Features
Worrying about devolution of police powers?
By Austin Fernando
President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s recent statements on devolution show that he has realised that the granting of Police Powers (PPs) to the Provincial Councils (PCs) is too sensitive an issue and wants to keep it on the back burner. He seems to think the 13th Amendment (13A) even minus PPs will grant him some relief vis-a-vis pressure from the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) and the Indians, whose policy on devolution has remained consistent as pointed out in a previous article by me accessible at https://island.lk/jaishankar-means-victory-of-lord-shiva/ and https://island.lk/crisscrossing-13a-abolition/.
Local and Indian political complexity
It is being argued in political circles that President Wickremesinghe is using ‘devolution’ to garner TNA’s support.
The campaign for power sharing was not intense in the SWRD Bandaranaike era. It began to gather momentum after Black July 1983. Parliamentarians M. Sivasithamparam and A. Amirthalingam called upon the Indians to ensure ethnicity-based alienation of Mahaweli allotments. This is something unknown to most of us.
Indian politicians such as Natwar Singh, S. M. Krishna, P. Chidambaram, Dr. Jaishankar, and almost all Indian PMs since 1983, and bureaucrats like J. N. Dixit, Romesh Bandari, G Parthasarathy, and now Secretary Kwatra have pushed for devolution in Sri Lanka. PM Modi must take up issues like devolution and Lankan Tamil rights to garner votes in Tamil Nadu.
The Sri Lankan Tamil politicians have been making various political demands, language rights, expanding to policing and land powers devolution, 13A Plus, self-determination, federalism, etc., over the years. Sri Lankan leaders promised 13A, 13A minus land and PP, and later 13A Plus.
When President Wickremesinghe was the Prime Minister from 2001 to 2004, the Sri Lankan delegation participating in Oslo talks with the LTTE agreed “to explore a political solution founded on the principle of internal self-determination in areas of historical habitation of the Tamil-speaking peoples, based on a federal structure within a united Sri Lanka.”
President Wickremesinghe, who, as the PM, was amenable to the Oslo proposals including ‘internal self-determination’ which would have had serious legal implications if carried out, ‘historical habitation of Tamil peoples’ confronting several Sinhala radicals, and ‘federal structure’, now oppose PP to PCs.
If other reforms proposed by Wickremesinghe, i. e., district-based institutional arrangements, local governance participation for parliamentarians, etc., are implemented they will run counter to principles of devolution and run into resistance.
Sri Lanka Muslim Congress’s (SLMC) leader Rauf Hakeem has asked the government to negotiate with the Muslims separately. During pre-13A consultations with Indians, there was a proposal for a separate Muslim PC in the East, minus the Ampara Electorate. What does the SLMC want now?
Call for PPs in historical context
Tamil politicians demanding PP must recall the events in Trincomalee in September 1987, such as the displacement of the Sinhala community, the killing of China Bay head priest, and even Tamil citizens, and the suffering of the public under Chief Minister Vartharajah Perumal’s ‘Police’, supported by the Indian Peace Keeping Force, and the continuation of their woes under the LTTE ‘Police’. In case a person of the ilk of Tamil Selvam is in authority, there would be problems for state interventions, as we experienced during the Ceasefire Agreement days. As such, it is only natural that the opponents of PPs suspect a hidden agenda on the part of the TNA. President Wickremesinghe cannot be unaware of this situation.
The TNA relentlessly demands PPs, probably in the hope that they will help overcome law and order issues affecting the Tamil people and safeguard their rights. But successive governments have not devolved PPs and it is not fair to single out President Wickremesinghe for criticism.
WPC demanding police powers
On 06 January 1994, Chief Minister Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga moved that PPs be devolved to the WPC under the Police Commission Act No: 1 of 1990. She declared it would pave the way for a more democratic law and order administration. (PC Hansard page 13). She was probably unaware that this particular Act had been passed to delay the devolution of PPs!
Upon receiving the WPC resolution, President DB Wijetunga discussed it with me since I was the Secretary to the Ministry of Provincial Councils at the time. I asked him whether he wished to devolve PPs to the WPC.
“What nonsense? He said. “There will be pandemonium if PP are devolved to the PCs. Just give me a valid reason to reject this request.”
I told him, “Your Excellency, you can convey to her that it will be considered after the appointment of the National Police Commission. Until such time, it is not possible to appoint a Provincial Police Commission.” This was conveyed to Chief Minister Kumaratunga, who was disappointed that her request was not granted.
