Features
A MEMORABLE EXPERIENCE IN ISRAEL
by Dr Upatissa Pethiyagoda
Towards the end of 1986, I was privileged to participate in a training programme conducted by The International Agency for Agricultural Development Co-operation (CINADCO) in Israel. It was a five to six week course conducted and financed by the Israeli Government, and intended to help developing countries of Asia and Africa.
We Sri Lankans were five in number, drawn from the Agriculture, Agrarian Service, ADA and Mahaweli. The course was residential and consisted of lectures, visits to farms, factories, Hebrew University, and places of tourist and religious interest, including Jerusalem, River Jordan, The Negev, Golan Heights, Massada, The Sea of Galilee and the Dead Sea. Accommodation was in a Mashav (an Israeli type of Co-operative Settlement), not far from the capital Tel Aviv.
Our ‘journey” began with the surprise that our visa was not stamped on our passports, but came as a loose leaf document!. This was because some Arab countries would not grant visas to any person who had visited Israel. The reverse was not so! Also, our flights were routed via Paris, to minimize flight over Arab territories. It was said that during one of their numerous Wars with Arab neighbours, commercial aircraft manufacturers would not sell combat aircraft to Israel. So, they built their own!
Following the persecution of Jews in Europe during World War Two, and the establishment of the State of Israel, entry was freely available to those Jews who satisfied a few lenient criteria. This led to a great influx of Jews from all over the World, who brought along with them, a wealth of technical experience in many fields. It was said that when the first astronauts, from US and USSR met in space, they spoke to each other in Hebrew (or in some versions, German).
The Hebrew Greeting is “Shalom Aleichem” meaning ‘Peace be upon you’. Readers will note the identical “Salam Aleikum” greeting of the Muslims. What then are they fighting about?It is relevant to mention that the periodical “Shalom” published by CINADCO, regularly came to me until recently.

Emphasizing the central role of Agriculture and of Food Security, all immigrants were required to first farm lands allotted to them for two years before returning to their professions – as doctors, engineers or teachers. There were no exceptions. In fact, the First Prime Minister – Menachem Begin, too farmed for two years on entry.
That more than 30 years after, I can still recount some of my experiences, is evidence of how deeply I was impressed.Israeli Agriculture is heavily automated, with control of most operations such as land preparation, seeding, transplantation, irrigation, fertilization and pest control being computer controlled. We viewed a “driverless tractor” for the first time there.
Virtually, every bit of greenery had drippers or water sprayers to sustain them. Optimizing of water use and conservation, were the foundations on which Israel’s agriculture is based. Often, the same water was used for domestic needs, and farming (multiple use). Synthetic materials for use in protected cultivations had to be long lasting in the hot and dry climate. Thus, the manufacture of Plastic sheeting for the “Plant Houses” was a priority and has by now, advanced greatly.
Most of the fresh water was obtained from the Sea of Galilee (Kinneret in Hebrew) fed by the Jordan River and said to be connected to the Rift Valley starting from the Beqaa Valley in Lebanon and running Southwards for 6,000 kilometres. The entrance to the “National Water Main” was by an opening three Metres in diameter. This spot was the lowest point on earth – some 1,300 metres below Sea Level. Just imagine the cost of pumping this into all of Israel. As the road meanders along a hilly section, is the “Tongue in Cheek” road sign which says “You are now at Sea Level.”
The heavy level of automation is beyond the scope of most nations and is possible solely through the munificence of Uncle Sam and his deep pockets. The statement that Israeli Agriculture is operating at a loss is plausible, but is in conflict with the abundance visible to the mesmerized visitor.
It is hardly necessary to say that agricultural research is highly problem oriented. A researcher was required to devote 95% of his time and resources to “Applied Research”. The balance 5% is for him to indulge in whatever caught his fancy. The number of “Nobel Laureates” from Israel is moving testimony that there has been good use of the 5%.
The excellence of the records of performance in the State sector, is well seen in respect of the “Agricultural Extension” Sector. The most crucial indicator is the profitability in the “Range” of each officer. If the figure is upwards, reward follows. If neutral, an effort is made to identify constraints for remedy. If down – trouble.
