent a recurrence of what they thought to be an attempt to illegitimately undermine a government elected with an unprecedented popular mandate, this punishment was virtually tantamount to capital punishment.
In a climate, where it was difficult to find employment, dismissal from work meant lack of income, and grave difficulties in carrying on life itself. In the meantime, severe pressures were being exerted on Secretaries to Ministries ‘o fill vacancies immediately. A great deal of time had to be set aside to see government Members of Parliament who were urging the appointment of their nominees to the various vacant positions. For my part, I realized that once these vacancies were filled the door Would have been permanently closed to any of the strikers getting back.
The large majority of those who struck work were not extremists or militants. They were ordinary officers, many of them conscientious and hard working who obeyed the call made by their Trade Unions. There were many, who came out only reluctantly because of the pressures and ostracization involved in not heeding the call to strike. All of them were dismissed.
(Excerpted from In the Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Pieris) ✍️
Features
From stabilisation to transformation without delay
At a symposium on reconciliation organised by the National Peace Council last week, more than 250 religious clergy, civic activists and political representatives from different communities gathered to discuss the country’s future. Speaking at the event, Minister Bimal Rathnayake explained the government’s approach to national reconciliation. He said the government viewed the country’s recovery in terms of a three stage process. The first stage was stabilisation, the second was development and the third was transformation. Reconciliation, he implied, would come in that final stage. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the same symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, strengthens that hope.
When the present NPP government took office in 2024, the country was emerging from one of the gravest crises in its post Independence history. The economic collapse of 2022 had led to shortages of fuel, food, medicines and electricity. Inflation soared, foreign reserves disappeared and long queues became part of daily life. The political upheaval that followed culminated in the resignation of former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa after mass public protests under the banner of the Aragalaya movement. The country was then governed by a leadership that spoke the language of reform and reconciliation but was widely perceived as lacking a direct popular mandate.
Sri Lanka’s past experience suggests that stabilisation and transformation cannot be treated as entirely separate stages. Postponing reconciliation until some future moment risks repeating the failures of the past. If transformation is endlessly delayed until a supposedly perfect moment arrives, there will always be new crises and new reasons for postponement. Minister Rathnayake’s contention that the government’s immediate priority has necessarily been stabilisation flows from the government’s awareness of the precarious situation the country is. Over the past two years, the government has succeeded to a significant extent in restoring economic and political stability. Inflation has reduced, shortages have ended and public institutions have regained a degree of functionality.
Guaranteed Changes
On the other hand, the country’s development continues to face challenges due to adverse global conditions, including disruptions caused by conflict in the Middle East and extreme weather events that have affected tourism, trade and the cost of living. The danger is that reconciliation may be indefinitely postponed in the name of stabilisation. This danger can be reduced if the government works proactively with the opposition and civil society to commence practical measures of transformation now rather than later. The participation of Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa at the symposium, and the constructive nature of his comments, has strengthened the sense that bipartisan engagement on reconciliation may now be possible.
The urgency of transformation came through strongly in the presentations made by representatives of the Sri Lanka Tamil and Malaiyaha Tamil communities. ITAK parliamentarian S.Shritharan spoke of the frustration caused by unresolved post war issues in the north and east. He referred to disputes regarding land occupied during the war years, including controversies linked to Buddhist temples and state sponsored settlement activity in areas claimed by local communities. He also pointed to the continuing large scale presence of the security forces in the north and east nearly two decades after the end of the war. These grievances have remained central to Tamil political discourse since the end of the armed conflict in 2009. Families displaced by war continue to seek the return of ancestral lands. Civil society organisations in the north have repeatedly called for greater civilian control over local administration and a reduction in military involvement in civilian life.
Academic research and practical work on the ground have shown that reconciliation cannot be separated from questions of dignity, equality and justice. Former minister Mano Ganesan, leader of the Democratic People’s Front, focused on the longstanding problems faced by the Malaiyaha Tamil community. He spoke passionately about continuing housing shortages, landlessness and economic marginalisation, issues that have persisted since Independence. He also highlighted the devastating impact of recent extreme weather events on estate communities that remain socially and economically vulnerable. The condition of the Malaiyaha Tamil community remains one of the enduring social justice issues in Sri Lanka.
After Independence in 1948, a large proportion of them were denied citizenship and voting rights through legislation that rendered them stateless. Though citizenship rights were eventually restored, the social and economic consequences of exclusion continue to be felt generations later.
Many families still lack secure housing and land ownership despite their immense contribution to the country’s plantation economy. Minister Rathnayake’s responses to both these concerns were politically significant. He argued that recent political developments, including the declining influence of narrow ethnic politics across communities, indicated a major shift in public attitudes. According to him, the political ground has changed in ways that make it increasingly difficult for politicians who rely primarily on ethnic division and communal insecurity to retain public support.
Inter-Connected
There is evidence to support the assessment about the changing political grounding which sees future prospects in the resolution of long standing problems. . The economic collapse of 2022 affected all communities alike and generated a new politics centred on governance, anti corruption, accountability and economic justice. The Aragalaya protests brought together Sinhalese, Tamils and Muslims in a common demand for political change. Although ethnic grievances have not disappeared, the crisis created space for a broader understanding that the country’s future depends on cooperation rather than division. Opposition Leader Premadasa’s comments at the symposium reflected this changing political climate. He emphasised that national reconciliation could not be separated from economic justice and the need to address disparities between regions and social classes.v He also mentioned the need for civil society organisations to take this message to the community. This wider understanding of reconciliation is important because ethnic inequality and economic inequality have often reinforced each other in Sri Lanka’s history.