Later, it was revealed that PC Member Susil Premjayantha had said: “The Commission will comprise the Provincial Deputy Inspector General of Police, a nominee of the Public Service Commission, as advised by the President, and a person appointed on the recommendation of the Chief Minister. The powers and duties are mentioned. There is nothing to possess grave fears about devolving PP. Once this Commission is appointed to a Province, it will perform tasks such as appointments, transfers, and disciplinary matters.” (Hansard page 42).
Premjayantha will not repeat it, because his political boss, President Wickremesinghe has changed his position and is not for the devolution of PPs. Chandrika Kumaratunga went on to become the President and Premjayantha joined the Cabinet, but neither of them evinced any interest in granting PPs to the PCs thereafter!
NCP demanding PPs
NPC Chief Minister G. D. Mahindasoma also demanded that PPs be devolved to the PCs. President Wijetunga discussed that request with me.
I said, “Your Excellency, he is from your party. Although you disagreed with the WPC, there is no constraint on sharing PPs with the NCP after appointing the National Police Commission. In the Police Commission Act, there is provision for appointing Provincial Police Commissions on a staggered basis.” His response shocked me. He opposed the devolution of PPs even to a PC under a UNP Chief Minister; he feared that such a move would lead to chaos.
Differing political stances on PPs
The WPC debate on the resolution seeking PPs was interesting.
UNP Councilor Titus Wimalasiri said: “Sometimes we observe certain foreign elements helping terrorist groups through some Sri Lankans. Mr. Deputy Chairman, the submission of this resolution creates suspicion due to these foreign influences and foreign actions, whether there is some contract to strengthen the hands of Prabhakaran in the north and whether there is a conspiracy.” (PC Hansard Report page 28)
The likes of Wimal Weerawansa, Ven: Athuraliye Ratana Thera also use phrases like “assisting terrorism” “foreign influences” “foreign actions”, “strengthening LTTE / Diaspora”, etc., to bolster their arguments against PPs. In reality, what happened was that President Wijetunga’s stance was confirmed by Councilor Wimalasiri.
Councilor Wimalasiri went on to say that when the Police Commission Act was debated (in Parliament), the MPs had said: “We are totally against this Act; the unitary status will be erased in the country; and, especially these PP should not be given to PCs.” (PC Hansard Report page 27) Councilor Mahinda Samarasinghe argued similarly, quoting MPs SL Gunasekara and Dharmasiri Senanayake (PC Hansard Report pages 51, 53).
Provincial Councilor Felix Perera pointed out that there were even conceptual differences. He maintained that the Police were not a Force. It was another department, he said. He maintained that the proper implementation of PPs in the WPC would serve as an example for others to emulate. “If we think logically and consider that someday peace is to be achieved in this country, I see it as a problem, if there is a need for Hon: Councilors in this House to oppose WPC receiving PP.” (PC Hansard Report page 48)
The problem is why a party that demanded PPs while Prabhakaran was alive and unleashing violence is now opposing a move to devolve PPs to the PCs. Since political, social, and security environments have changed for the better, it should have adopted a conciliatory approach. On the other hand, why does the UNP, which introduced the 13A, baulk at granting PPs to the PCs? Is it political opportunism?
However, Mahinda Samarasinghe, the then WPC’s Chief Opposition Whip, began to blow hot and cold on the issue. He said, “That is why at the outset I said that we are not against the implementation of the Act. What we are saying is that the timing is not correct” (PC Hansard report page 50).
Will PPs for PCs undermine the Police?
One of the reasons for opposition to the granting of PPs to the PCs is that such action will undermine the authority of the Police. Some argue that the devolution of PP to PCs would even adversely affect police investigations at the center. They have chosen to ignore that scheduled offences such as those related to the State,tri-forces, elections, money, stamps, the state capital and assets, national security, international offences, etc., in 13A- Appendix I are administered by the National Police.
Appendix I states that the “cadre of Officers and other ranks of each Provincial Division shall be fixed by the Provincial Administration with the approval of the National Police Commission, having regard to the area of the Province, population and such other criteria, as may be agreed to or prescribed.” [Appendix I–7 (a), (b), (c)]. It directs that the principles, and salaries, shall be uniformly determined by the government (Appendix I–7:2).
The impression created by the opponents of devolution is that the sharing of PPs will empower the Northern/Eastern PCs to recruit police personnel including ex-LTTE cadres. This is a ludicrous contention in that the government is recruiting rehabilitated ex-LTTE cadres to the Army!