Minimum restrictions are imposed. No traveling claims, attendance registers, overtime, mileage records, subsistence and ‘batta’. All that really matters is profitability. A single noteworthy rule is that not more than one day per week is for “Office Work”. Five days in the field.
Two experiences remain indelible for me. On a visit to a school, young pupils in a lower class were seen intently bending over a bed in the school garden, with ‘Clip Boards’ recording something. We learnt that the bed had cabbage plants, neatly arranged in numbered rows, as also along the bed, and the students were weekly recording features they saw. The lessons that followed were to explain what they had noted. For example, one may have noted “the plant was stunted and the leaves turned red”, another may have noted “dried lower leaves” another that the plants were “branching”. The teacher would then deal with the Science explaining “Why?” Plant nutrition and Phosphorus deficiency, leaf senescence, hormones and their role. How brilliant and imaginative a way of engaging young minds.
We also learnt that Chemistry began with the composition of “Dead Sea Water”. Logically, what can be done industrially with sodium chloride, Magnesium, phosphorus, minor elements, what value addition was possible? Export demand, security implications etc. How much more exciting than plodding along the Mendeleev’s Periodic Table, element at a time and the set pattern – occurrence, properties and properties of its compounds. Reminds me of the jocular statement that Chinese Zoology first classifies animals as “edible” or “non-edible”, whether they have backbones or not is a matter to be considered sometime later.
The organizational structures for Agriculture in Israel are complex. The design is aimed at improvements in all conceivable areas impinging on agriculture. An attractive feature that we heard about, concerned a central body for deciding on extents of land to be allocated for different crops, for each season. The frequency of meetings and their durations were pre-determined. The sizes were small and the meetings were so planned that all issues had to be studied ahead by all participants so that meaningful, effective, well-informed and timely interventions if needed, could be brought about in a business-like manner.
In contrast, no one could have failed to notice how much rustling of paper occurs as many of our meetings progress – quite obviously some members were perusing their papers for the first time. This is one reason for the duration (and frequency) of these Israeli meetings being limited, to ensure that the members had carefully studied their papers beforehand and decisions were well-informed.
At the time of our visit, in a previous season when water was in short supply, the Co0mmitee decided that cotton and avocado areas had to be reduced, as these two crops made the heaviest demands on irrigation water supplies. This was in spite of Israeli cotton being a prized long staple type ( I still wear a Tee Shirt gifted to us as a memento, and is now 35 years old but still in “mint condition”!) and avocado – a premium product. Growers were apparently paid a compensation for loss of crop, which would in any case, be more bountiful in the seasons ahead.
At the Hebrew University, we were introduced to two novel equipment designs. One was to simplify the process of cleaning soil sticking to harvested potatoes. It made use of the fact that when a soil covered potato was dropped from a height, the degree of “bounce” of the potato was different from that of adhering soil lumps.
The key component of the design was a long roller, rather like what is used in gardening, or on cricket pitches, with the difference that the roller itself was a series of disks of different thickness, rotating on a common axis. The potatoes were dropped by a chute on to the rotating roller. Baskets were so set that they “caught” the bouncing potatoes. The first run cleaned the potatoes of the bulk of soil and a second run, completed the task. Why the “sliced” roller was more effective, is a mystery.
The second example, addressed the problem of a fungus which produced its spores on the under surface of cereal crop leaves. The normal spray fell mainly on the upper sides of leaves – requiring a number of spraying rounds to clear the infestation. The solution was to use ultra-long span booms with spray nozzles directed downwards. Just above the delivery arm was a long canvas “balloon” also with nozzles pointing downwards.
A tractor-mounted compressor blew a strong stream of air past the spray arm. What happened was that the strong blast of air, turned the leaves of the cereal crop underside up and this surface caught the simultaneously- sprayed fungicide. Massive savings made allowed the “patented” devices to be sold abroad at a hefty price. This invention was by a girl undergraduate student, on a vacation assignment. It was mentioned that she drew a handsome lifetime royalty on each unit sold.