Academic studies have identified the denial of citizenship rights after Independence as a historic injustice that set back the Malaiyaha community for decades. The challenge now is to ensure that transformation becomes part of the stabilisation and development process itself. Practical first steps are both possible and necessary. The release of civilian lands still under state control, greater devolution of administrative authority, reduction of military involvement in civilian affairs, language equality in public administration and accelerated housing and land ownership programmes in the plantation sector are all measures that can begin immediately without waiting for a final stage of transformation.
The government’s recent commitment that provincial council elections will finally be held this year is therefore significant. These elections have been repeatedly postponed by successive governments. Holding them would not solve the ethnic conflict by itself. But it would signal a willingness to restore democratic institutions and share power in a meaningful way.
Sri Lanka has repeatedly postponed difficult reforms in the hope that a more convenient political moment would eventually arrive. But opportunities are invariably created and fought for instead of being provided as a gift by a benevolent government.
The present moment, shaped by the economic crisis and public demand for accountable government, offers a rare opportunity to move simultaneously towards stability, development and reconciliation. Provincial council elections can be the first meaningful step. But they must not be the last.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Researchers to shape new environmental policy framework
In a significant move aimed at steering Sri Lanka’s environmental governance towards a more science-based and evidence-driven path, the Ministry of Environment has initiated a new collaborative mechanism to integrate leading researchers into national policy formulation and conservation planning.
The initiative was discussed at a high-level meeting chaired by Dr. Dammika Patabendi at the Ministry of Environment on Tuesday, where top environmental scientists, wildlife experts and researchers were invited to contribute towards what officials described as a “strategic transition” in the country’s environmental management framework.
The discussions focused on strengthening the scientific basis of environmental conservation programmes and national policy decisions while creating a more research-friendly environment for academics and field scientists engaged in biodiversity and ecological studies.
Particular attention was paid to long-standing concerns raised by researchers regarding procedural and operational difficulties encountered when conducting studies in collaboration with the Department of Wildlife Conservation and the Forest Department.
Minister Patabendi stressed the need for environmental policies to be guided by credible scientific data rather than ad hoc administrative decisions, ministry sources said.
Among the key proposals discussed was the establishment of a streamlined mechanism that would reduce bureaucratic obstacles faced by researchers in obtaining approvals, accessing field sites and sharing scientific findings with state institutions.
The Minister highlighted the importance of building stronger partnerships between policymakers and the scientific community at a time when Sri Lanka is grappling with escalating environmental challenges including deforestation, biodiversity loss, human-elephant conflict, climate-related disasters and ecosystem degradation.
Environmentalists attending the meeting had also highlighted the urgent necessity of incorporating empirical research into national decision-making processes to ensure long-term ecological sustainability and better resource management.
The meeting brought together several of Sri Lanka’s leading environmental researchers and academics including Rohan Pethiyagoda, Saminda Fernando, Sewwandi Jayakody, Samantha Gunasekara, Dinidu Devapura, Himesh Jayasinghe, Manoj Prasanna, Mendis Wickramasinghe and Suranjan Karunarathna.
Director General of Wildlife Conservation Ranjan Marasinghe also participated in the deliberations.
Officials said the proposed framework is expected to pave the way for a more transparent, data-oriented and scientifically credible environmental governance structure capable of addressing emerging conservation challenges more effectively.
The government expects the new mechanism to support the implementation of practical and scientifically robust programmes aimed at safeguarding Sri Lanka’s ecological future while enhancing cooperation between state agencies and the country’s growing community of environmental researchers.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Back home … for a special occasion
Niluk Uswaththa, of Seven Notes fame, based in Dubai, surprised many when he and his wife Apeksha, turned up in Colombo, last week … unannounced.
Yes, they had a purpose in their surprise visit … to wish Apeksha’s mum for her birthday, which was on Monday, 18th May, and what a surprise it turned out to be!
In an exclusive chit-chat with The Island, Niluk said that the scene in Dubai is improving and Seven Notes do have work coming their way.
Since the members of Seven Notes are all employed (doing day jobs), they operate only on Saturdays and Sundays.

Niluk: Didn’t come prepared to perform, but obliged
friends in Galle
In fact, to get to Colombo for the birthday surprise (on Monday, 18th May), the band had to skip their 17th May, Sunday gig.
“Although it’s a short vacation, my wife and I are enjoying the setup here,” said Niluk, adding that they spent two days in Galle and that their next destination is Anuradhapura.”
Niluk didn’t come prepared to perform, but he obliged the crowd present, at a friend’s birthday celebrations, in Galle, singing and playing guitar.
They are scheduled to leave for their home, in Dubai, in the first week of June.
Seven Notes is an outfit made up of Sri Lankans and the band has been around for almost nine years.
Niluk came into their scene nearly seven years ago.
“When I went to Dubai, I had offers coming my way but it was Seven Notes that impressed me because of their acoustic style.”
The Dubai’s entertainment scene is showing clear signs of bouncing back and even levelling up in the next few months.

Niluk and Apeksha: Enjoying their short vacation
After a slowdown earlier this year due to regional tensions, shows and festivals are back on the calendar, and organisers say late 2026 could be the busiest concert season in years.
Time Out Dubai says “the 2026 concert calendar is filling up nicely” and “the city is ready to party once again” after some reschedules.
Dubai Summer Surprises in July brings retail activations, comedy nights, and indoor art exhibitions.
Organisers point to a backlog of postponed events that are being rescheduled for late 2026 and early 2027.
Yes, Dubai is calm on the surface but on alert. Life is mostly normal in the city, but there’s a “balancing act” as people watch for escalation.
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