It is far-fetched to believe that the Chief Ministers of North and East will override the constitutional powers enjoyed by the Governors, and the PCs Act, intervening through statute-making and budgeting/ financing of provincial institutions, with Finance Commission participation.
Appendix I–8 says: “The nature, type, and quantity of firearms and ammunition and other equipment for all Provincial Divisions shall be determined by the National Police Commission after consultation with the Provincial Police Commission, and uniform standards and principles shall be applied for all Provincial Divisions.”
The widely held belief is that the Provincial Police Service will unilaterally arm itself, challenge the security forces, and overthrow the government. Critics conveniently turn a blind eye to the failure of the LTTE and the ability of our armed forces to meet such an eventuality.
Another contention is that the Provincial Police cadres will be given weapons training, like the LTTE’s. Although Provincial Police Divisions can recruit police personnel, they will be trained by the National Police Division. (Appendix I– 9:2) Even the uniforms of the provincial police personnel are decided at the center. (Appendix I–10).
Many are disturbed by Appendix I–11:1, wherein it is said that the Provincial DIG is “responsible to and under the control of the CM” to maintain public order. Critics ignore the fact that indirectly the appointing authority where the DIGs are concerned is the President (Appendix I–6).
It should not be forgotten that Appendix I–11:1 is subject to qualifications in Appendix I–11:2, which enables the President to “assume such powers and responsibilities of the CM and the Provincial Administration in respect of public order within the Province as he may, by regulation.” One may argue that such an order expires after 30 days, but orders can be repeated as long as the President deems it necessary for him to deal with an issue.
If a more serious situation arises due to “grave internal disturbance”, it is possible to act under the Public Security Ordinance, as per Appendix I–11:2 (b), where the President assumes the Chief Minister’s powers and responsibilities upon declaration of Emergency. The military has the power to act in an Emergency. Appendix I–12:1 to 12:4 specifies further actions to be taken in managing the Provincial Police by the National Police and the Attorney General.
Critics of devolution ignore the regular powers of the President to engage the military under difficult circumstances, and the fact that the President’s action cannot be questioned in any Court when it is taken in keeping with the Proclamation under Article 154. They also gloss over the fact that the security forces are stationed in all parts of the country to counter any threat to national security.
Conclusion
Under these circumstances is it fair to argue that Provincial Police will undermine the powers of the Police? It may be recalled that despite all the constitutional provisions being intact, the LTTE remained above the law for 22 years! Its violence stood in the way of sharing PPs. However, since such fears are still persistent, it will be essential to formulate clear guidelines for central and provincial policing by identifying in advance the role of the National/Provincial Police Commissions if PPs are to be devolved.
We must understand that PCs are an arm of the State, and the working of the entire system requires power sharing and not power grabbing. And the PC authorities must be ready to accept the existing legal provisions.
Further, the TNA does not demand changes to the laws that are in place to ensure the stability of the state. Hence, fear is being expressed in some quarters that it will not be possible to implement these laws if PPs are devolved. This suspicion is the crux. Therefore, an assurance is called for that they will be implemented unhindered.
It is also important for the TNA, the Tamil community, and the government to be flexible. The provincial authorities must keep in mind that the misuse of PPs will lead to the deployment of the armed forces.
PCs should not try to push the government against the wall to win their demands if resistance to devolution is to be overcome. A dialogue between the center and periphery to build trust cannot be overstated. One can only hope that the Tamil community and other stakeholders are ready for it. Otherwise, the devolution of PPs will remain a pipe dream.
It was a few years back that a former President of Sri Lanka took it on himself to pronounce SAARC ‘dead’. Since then there have been other sections of Sri Lankan opinion that have joined the critics of SAARC and taken the solemn stance that SAARC has indeed died what may be called a natural death.
Their fatalism is understandable. SAARC has failed to meet at heads of government or state level for the past several years to take the SAARC process notably forward. Regional cooperation has more or less been only an appealing idea. No substantive concrete projects have taken off to make the idea a hard reality. ‘Inner paralysis’ seems to be SAARC’s lot. Hence the fatalism in these circles.
However, being one of the worst cash-strapped regions of the world and a teemingly populated one with people virtually left to their devices, what choices do the ‘SAARC Eight’ have other than to try their best to band together and continue with their cooperation efforts, however small they may be?
There is no escaping the mounting debt trap for many of these countries and bankrupt Sri Lanka is a glaring example, but ‘throwing in the towel’ and abandoning themselves entirely to the diktats of the strongest economies and their agencies will prove a ‘living death’ for many countries in the SAARC fold.
