Features
Upsurge of religious despotism in lanka
Can the jvp withstand Sinhala-Buddhist racism? N.M.’s heritage
by Kumar David
“Fascism is a religion. The 20th century will be known as the Century of Fascism.” – Benito Mussolini
We are predominantly a Buddhist country so let me ask outright; am I be allowed to say in public that I think this or that aspect of the Buddha’s teaching is wrong? I have in mind, for example, concepts associated with rebirth. Some say that it is not an essential part of the philosophy but that’s not the point. The point is this. Will I be permitted to say in public without being dragged off by the police (incited by an intolerant public), beaten and locked up, that, for example, the Buddha’s concept of rebirth is absurd and irrational? Easter is the cardinal event of the Christian faith where Christ defeated death and enthroned the victory of good over evil. Well I don’t think that a man can rise from the dead after three days of entombment. And the Christian belief in Virgin Birth, in the days before in-vitro, is patently a blunder. The relationship between Mary Magdalene and Jesus and whether the former bred progeny is controversial to some Christians but widely discussed in other jurisdictions. Muslim abhorrence of pork was not originally of religious significance; it’s a hygienic objection. The pig is a faeces-eating scavenger.
The point is that all these are perfectly serious critiques of aspects of religious philosophy, and not to be brushed aside. To be absolutely clear, let me repeat, I am not asking whether these views are right or wrong or whether you agree or not. I only ask, am I allowed to say all this? None of it can be discussed if expressing it entails being dragged off by fascistic policemen, prompted by intolerant mobs. The way things are shaping up it certainly looks like that. Fortunately, the three-million gods of Hinduism don’t care a hoot what you say. Krishna blithely stole the clothes of bathing damsels and Draupadi effortlessly laid five brothers. So, there’s somebody on my side; or is saying this sacrilegious too? Sigh!
Religion, right-wing populism and corruption
Will the proposed (semi-fascist) Sri Lankan legislation protect the right to atheism? Atheists argue that “religion is the opium of the masses” meaning that it is a soporific to lull people into accepting the injustices of this world (instead of rising up) with false promises of greater glory in the next. It’s a façade to safeguard the wealth and privileges of the “churches” of all religious denominations, enhance the powers rulers of the State and protect wealth (in the modern instance owners of capital). This is a valid critique of religion but how can one discuss it if one cannot utter it?
The CID is after stand-up comedian Natasha Edirisooriya for inflaming religious discord in her gig Fool’s Pride (Modabimanaya). She offended by her reference to ‘Suddhodanage podi eka (Suddodana’s little one), a reference to Siddhartha before he became Buddha. I have watched the entirety of the show on YouTube and I think it is not of much artistic merit. Like similar shows in the US it’s a show filled with sexual innuendo. The reference to Siddhartha is fleeting and best ignored; but religious zealots are inflamed. Religious extremism in Lanka is on the rise and has become as intolerant as in the Middle East and other theocracies. Religious fascism is on the march.
Ms Edirisooriya I understand was apprehended in the departure lounge of the Airport. And you know what! The VIP lounge at the airport is a den of thieves that would give the forty bandits who accosted Ali Baba pause. Political racketeers, ruling party sycophants and riff-raff aligned with the Royal Family infest it. No policeman or customs officer will dare confront these misbegotten sons and daughters of political felons. Amnesty International has quite rightly condemned Edirisooriya’s arrest as a flagrant violation of the freedom of speech.
The point is not whether one likes or dislikes her show, nor whether it is classy or stupid. The point for heaven’s sake is whether the woman should be dragged off and locked up when some stupid Minister or State Minister wants to play to the gallery, or the cops enjoy a bout of fascism, or the judiciary is as spineless as a leafy gourd, or President RW’s claims of liberalism turn fake. The point is that the bloody woman has every right to do her thing on stage limited only by the laws of slander PREVIOUSLY enacted by parliament.
The truth is that Sinhala-Buddhist society lives in tutelage to its own clergy. Monks preach racism and religious intolerance as a matter of course. They fear that liberalism is undermining their hold on their followers. I will change my mind on this point when I see the police drag off a monk and haul him up before a judge. (Was a first such arrest made just before Poson?). Unfortunately though in the end I have no choice but to concede that it is the people themselves, the electorate, that is blinkered.
Now a few words about that “Christian” nut Jerome Fernando. Are the things he has uttered offensive to thin-skinned religious diehards? I think yes, but not criminal. For heaven’s sake what’s criminal about saying the Buddha was in search of Enlightenment while Jesus called himself the “The Light of the World” and therefore, in JF’s mindset, the former was in search of the latter? Leaving aside JF’s rank ignorance of historical chronology, I think the fellow is a nut worth only a good laugh.