At the other of the scale was a small device called “The Mechanical Butterfly”. This was hand-held, and battery operated, not unlike a flashlight, at the end of which was a soft-bristled brush, which rotated at high speed. This was used to pollinate flowers at the receptive stage of the pistil. We saw it in use with cherry tomatoes in a plant house.
At the time of our visit (November/December), citrus plantations were a fantastic sight. Laden with thousands of fruits, like a Fairy Land, alight with orange coloured bulbs. Despite their seemingly ripe fruits, we were told that harvest time was January/February! How many millions of tons of vegetables and fruits do we lose annually, through negligence – of optimal harvest timing, handling and bruising, by bad packing and storage? Our losses are estimated to be about 35-40% between field and table. We have much to learn and to adopt.
Another special experience was a visit to a dairy enterprise. The herd was some 120 or so, run by just the young owner and a single helper. The animals were stall- fed, with a mixture that looked like broken up corn flakes – which we learnt was a mix of citrus peel from a nearby cannery, corn cobs, ground limestone and some chopped up coarse grass like our “bata” used by us as supports for bean creepers.
The farm had a central milking unit. The day began very early with the cows being sprayed with water to keep them cool. Water was too costly for customary baths. The stock was, as I remember a cross between Jersey and Friesian. Yields averaged around 45 liters per day, with yield records being maintained for each cow. The animals looked like ‘all udder,’ fitted with four legs and a tail. If the yield drops to the 30’s consistently, the animals were culled. Answering a question whether he identified the animals by name, the retort was “No! I am running a dairy herd and not a pet shop”.
Just next door, was a cheese factory run by the guy’s father. The logical reaction was, “how convenient”. The answer was “no” that all milk was sold to the co-operative and the father bought his milk from the co-operative. This neatly meant that two subsidies were collected – the one encouraging milk production and the other processing. This is why the Jews are considered a cunning and greedy lot.
Fresh produce – fruits, vegetables and cut flowers – command a huge clientele in Europe. Meticulous handling at farm level is matched by systems at the airport. On receipt (from cold storage in transit), the produce is immediately received into Cold Rooms. About half or one hour before being loaded on to cargo planes (flights times being rigorously observed), the crates are moved on to the tarmac to avoid any “temperature shock” Top quality on shop shelves is assured.
I was unashamedly thrilled with what we saw. Maybe the hospitality was lavished on us, for political advantage. My reaction is why not? – after all, there is no such thing as a free lunch!
Features
Power crept into the Sangha and is now tearing it apart
For more than a century, Sri Lankan society has lived with a quiet contradiction at the heart of its religious life. On the one hand, the Buddhist monk is revered as the embodiment of moral discipline, selfrestraint, and renunciation. On the other, the modern monk has become a public figure, political actor, administrator, media personality, and in some cases power broker whose influence extends far beyond the temple. This contradiction has been tolerated, even celebrated, for decades. But recent events, most notably a widely publicised case involving a senior monk accused of grave moral misconduct, have forced the country to confront a painful truth: the institutional conditions that make such scandals possible are not new. They are the predictable outcome of a long historical process that H. L. Seneviratne described with remarkable clarity in The Work of Kings. The moral deterioration visible today is not an aberration. It is the culmination of a centurylong transformation in the identity, function, and authority of the Sangha.
To understand how we arrived at this moment, it is necessary to revisit the argument Seneviratne made nearly three decades ago. His thesis was simple but profound: the modern Sri Lankan monkhood has taken on the ‘work of kings.’ By this he meant that monks, instead of confining themselves to the renunciant life prescribed by the Vinaya, have assumed the secular responsibilities once associated with precolonial kingship, such as protecting the religion, organising society, guiding the nation, and enforcing moral order. This shift, he argued, was not a natural evolution of Buddhist tradition but a modern invention shaped by colonialism, nationalism, and the anxieties of a society struggling to redefine itself in the face of foreign domination. The monk became a symbol of national identity, a guardian of cultural authenticity, and a leader in the struggle for political autonomy. In the process, the boundaries that once separated the monastic from the worldly began to dissolve.