The gains may be meagre but giving-up on SAARC cooperation in full would prove self-defeating for the organization and South Asia. Right now, the collective intention ought to be to salvage what the region could from the tenuous cooperative efforts. Moreover, such initiatives could go some distance to generate a degree of goodwill among the Eight and help in sustaining a dialogue process.
Given this backdrop it proved ‘a stich in time’ for the Regional Centre for Strategic Studies (RCSS), Colombo, to recently host the SAARC Secretary General Ambassador Md. Golam Sarwar to a round table discussion on the unifying potential of SAARC and its future possibilities, besides other related issue areas.
Held on June 24th and moderated by RCSS Executive Director and former ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinha, the forum brought together a vibrant, wide ranging audience comprising academicians, diplomats, senior public servants, civil society activists and many others. Following the presentation by Ambassador Golam Sarwar titled, ‘Reigniting SAARC: Achievements, Challenges and the Way Ahead’, a lively Q&A followed.
The above forum could be described as an act of lighting the proverbial ‘candle’ rather than ‘cursing the darkness.’ It surely is a ‘darkness’ that could be seen as daunting considering that the region’s pivotal powers, India and Pakistan, are failing to act in a spirit of accord but are engaged in bitter finger-pointing on a number of questions of vital importance to SAARC.
On the other hand, what is the rest of the region doing to bring the above sides together? It is disappointing that to date the rest of SAARC has failed to launch a major diplomatic drive to bring peace between the feuding regional heavyweights. It needs to act without delay and establish its earnestness and this effort would need to prove SAARC’s staying power in the unfolding months and even years.
In assessing SAARC’s seeming failure local opinion in particular has failed to factor in what could be described as weak leadership. Since Sheikh Mujibur Rahman of Bangladesh, the founding father of SAARC, the region has failed to produce a visionary leader who could advance the SAARC cause with charisma and drive.
Among other reasons, weak leadership accounts considerably for the faltering and stuttering status, as it were, of SAARC. Badly needed are leaders who could go the extra mile, think less of narrow national interests and work diligently towards the collective well being of the region but SAARC’s millions of ordinary people have been made to wait in vain for leaders of such stature. Instead, they have been burdened with politicians who seem to be relishing the apparently moribund state of SAARC.
Looking back, it could be said that it was the dynamic leadership factor that led to the launching of the Non-Aligned Movement and for its sustenance for a few decades. True, it could be seen in some quarters that NAM is no more, but as in the case of SAARC, the former too has been unfortunate to be burdened over the years with politicians who lack the vision and drive to unflaggingly advance the fortunes of the South. NAM and SAARC lack the dynamism and vision of leaders of the stature of Jawaharlal Nehru, for example, to give them the required guidance and intellectual depth.
The reasons are complex for there not being among us currently political leaders with the vision and the steadfast commitment to advance the legitimate interests of the South. However, it could be stated with conviction that the majority of Southern leaders have too easily caved in to the demands of the global North and its financial agencies.
These leaders have failed to see, for instance, that the largely market economy oriented Northern governments would not view with favour a centrist economic model that attaches priority to the interests of the dis-empowered publics of the South. This realization ought to have dawned on the current government in Sri Lanka, for instance, some while ago but it has no choice but to abide by IMF dictates since economic survival at present is unthinkable without the latter’s succour.
Accordingly for SAARC this should be the time for some soul-searching. Priority needs to be attached to ending the feuding between India and Pakistan since at present the material fortunes of the region hinge largely on these regional giants giving peaceful relations among them a try. This is no easy challenge to meet but some daring, visionary diplomacy needs to take hold among the rest of SAARC.
There is some sense in SAARC bringing the peoples of the region together through programs that address their best collective interests. A meeting of minds among SAARC nations could enable SAARC and its agencies to build a region-wide people’s movement for progressive political and economic change that could in turn lead to the region’s political leaders sensitizing themselves more to the neglected needs of their publics.
However, the time is ‘now’ for the initiation of these progressive changes and the voice of SAARC well wishers would need to drown out those of their critics.
A seminar, “Sri Lanka’s Economic Crossroads: Navigating Recovery, Resilience and Growth” was recently held by the Organisation of Professional Associations of Sri Lanka (OPA) at the OPA Auditorium, bringing together economists, OPA members, and professionals from diverse fields for an insightful discussion on Sri Lanka’s economic recovery and future growth prospects.