NM’s unexpected relevance
There is however a more serious concern relating to right-wing Sinhala-Buddhist populism that has raised its head. My readers are probably fed up with my bitter criticisms of the NPP-JVP for not publishing its development programme. Recently I have also been critical of its programmatic blindness on the national question (the minority issue). A particularly dangerous trend is when I hear Sinhala-Buddhist (SB) activists say: “If the JVP makes concessions to the Tamils and Muslims such as devolution or land rights it will face a backlash in its own SB backyard vote base.
The base will turn away” (the critics are not specific whether to RW, Sajith or someone else). The argument is credible and the response of the minorities is foreseeable. They will vote for their own communal parties at home, and outside their areas of domicile they will vote for right-wing candidates. Therefore, the bane of this nation, the racial divide between Sinhala Buddhism and Tamils-Muslims, will be aggravated. And this time if it happens, it will be on the watch of the Left, so the NPP-JVP will have nobody but itself to blame.
Ajith Samaranayake in one of his more inspired essays called NM “The best Prime Minister Lanka never had”. Looking back over the last 80 years this is perhaps far truer than Ajith foresaw. Had NM been PM/President (head of state) he would never have stood by and permitted the carnage that JR provoked and encouraged in the 1980s, SWRD invoked in 1959 and Mrs B allowed on the plantations to happen.
“The Role of the Individual in History” is the title of Plekhanov’s famous treatise, and indeed the Role of leaders great and small can be decisive, Gandhi, Lee Kuan Yew, Mandela and Jacinda Arden for example. And rooting out the ethnic cancer would have fundamentally changed the miserable history of this country. If NM had been Head of State, he would not have permitted the malignancy to endure. Lee had the advantage of universally enforced English and eventually a much stronger economy. But the personal character of the head of state is also profoundly important. NM, if he was Head of State in 1958 or 1983, would have firmly dispersed racist mobs, arsonists and rapists.
The legacy of Samasamajism
After its golden age of opposition to the infamous disenfranchisement of plantation Tamil workers and opposition to Sinhala Only, the Samasamaja movement did make blunders. Oh yes that’s true. At the same time there’s no denying that Samasamajists are not racists; racism invokes revulsion in their innermost core. Many are the racists who after a brief sojourn with Samasamajism went their way to terrain more agreeable to their mindset. The challenge today is whether the “revolutionary-socialist and Marxist” JVP measures up to the standards of international socialism? Will it stand against an SB wave or will it capitulate? And if it yields to racism how will it explain itself to international socialism; to the heritage of Marx, Rosa, Mao and Che? If you raise an eyebrow at the inclusion of Mao in this list, whatever Mao’s other faults he was not a racist.
Mind you as a scholar NM is no second to Lee who shone during his Cambridge years. NM was Harold Laski’s star portage at LSE, double doctor and constitutional commentator par-excellence in the Ceylon/Lanka Parliament. Who wins the prize? On scholarly merit NM; on national achievement Lee of course. (Singapore’s present Prime Minister Lee Hsien Loong, Lee Kuan Yew’s son, was Senior Wrangler in his year in the Cambridge Mathematics Tripos, the University’s most prestigious examination).
There is another point about NM that is relevant to any discourse on Lanka now. He was a quintessential social-democrat in the best traditions of the Enlightenment; but conversely, he was also a Marxist. This is the line that the JVP will have to tread in the domestic and global circumstances of these times. Sans social-democracy and commitment to change of government by democratic elections, millions will turn away. (“Aney bayai; monowa karai da dannne neha”). Furthermore, Anura Kumara, as a hypothetical Head of State, will have to address international forums such as the UN General Assembly, the World Bank and Non-Aligned Summit knowledgeably – speaking in Sinhala of course?
At the same time the nation’s youth expect radical system transforming leadership from the JVP. It’s a tough call. Can the comrades measure up to the twin challenge? I think so; NM could have had he been Head of State. It is no secret that though NM dragged us kicking and screaming into coalition with Sirima in 1964, by 1975 he was disillusioned and wanted to quit the government despite the opposition of the “golden brains” (Hector, Doric, Bernard, Colvin and Leslie). He best saw the coming electoral slaughter of the Left in 1977. He was opposed to the Chapter on Buddhism in the Republican Constitution and even told a closed session of a Party Group in Peradeniya “I don’t know how Colvin works with that woman.”
by Kaushalya Perera
Time has, by and large, stood still in the business of academic staff recruitment to state universities. Qualifications have proliferated and evolved to be more interdisciplinary, but our selection processes and evaluation criteria are unchanged since at least the late 1990s. But before I delve into the problems, I will describe the existing processes and schemes of recruitment. The discussion is limited to UGC-governed state universities (and does not include recruitment to medical and engineering sectors) though the problems may be relevant to other higher education institutions (HEIs).
How recruitment happens currently in SL state universities
Academic ranks in Sri Lankan state universities can be divided into three tiers (subdivisions are not discussed).