Transformation
The consequences of this transformation were not immediately visible. For decades, the activist monk was celebrated as a patriot, a reformer, and a moral guide. His involvement in education, social welfare, and nationalist mobilisation was seen as a necessary response to colonial pressures and missionary competition. But beneath the surface, the foundations of monastic discipline were slowly eroding. The Vinaya, which had served for centuries as a rigorous framework for regulating monastic life, was increasingly overshadowed by the demands of public engagement. The communal structures that once ensured accountability, senior supervision, collective confession, and the daily rhythms of monastic routine, were weakened by the pressures of modernity. Monks who travelled constantly, managed institutions, or lived independently in urban temples found themselves outside the traditional systems of oversight that had long protected the integrity of the Sangha.
Scandal
It is within this historical context that the recent scandal must be understood. The case shocked the nation not only because of the severity of the allegations but because it shattered the public’s assumption that the monkhood remains a bastion of moral purity. Yet the shock itself reveals a collective denial. For years, Sri Lankan society has been aware, sometimes quietly, sometimes openly—of the growing gap between the ideal of the monk and the realities of modern monastic life. Stories of misconduct, financial irregularities, political manipulation, and abuse of authority have circulated with increasing frequency. But each incident has been treated as an isolated failure, a personal weakness, or an unfortunate exception. What has been missing is recognition that these incidents are symptoms of a deeper structural problem.
Seneviratne’s analysis helps illuminate this problem. When monks take on the work of kings, they inevitably enter domains of power that expose them to temptations the Vinaya was designed to avoid. Handling money, managing institutions, cultivating political patrons, and exercising authority over laypeople create opportunities for ego, ambition, and moral compromise. The monk who becomes a public figure is no longer shielded by the anonymity and humility of the renunciant life. Instead, he becomes a celebrity, a leader, and in some cases an object of uncritical devotion. This elevation brings with it a dangerous form of immunity. Laypeople who revere a monk for his public achievements may hesitate to question his behaviour. Politicians who rely on monastic support may protect him from scrutiny. The media, which often treats monks as moral authorities, may be reluctant to investigate allegations that challenge the sanctity of the robe.
The recent scandal illustrates how these dynamics can converge. The monk at the centre of the case was not an obscure figure. He was a respected preacher, charismatic leader, and head of a prominent institution. His public image was built on years of service, teaching, and community engagement. Yet it was precisely this public stature that allowed him to operate without meaningful oversight. The institutional structures around him, administrators, lay supporters, and junior monks, were either unwilling or unable to challenge his authority. The very qualities that made him a respected figure in the eyes of the public also made him untouchable within his own institution. When allegations finally emerged, they revealed not only personal wrongdoing but a systemic failure of accountability.
Failure that is not unique
This failure is not unique to one temple or one monk. It reflects a broader pattern within the modern Sangha. As monastic institutions have grown in size, wealth, and influence, their internal governance has struggled to keep pace. Many temples operate as semiautonomous entities controlled by a single monk or a small group of monks. Financial transparency is limited, administrative oversight is weak, and the mechanisms for addressing misconduct are often informal or ineffective. The traditional structures of monastic discipline, such as the Sangharama procedures for adjudicating offences, are rarely used in modern contexts, partly because they require collective participation and partly because they are illsuited to the complexities of contemporary institutional life. In practice, this means that monks who wield significant authority can act with little fear of internal sanction.
The politicisation of the Sangha has further complicated matters. Since the midtwentieth century, monks have played an increasingly prominent role in electoral politics, nationalist movements, and public policy debates. This involvement has given them access to political networks that can be mobilised to protect their interests. It has also created a culture in which monks are valued not for their adherence to the Vinaya but for their ability to influence public opinion, mobilise voters, or lend moral legitimacy to political causes. In such an environment, the monk who is politically useful may be shielded from criticism, while the monk who adheres strictly to the renunciant ideal may find himself marginalised or ignored.