The event was held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, and was jointly organised by the National Issues Committee (NIC) and the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee of the OPA. The event reaffirmed the organisation’s commitment to advancing professional excellence, fostering insightful intellectual engagement, facilitating interdisciplinary knowledge exchange and creating a constructive platform for informed dialogue on issues of national importance.
The panel of speakers comprised Dr. Harsha Aturupane, Lead Economist and Programme Leader for Human Development at the World Bank for Sri Lanka and the Maldives; Dr. Achinthya Koswatta, Senior Lecturer in Economics at the Open University of Sri Lanka, and Anushan Kapilan, Lead Economist at Verité Research.
In his welcome address, the President of the OPA emphasised that Sri Lanka was at a critical juncture in its economic recovery journey where sustained reforms, effective implementation, and collective national commitment are essential to achieving long-term stability, resilience and inclusive growth. He noted that the country had experienced one of the most severe economic crises in its history with the economy contracting by 7.8 percent in 2022 and a further 11.5 percent in 2023, resulting in significant economic and social challenges.
Delivering his introductory remarks Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee, underscored the need to move beyond short-term economic stabilisation towards a comprehensive agenda of structural transformation. He observed that the economic crisis had revealed deep-rooted weaknesses within the economy, including persistent fiscal pressures, rising public debt, foreign exchange limitations, and insufficient diversification of the export base. He stressed that addressing these challenges through strategic reforms, institutional strengthening and long-term economic planning would be essential to establishing a more resilient and competitive economy.
While acknowledging recent positive developments, including improved inflation management, tourism recovery and signs of economic stabilisation, Wijeyaratne stressed the need to advance reforms aimed at strengthening fiscal discipline, enhancing productivity, improving competitiveness, developing human capital and reinforcing governance and institutional effectiveness.
He further highlighted the important role of professionals, businesses, academia and other stakeholders in contributing to evidence-based dialogue and supporting Sri Lanka’s journey towards a resilient, inclusive and sustainable economic future.
Delivering the keynote presentation, Dr. Harsha Aturupane provided a comprehensive assessment of Sri Lanka’s economic prospects within the broader context of global economic transformation. He argued that Sri Lanka functioned as a small open economy whose performance is significantly influenced by developments in the global marketplace. External factors could not be controlled, and the country must strengthen its domestic capacity and resilience to respond effectively to international economic shifts, he noted.
Tracing the evolution of global economic systems, Dr. Aturupane highlighted the transition from ideological divisions between state-controlled and market-oriented economies towards increasingly pragmatic approaches focused on growth, competitiveness and development. He noted that Sri Lanka’s own economic journey reflects a similar evolution, with contemporary policy debates now centred on practical solutions for sustainable economic progress.
The presentation also examined the transformative impact of globalisation. Dr. Aturupane observed that global economic integration had enabled several East Asian economies, including South Korea, Singapore, Taiwan and Hong Kong, to achieve remarkable economic advancement through export-led growth strategies. Sri Lanka similarly benefited from this process through the expansion of its apparel industry and increased integration into global value chains.
Turning to Sri Lanka’s recovery programme, Dr. Aturupane emphasised that the ongoing stabilisation process should be viewed as a national programme supported by the International Monetary Fund rather than solely as an IMF initiative. He observed that strong worker remittances, improved tourism earnings, enhanced government revenue mobilisation and prudent import management have contributed significantly to economic stabilisation.
Despite this progress, he cautioned that rebuilding foreign exchange reserves and meeting future debt obligations remain major challenges. He underscored the need to strengthen export performance, attract investment and generate sustainable foreign exchange earnings to ensure long-term economic resilience.
The discussion also focused on monetary stability, inflation management and exchange-rate policy. Dr. Aturupane stressed that maintaining price stability was fundamental to sustainable growth and household welfare, while sound monetary policy remains essential for preserving economic confidence.
Looking beyond stabilisation, he argued that Sri Lanka must transition towards a broader economic transformation agenda. Sustainable growth, he noted, will depend on expanding productive capacity through investment, technological advancement, innovation, skills development and structural reforms.
Among the key constraints identified was the high cost of energy, which continues to affect competitiveness and investment attractiveness. Dr. Aturupane emphasised the importance of improving efficiency and affordability within the energy sector to enhance Sri Lanka’s business environment.
He further highlighted the social dimensions of the crisis, noting the rise in poverty and economic vulnerability among households. Strengthening social protection systems and ensuring inclusive growth, he argued, must remain central components of the national development agenda.