* Lecturer (Probationary)
– recruited with a four-year undergraduate degree. A tiny step higher is the Lecturer (Unconfirmed), recruited with a postgraduate degree but no teaching experience.
* A Senior Lecturer can be recruited with certain postgraduate qualifications and some number of years of teaching and research.
* Above this is the professor (of four types), which can be left out of this discussion since only one of those (Chair Professor) is by application.
State universities cannot hire permanent academic staff as and when they wish. Prior to advertising a vacancy, approval to recruit is obtained through a mind-numbing and time-consuming process (months!) ending at the Department of Management Services. The call for applications must list all ranks up to Senior Lecturer. All eligible candidates for Probationary to Senior Lecturer are interviewed, e.g., if a Department wants someone with a doctoral degree, they must still advertise for and interview candidates for all ranks, not only candidates with a doctoral degree. In the evaluation criteria, the first degree is more important than the doctoral degree (more on this strange phenomenon later). All of this is only possible when universities are not under a ‘hiring freeze’, which governments declare regularly and generally lasts several years.
Problem type 1
– Archaic processes and evaluation criteria
Twenty-five years ago, as a probationary lecturer with a first degree, I was a typical hire. We would be recruited, work some years and obtain postgraduate degrees (ideally using the privilege of paid study leave to attend a reputed university in the first world). State universities are primarily undergraduate teaching spaces, and when doctoral degrees were scarce, hiring probationary lecturers may have been a practical solution. The path to a higher degree was through the academic job. Now, due to availability of candidates with postgraduate qualifications and the problems of retaining academics who find foreign postgraduate opportunities, preference for candidates applying with a postgraduate qualification is growing. The evaluation scheme, however, prioritises the first degree over the candidate’s postgraduate education. Were I to apply to a Faculty of Education, despite a PhD on language teaching and research in education, I may not even be interviewed since my undergraduate degree is not in education. The ‘first degree first’ phenomenon shows that universities essentially ignore the intellectual development of a person beyond their early twenties. It also ignores the breadth of disciplines and their overlap with other fields.
This can be helped (not solved) by a simple fix, which can also reduce brain drain: give precedence to the doctoral degree in the required field, regardless of the candidate’s first degree, effected by a UGC circular. The suggestion is not fool-proof. It is a first step, and offered with the understanding that any selection process, however well the evaluation criteria are articulated, will be beset by multiple issues, including that of bias. Like other Sri Lankan institutions, universities, too, have tribal tendencies, surfacing in the form of a preference for one’s own alumni. Nevertheless, there are other problems that are, arguably, more pressing as I discuss next. In relation to the evaluation criteria, a problem is the narrow interpretation of any regulation, e.g., deciding the degree’s suitability based on the title rather than considering courses in the transcript. Despite rhetoric promoting internationalising and inter-disciplinarity, decision-making administrative and academic bodies have very literal expectations of candidates’ qualifications, e.g., a candidate with knowledge of digital literacy should show this through the title of the degree!
Problem type 2 – The mess of badly regulated higher education
A direct consequence of the contemporary expansion of higher education is a large number of applicants with myriad qualifications. The diversity of degree programmes cited makes the responsibility of selecting a suitable candidate for the job a challenging but very important one. After all, the job is for life – it is very difficult to fire a permanent employer in the state sector.
Widely varying undergraduate degree programmes.
At present, Sri Lankan undergraduates bring qualifications (at times more than one) from multiple types of higher education institutions: a degree from a UGC-affiliated state university, a state university external to the UGC, a state institution that is not a university, a foreign university, or a private HEI aka ‘private university’. It could be a degree received by attending on-site, in Sri Lanka or abroad. It could be from a private HEI’s affiliated foreign university or an external degree from a state university or an online only degree from a private HEI that is ‘UGC-approved’ or ‘Ministry of Education approved’, i.e., never studied in a university setting. Needless to say, the diversity (and their differences in quality) are dizzying. Unfortunately, under the evaluation scheme all degrees ‘recognised’ by the UGC are assigned the same marks. The same goes for the candidates’ merits or distinctions, first classes, etc., regardless of how difficult or easy the degree programme may be and even when capabilities, exposure, input, etc are obviously different.
Similar issues are faced when we consider postgraduate qualifications, though to a lesser degree. In my discipline(s), at least, a postgraduate degree obtained on-site from a first-world university is preferable to one from a local university (which usually have weekend or evening classes similar to part-time study) or online from a foreign university. Elitist this may be, but even the best local postgraduate degrees cannot provide the experience and intellectual growth gained by being in a university that gives you access to six million books and teaching and supervision by internationally-recognised scholars. Unfortunately, in the evaluation schemes for recruitment, the worst postgraduate qualification you know of will receive the same marks as one from NUS, Harvard or Leiden.