The result is a profound distortion of monastic identity. The monk who once sought liberation from worldly attachments is now encouraged to cultivate influence, authority, and public recognition. The monk who once lived under the strict supervision of senior elders now operates in a world where independence is celebrated and oversight is minimal. The monk who once relied on laypeople for basic sustenance now controls vast resources, manages institutions, and commands the loyalty of thousands of followers. This inversion of traditional roles has created a fertile ground for moral deterioration.
Yet it would be a mistake to interpret this deterioration as evidence that the Sangha as a whole is corrupt. Many monks continue to live lives of remarkable discipline, humility, and spiritual dedication. In remote forest monasteries, small village temples, and meditation centres across the country, monks quietly uphold the ancient ideals of the renunciant life. They are not the ones who appear on television, lead political rallies, or manage large institutions. Their work is invisible, their influence subtle, and their commitment unwavering. The crisis facing the Sangha today is not a crisis of individual morality but a crisis of institutional identity. It is the product of a centurylong transformation that has blurred the boundaries between the monastic and the secular, the spiritual and the political, the renunciant and the worldly.
If Sri Lanka is to address this crisis, it must begin by acknowledging the structural nature of the problem. The temptation to treat each scandal as an isolated incident must be resisted. Instead, the country must confront the uncomfortable reality that the modern configuration of monastic life is fundamentally at odds with the principles of the Vinaya. The Sangha cannot simultaneously function as a political force, a social service provider, a media institution, and a spiritual community without compromising its integrity. The more monks are drawn into the world, the more vulnerable they become to the moral dangers that the Buddha warned against.
Reform, therefore, must focus not only on punishing individual offenders but on rethinking the institutional structures that enable misconduct. This includes strengthening internal governance, enhancing financial transparency, restoring the authority of senior elders, and reestablishing the communal practices that once ensured accountability. It also requires a broader cultural shift in how laypeople relate to monks. Blind devotion must give way to informed respect. Reverence must be balanced with responsibility. The robe must be honoured, but it must not be used as a shield against scrutiny.
Seneviratne’s work offers a valuable starting point for this rethinking. His analysis reminds us that the crisis facing the Sangha is not the result of moral decline alone but of historical forces that reshaped the identity of the monkhood. By tracing the evolution of the activist monk, he shows how the Sangha became entangled in the political and social structures of the modern nationstate. This entanglement has brought both benefits and dangers. It has allowed monks to play important roles in education, social welfare, and national development. But it has also exposed them to the corrupting influences of power, wealth, and public acclaim.
The challenge now is to disentangle the Sangha from these influences without undermining its ability to serve society. This will not be easy. The activist monk has become deeply embedded in the cultural and political fabric of the country. Many laypeople expect monks to be leaders, reformers, and guardians of national identity. Politicians rely on monastic support to legitimise their agendas. Media institutions depend on monks for content, commentary, and moral authority. Reversing this trend will require a collective effort from monks, laypeople, and political leaders alike.
Ultimately, the future of the Sangha depends on its ability to reclaim the renunciant ideal that lies at the heart of Buddhist monasticism. This does not mean withdrawing from society entirely, but it does mean reestablishing the boundaries that protect the monk from the dangers of worldly involvement. It means recognising that the true strength of the Sangha lies not in its political influence or institutional power but in its moral authority, its spiritual discipline, and its commitment to the path of liberation. The recent scandal, painful as it is, may serve as a catalyst for this reevaluation. It has exposed the vulnerabilities of the modern monastic system and forced the country to confront the consequences of a centurylong transformation.
To understand how the Vihara Devalegam Act relates to the perceived moral deformation of the clergy, it is necessary to examine how property management, state law, and monastic discipline intersect in the modern era. Historically stemming from the Buddhist Temporalities Ordinance No. 19 of 1931, this act serves as the primary legal framework governing the ‘temporalities’—meaning the secular wealth, extensive landholdings, and material donations belonging to Buddhist temples and shrines. While ancient kings granted these vast tracts of land to support the monkhood’s spiritual pursuits, the modern codification of this law has inadvertently fostered a system where property rights frequently supersede spiritual accountability.