Another critical challenge identified was Sri Lanka’s demographic transition. With an ageing population, outward migration and evolving labour market dynamics, the country is increasingly confronting labour shortages in several sectors. Dr. Aturupane suggested that greater automation, increased labour-force participation and strategic workforce planning would be necessary to address these emerging realities.
Concluding his presentation, he emphasised the need to improve governance, strengthen institutions, enhance competitiveness and create an enabling environment for private sector investment. Sri Lanka’s future success, he noted, will depend on its ability to move decisively beyond crisis management towards a development model founded on resilience, innovation, productivity and inclusive growth.
Dr. Achinthya Koswatta reiterated the importance of policy consistency and predictability in fostering investment and industrial development. She observed that frequent policy changes create uncertainty and discourage long-term investment decisions, whereas stable and coherent policy frameworks build confidence and support sustainable economic transformation.
Meanwhile, Anushan Kapilan highlighted the substantial progress achieved in restoring macroeconomic stability following the recent crisis. He noted significant improvements in fiscal performance, including increased government revenue, reduced reliance on debt financing and a historically low fiscal deficit.
He further observed that public debt levels are declining faster than anticipated, economic growth has exceeded expectations and inflation has been brought under control more rapidly than forecast. Nevertheless, he cautioned that the recovery remains uneven, particularly within the industrial sector and that many households have yet to experience a meaningful improvement in living standards.
The seminar was expertly coordinated by Eng. Chamil Edirimuni, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the Seminars, Workshops and Programmes Committee, while the technical moderation and interactive discussion session were facilitated by Bhanu Wijeyaratne, Vice President of the OPA and Chairman of the National Issues Committee.
The event was attended by Tisara De Silva, President-Elect of the OPA, Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary, Past Presidents, members of the Executive Council, representatives of the General Forum and professionals representing a wide range of disciplines.
The seminar concluded with a vibrant exchange of ideas and perspectives, reaffirming the importance of evidence-based policy dialogue, institutional collaboration and collective national commitment in advancing Sri Lanka’s economic recovery, resilience and sustainable growth.
Yes, for UK-based presenter and artiste Samantha Kay, home is where the heart – and the roots – are. And her roots run deep in Sri Lanka.
In an exclusive interview with The Island, Samantha says “I’m proud to be Sri Lankan. My mum is from Kandy and my dad is from Colombo, so Sri Lanka has always held a very special place in my heart.
“Whenever I visit Sri Lanka, I love spending time on the beautiful south coast, especially Hikkaduwa and Mirissa. It’s somewhere I always feel connected to my roots and completely at peace.”
Now living in Bournemouth, on the south coast of England, where, she says, she is lucky to be close to some of the UK’s most beautiful beaches, including the iconic Sandbanks, Samantha has built a career that refuses to fit into one box.
She is a radio presenter, podcast host, singer-songwriter, personal trainer and life coach.
“I genuinely love the variety because every role allows me to connect with people and, hopefully, make a positive difference in someone’s day.”
Of course, music has taken her far.
One of her proudest achievements, she says, was releasing a song with 90s music icon Angie Brown, which reached No. 9 in the UK Club Charts.
She also reached the final stages of The X Factor and performed at Wembley Stadium in front of thousands.
Beyond music, Samantha competed in bikini bodybuilding across the UK, winning several titles. “It taught me discipline, resilience and self-belief,” she recalls.
Today, her focus is on radio, podcasting and coaching women. Her podcast encourages people to live life on their own terms rather than feeling pressured to follow society’s expectations.
Says Samantha: “Whether someone is single, changing careers, travelling solo or simply trying to find their purpose, I want them to know that it’s never too late to create a life that feels authentic. If you’ve ever felt like you don’t fit into the box, maybe you were never meant to.”
Samantha Kay also spent a year in Dubai, performing at five-star hotels, including FIVE, and coaching at the iconic outdoor gym on Palm Jumeirah.
“I taught strength and conditioning classes, and hosted wellness retreats, combining my passion for music, health and inspiring others.”
However, with family matters calling her back to the UK, she made the choice to return. “Family comes first,” she says.
Looking ahead, Samantha plans to grow her radio and podcast work, release more music, and expand her wellness retreats.
“My biggest passion is helping people, especially women, build confidence and believe in themselves,” she says.
“Wherever my career takes me, I hope to continue inspiring others to live with courage, kindness and authenticity, while never forgetting my Sri Lankan roots.”
Current El Niño Status in Sri Lanka
A few showers may occur in the Western, Sabaragamuwa and North-western provinces and in Kandy, Nuwara-Eliya, Galle and Matara districts.
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