The problem is clear but what about a solution?
Recruitment to state universities needs to change to meet contemporary needs. We need evaluation criteria that allows us to get rid of the dross as well as a more sophisticated institutional understanding of using them. Recruitment is key if we want our institutions (and our country) to progress. I reiterate here the recommendations proposed in ‘Considerations for Higher Education Reform’ circulated previously by Kuppi Collective:
* Change bond regulations to be more just, in order to retain better qualified academics.
* Update the schemes of recruitment to reflect present-day realities of inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary training in order to recruit suitably qualified candidates.
* Ensure recruitment processes are made transparent by university administrations.
Kaushalya Perera is a senior lecturer at the University of Colombo.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.)
This week, too, the spotlight is on an outfit that has gained popularity, mainly through social media.
Last week we had MISTER Band in our scene, and on 10th February, Yellow Beatz – both social media favourites.
Talento is a seven-piece band that plays all types of music, from the ‘60s to the modern tracks of today.
The band has reached many heights, since its inception in 2012, and has gained recognition as a leading wedding and dance band in the scene here.
The members that makeup the outfit have a solid musical background, which comes through years of hard work and dedication
Their portfolio of music contains a mix of both western and eastern songs and are carefully selected, they say, to match the requirements of the intended audience, occasion, or event.
Although the baila is a specialty, which is inherent to this group, that originates from Moratuwa, their repertoire is made up of a vast collection of love, classic, oldies and modern-day hits.
The musicians, who make up Talento, are:
Prabuddha Geetharuchi:
Geilee Fonseka: Dynamic and charismatic vocalist
Prabuddha Geetharuchi: The main man behind the band Talento
(Vocalist/ Frontman). He is an avid music enthusiast and was mentored by a lot of famous musicians, and trainers, since he was a child. Growing up with them influenced him to take on western songs, as well as other music styles. A Peterite, he is the main man behind the band Talento and is a versatile singer/entertainer who never fails to get the crowd going.
Geilee Fonseka (Vocals):
A dynamic and charismatic vocalist whose vibrant stage presence, and powerful voice, bring a fresh spark to every performance. Young, energetic, and musically refined, she is an artiste who effortlessly blends passion with precision – captivating audiences from the very first note. Blessed with an immense vocal range, Geilee is a truly versatile singer, confidently delivering Western and Eastern music across multiple languages and genres.
Chandana Perera (Drummer):
His expertise and exceptional skills have earned him recognition as one of the finest acoustic drummers in Sri Lanka. With over 40 tours under his belt, Chandana has demonstrated his dedication and passion for music, embodying the essential role of a drummer as the heartbeat of any band.
Harsha Soysa:
(Bassist/Vocalist). He a chorister of the western choir of St. Sebastian’s College, Moratuwa, who began his musical education under famous voice trainers, as well as bass guitar trainers in Sri Lanka. He has also performed at events overseas. He acts as the second singer of the band
Udara Jayakody:
(Keyboardist). He is also a qualified pianist, adding technical flavour to Talento’s music. His singing and harmonising skills are an extra asset to the band. From his childhood he has been a part of a number of orchestras as a pianist. He has also previously performed with several famous western bands.
Aruna Madushanka:
(Saxophonist). His proficiciency in playing various instruments, including the saxophone, soprano saxophone, and western flute, showcases his versatility as a musician, and his musical repertoire is further enhanced by his remarkable singing ability.
Prashan Pramuditha:
(Lead guitar). He has the ability to play different styles, both oriental and western music, and he also creates unique tones and patterns with the guitar..
The JJ Twins, the Sri Lankan musical duo, performing in the Maldives, and known for blending R&B, Hip Hop, and Sri Lankan rhythms, thereby creating a unique sound, have come out with a brand-new single ‘Me Mawathe.’
In fact, it’s a very special milestone for the twin brothers, Julian and Jason Prins, as ‘Me Mawathe’ is their first ever Sinhala song!
‘Me Mawathe’ showcases a fresh new sound, while staying true to the signature harmony and emotion that their fans love.
This heartfelt track captures the beauty of love, journey, and connection, brought to life through powerful vocals and captivating melodies.
It marks an exciting new chapter for the JJ Twins as they expand their musical journey and connect with audiences in a whole new way.
Their recent album, ‘CONCLUDED,’ explores themes of love, heartbreak, and healing, and include hits like ‘Can’t Get You Off My Mind’ and ‘You Left Me Here to Die’ which showcase their emotional intensity.
Readers could stay connected and follow JJ Twins on social media for exclusive updates, behind-the-scenes moments, and upcoming releases:
Instagram: http://instagram.com/jjtwinsofficial
TikTok: http://tiktok.com/@jjtwinsmusic
Facebook: http://facebook.com/jjtwinssingers
YouTube: http://youtube.com/jjtwins
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