The core of the crisis lies in the commercialisation of the monastic order that this legal framework enables. By treating temple lands as economic assets and vesting absolute administrative power in individual chief monks or lay trustees, the act has contributed to the rise of what critics term a monastic middle class. Access to vast, unregulated financial resources, rent from lands, and corporate donations has fundamentally shifted the focus of certain segments of the clergy away from the traditional path of worldly renunciation and spiritual guidance. Instead, it has driven a preoccupation with business investments, the accumulation of private capital, and luxury lifestyles, which deeply alienates a public looking to the Sangha for moral leadership.
The institutional flaws embedded in the Vihara Devalegam Act find a stark, real-world manifestation in the recent criminal case involving Venerable Pallegama Hemarathana Thero. As the chief priest of Anuradhapura and the custodian of the Atamasthana—the eight highly venerated Buddhist shrines, including the sacred Jaya Sri Maha Bodhi—Hemarathana Thero occupied one of the most powerful and wealthy positions within the Sri Lankan Sangha. His arrest on charges of sexual abuse of a minor girl perfectly illustrates how the structural defects of the Act facilitate not only moral decay but also the systemic obstruction of justice.
The core of this intersection lies in the vast, unaccountable wealth generated by the temporalities of the Anuradhapura shrines. Under the Vihara Devalegam Act, the chief custodian exercises immense, virtually unchecked control over temple revenues, state-backed land management, and millions of rupees in daily donations from millions of global pilgrims. It is precisely this immense financial liquidity that enabled the alleged deployment of vast sums of money to the victim’s family.
Furthermore, the situation underscores the profound policy failures cited regarding the helplessness of the monastic hierarchy and state enforcement. When child protection authorities initially attempted to act, the National Child Protection Authority noted severe delays and institutional resistance, stating they practically had to force the police to execute the arrest. The monk’s immediate retreat to a private hospital in Colombo upon the advancement of the criminal probe, followed by his release on bail, mirrors the exact loop described where wealthy monastics deploy high-priced legal defence teams funded directly or indirectly by their institutional positions. Because the Vihara Devalegam Act does not provide a mechanism for the immediate, unconditional forfeiture of temporal administrative rights upon a criminal indictment, the accused retains his structural power throughout the legal process. The Pallegama Thero scandal stands as definitive proof that without a fundamental overhaul of how temple wealth is legally governed and disciplined, the material benefits guaranteed by ancient temporalities will continue to shield the worst elements of moral deformation from the rule of law.
If Sri Lanka can learn from this moment and if it can recognise the structural roots of the crisis and commit to meaningful reform, then the Sangha may yet emerge stronger, more disciplined, and more faithful to its ancient ideals. But if the country continues to treat each scandal as an isolated failure and if it continues to ignore the deeper institutional problems that Seneviratne identified, then the moral deterioration we see today will only deepen. The work of kings, when performed by monks, carries a heavy price. It is time to decide whether that price is worth paying.
by Professor Amarasiri de Silva
Features
Kondachchi wind farm and battery storage project to boost energy security, says Power Ministry Secretary
The Power and Energy Ministry’s drive towards energy security and renewable energy expansion received a major boost yesterday with the signing of a tripartite cooperation agreement for the development of the 150 MW Kondachchi Wind Power Project and an integrated Battery Energy Storage System (BESS) in Mannar.
The agreement was signed at the Ministry of Power auditorium under the patronage of Power Minister Anura Karunatilaka and Deputy Power Minister Arkam Ilyas.
Speaking at the event, Ministry Secretary G. M. R. D. Aponsu described the project as a transformative investment that would strengthen the country’s electricity network while supporting Sri Lanka’s transition towards cleaner energy sources.
“The Kondachchi Wind Power Project represents a significant milestone in Sri Lanka’s renewable energy journey. By combining large-scale wind generation with advanced battery energy storage technology, we are creating a more resilient and reliable power system capable of meeting future energy demands while reducing dependence on imported fossil fuels,” Aponsu said.
The project will be developed at Silavathurai in the Kondachchi area of Mannar on lands owned by the Sri Lanka Cashew Corporation. It is expected to utilise some 31 modern wind turbines with a total installed capacity of at least 150 MW.
Aponsu said the inclusion of an integrated battery storage facility would help address the variability associated with wind power generation and ensure stable electricity supply to the national grid.
“The battery energy storage component is a key feature of this project. It will enable the efficient integration of renewable energy into the grid and enhance overall system stability, which is essential as Sri Lanka increases the share of renewables in its energy mix,” he said.
According to the Ministry, the wind farm is expected to generate nearly 525 gigawatt-hours of electricity annually, significantly reducing the country’s expenditure on imported fuel and strengthening national energy security.
The project is also expected to contribute to Sri Lanka’s climate commitments by reducing carbon dioxide emissions by an estimated 372,750 tonnes annually.
“This investment delivers both economic and environmental benefits. It will reduce greenhouse gas emissions, support sustainable development objectives and help Sri Lanka move closer to achieving its renewable energy and climate targets,” Aponsu noted.
The project will be implemented under a Public-Private Partnership (PPP) arrangement using the Build, Own and Operate (BOO) model. The Asian Development Bank is providing technical and financial advisory support through its Transaction Advisory Services programme.
The signing ceremony was attended by Pradeep Perera, Chairman of the National System Operator (Pvt) Ltd., and Takeyo Koike, Head of Market Development and Public-Private Partnership Division of the ADB, among other distinguished guests.
The Ministry said comprehensive Environmental Impact Assessments and avifaunal studies have been undertaken to ensure minimal impacts on bird populations, nearby communities and agricultural lands. A dedicated 220-kilovolt transmission system will also be constructed to connect the project to the national grid.
“The Kondachchi Wind Farm is a strategic national project that will help secure Sri Lanka’s energy future while accelerating the country’s transition towards sustainable and affordable electricity generation,” Aponsu said.
Energy sector experts view the project as one of the most important renewable energy initiatives currently being pursued in Sri Lanka, combining utility-scale wind generation with modern energy storage technology to enhance grid reliability and long-term energy sustainability.
By Ifham Nizam
Features
Saudi Arabia sets new benchmark in Hajj management as 1.7 million pilgrims complete sacred journey
Interview with Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka
Saudi Arabia has once again demonstrated its unparalleled capacity to manage one of the world’s largest annual religious gatherings, with this year’s Hajj pilgrimage concluding successfully despite extreme temperatures and the immense logistical challenge of accommodating more than 1.7 million pilgrims from around the world.
In an exclusive interview with The Island, Khalid Hamoud Al-Kahtani, Ambassador of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia to Sri Lanka, described the 2026 Hajj season as a resounding success, crediting the achievement to the visionary leadership of the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques, His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister, and the coordinated efforts of multiple government agencies working around the clock to serve pilgrims.
The Ambassador noted that nearly 3,500 Sri Lankan pilgrims participated in this year’s Hajj under the quota allocated to Sri Lanka, benefiting from enhanced healthcare services, sophisticated crowd-management systems, expanded shaded areas and cutting-edge digital solutions introduced by the Kingdom.
With Saudi Arabia continuing to invest heavily in infrastructure, technology and pilgrim services under Vision 2030, Ambassador Al-Kahtani said the Kingdom remains committed to ensuring that pilgrims from around the world perform their religious duties in safety, comfort and tranquility.
The Saudi envoy also highlighted the growing partnership between Saudi Arabia and Sri Lanka, emphasising expanding cooperation not only in Hajj affairs but also in trade, investment, education, culture and institutional exchanges.
Following are excerpts of the interview:
Q: How do you assess this year’s Hajj season?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: This year’s Hajj season was a resounding success, thanks to the Almighty Allah and the integrated efforts of the government of the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, led by the Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and His Royal Highness the Crown Prince and Prime Minister. This success was reflected in the efficiency of crowd management, the quality of services provided to the Hajj pilgrims and the effective coordination among the various relevant authorities, which enabled pilgrims to perform their rituals in an atmosphere of security, tranquility and ease.
Q: How many Sri Lankan pilgrims performed Hajj this year?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The number of Hajj pilgrims from the Democratic Socialist Republic of Sri Lanka reached approximately 3,500, within the quota allocated to Sri Lanka for this season.
Q: Are there any discussions regarding increasing Sri Lanka’s quota in the future?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani:Hajj quotas are determined according to approved regulatory mechanisms that take into account a range of considerations. The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continue to study various aspects related to developing Hajj services and accommodating the allocated numbers for all countries, in coordination with the concerned parties.
Q: What were the most prominent special arrangements implemented this year?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The operational plans for this season focused on enhancing the safety and comfort of the Hajj pilgrims, especially given the climatic conditions and high temperatures. Measures included expanding shaded areas, increasing water distribution points and enhancing health and ambulance services, in addition to developing the transportation system and traffic management within the holy sites.
Q: What are the most prominent digital systems and smart services that were provided?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani:The Kingdom continues to implement its digital transformation objectives for the Hajj and Umrah system. The scope of electronic services offered through the Nusuk platform and application has been expanded, along with the development of digital systems for issuing permits, managing crowds, guidance and health services. This contributes to increasing the efficiency of services and improving the pilgrim’s experience at all stages of their journey.
Q: How were the challenges of overcrowding and heat addressed?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities adopted an integrated crowd-management system based on modern technologies and real-time data analysis. This was coupled with intensified health-awareness campaigns, expanded organised movement routes and increased deployment of field, medical and emergency teams. These measures support the safety of the Hajj pilgrims and reduce the risks associated with crowd density and climatic conditions.
Q: Were there special services for the elderly and sick?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Yes. The Kingdom paid special attention to the elderly and people with special health needs by providing specialized medical services, assistive transportation and facilities equipped to meet their needs, in addition to field teams working to provide humanitarian support and necessary healthcare throughout the Hajj period.
Q: How successful was the Kingdom in combating irregular Hajj permits?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The relevant authorities in the Kingdom continued to rigorously implement the regulations and instructions governing Hajj, utilising modern technologies and advanced monitoring procedures to reduce violations related to irregular Hajj. These efforts contributed to enhancing the safety of pilgrims, improving crowd-management efficiency and maintaining the smooth flow of movement within the holy sites.
Q: How would you describe Saudi-Sri Lankan cooperation in organising Hajj?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Cooperation between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka is characterised by continuous and constructive coordination in all matters related to Hajj. The relevant authorities in both countries work jointly to ensure the provision of the best services for Sri Lankan pilgrims and enable them to perform their rituals with ease and peace of mind.
Q: How many Hajj pilgrims were there globally, and what were the main challenges?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: According to official statistics, the number of Hajj pilgrims this year reached 1,707,301 from various countries around the world. The main challenges included managing large crowds, ensuring public safety and providing health, transportation and accommodation services within a specific geographical and temporal scope. These challenges were addressed through advanced and integrated operational plans, which contributed to the smooth and successful completion of the Hajj season.
Q: Are there any future expansion projects?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: The Kingdom continues to implement strategic development projects within the framework of Vision 2030, including developing the infrastructure in Makkah and the Holy Sites, and enhancing transportation networks and smart services. This contributes to raising the quality of services provided to pilgrims and Umrah performers and improving their long-term experience.
Q: How are Saudi-Sri Lankan relations strengthened outside the context of Hajj?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: Relations between the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia and the Republic of Sri Lanka are witnessing continuous development in many areas, including political, economic, trade, cultural and educational cooperation, in addition to developing exchanges between institutions and the private sector. This reflects the two countries’ keenness to strengthen the bilateral partnership and achieve common interests.
Q: What message would you like to convey to Sri Lankan Muslims?
Ambassador Al-Kahtani: We extend our sincere congratulations to the Hajj pilgrims who have completed their Hajj rituals, and we ask Almighty Allah to accept their pilgrimage. We also assure Muslims in Sri Lanka that the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia places serving the Two Holy Mosques and the guests of Almighty Allah at the forefront of its priorities and continues to develop the Hajj and Umrah system to achieve the highest standards of quality and safety.
By Ifham Nizam
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