Midweek Review

Warning issued over proposed ‘Open Government Partnership’ action plan

Published

10 months ago

2024/01/17

A group session in progress (pictures courtesy PMD)

The USAID had no qualms in announcing the Rs. 1.92 billion (USD $13 million) project with a Parliament that blatantly protected Treasury bond thieves. The civil society, too, remained conveniently silent over the Treasury bond scams (do not forget the Samagi Jana Balawegaya MPs, as then members of the UNP, shielded the Treasury bond thieves. They can never absolve themselves of their culpability in the bond scams. One of those MPs even had the audacity to write a book stating that there was no scam!).

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Additional Secretary to President Ranil Wickremesinghe at the Presidential Secretariat Chandima Wickramasinghe recently declared that there shouldn’t be a dispute whatsoever over the proposed third National Action Plan (NAP) expected to be implemented in line with the ‘Open Government Partnership’ (OGP) project.

She strongly advised against the government and the civil society pointing fingers at each other after having jointly worked on such a project. The official emphasized that neither the government nor the civil society should be held responsible, separately, as it was a joint venture.

The Additional Secretary issued the warning at the inaugural multi-stakeholder workshop meant to prepare the country’s third NAP for 2023-2025, held at the Renuka Hotel, Colombo, on January 10.

The latest initiative involved the Presidential Secretariat, Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL) and Sarvodaya. The OGP project is meant to bring the government, the civil society and citizens together to primarily achieve transparency and accountability.

Declaring that the government decided to prepare the NAP on a directive issued by President Wickremesinghe, principally for the benefit of the people, Mrs. Wickramasinghe said that the report would be submitted to the Cabinet-of-Ministers for approval.

The gathering was told Cabinet approval would be sought next month. The country is in such a deepening political-economic-social crisis that agreeing on a NAP at this juncture would be a herculean task. Rapid developments taking place, both in and outside Parliament, emphasize further divisions among political parties, individual members of Parliament and civil society as the country struggles to cope with the worst-ever post-independence economic fallout.

Perhaps, the Presidential Secretariat, TISL and Sarvodaya should examine why the first and second NAPs failed before they proceeded. If they are genuinely interested in addressing the issues at hand, the need to identify the root causes for the developing crisis should be identified and properly dealt with. The PMD launched an online survey to collect public response in respect of key sectors/issues in support of their effort.

Over the years, as various interested parties, including the civil society, examined the root causes of the deterioration of the public and private sector here, there is absolutely no need for a fresh examination. Democracy rests on three pillars – executive, the legislature and judiciary. The legislature enacts laws, the executive implements them and the judiciary arbitrates when either of the other two fail in their responsibilities. Therefore, those formulating the third NAP should peruse the unprecedented Supreme Court judgment in respect of the fundamental rights petitions filed against the economic ruination caused during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency.

The Nov 14, 2023 ruling was delivered by a five-member Supreme Court bench led by Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC. While the Chief Justice with Justices Buwaneka Aluwihare, Vijith Malalgoda, and Murdhu Fernando agreeing collectively issued the majority verdict, Justice Priyantha Jayawardena dissented.

Political parties represented in Parliament obviously lacked the strength to address issues raised by the Supreme Court. Parliament owed an explanation regarding the continuation of the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to Investigate Causes for the Financial Bankruptcy declared by the Government and to Report to Parliament and Submit its Proposals and Recommendations in this regard many weeks after the SC ruling. It would be pertinent to point out that absolutely no action has been initiated so far in respect of those who had been found faulted by the SC. The SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam heads the PSC. On January 09, Secretary to the Treasury Mahinda Siriwardena appeared before the PSC where he was quoted, in a statement issued by Parliament on January 12, 2024, that the government never announced bankruptcy.

That statement issued by Parliament’s Director Legislative Services/Director Communication (Acting) Janakantha Silva further quoted Siriwardena as having explained that the government declaration that certain debts couldn’t be settled couldn’t be technically considered a state of bankruptcy.

Action hasn’t been taken to close the massive loopholes created by the Yahapalana government that is draining valuable foreign exchange from the country, mainly created by it doing away with the time tested exchange controls in 2017 that were in existence since 1953. With the country’s finances being in charge of the people responsible for two massive Central Bank heists can we expect anything better than their oft repeated mantra IMF, IMF, IMF….? But, most importantly, the IMF mantra is not working as was espoused by those who insisted on taking its medicine and most Sri Lankans are suffering as never before! Some of these economic hitmen even wanted to bring in economic whiz kids from places like Harvard and Yale business schools to put things right here from Yahapalana days, not seeing the obvious that those wizards can’t put right the continuing slide to economic disaster in the US, which is dragging down even countries like Sri Lanka with it, mainly because of our dependence on the fiat dollar system.

The age old saying is that the test of a pudding is in its eating, but for most Sri Lankans it is increasingly a case of there being nothing to eat.

Interestingly, the Parliament issued this statement a day after an IMF delegation arrived here on a week-long visit to examine the recent economic developments and follow-up on upcoming programme targets and commitments. Perhaps the Parliament should explain why Sri Lanka knelt down before the IMF for the 17 occasion if the situation here didn’t technically require it to be called bankrupt.

Persons in charge of the Presidential Secretariat led-effort to prepare the third NAP, should take into consideration the country had been bankrupted by the actions of the executive and those who represented the legislature as well as political appointees. They should also keep in mind that the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government enacted under controversial circumstances a new Central Bank Act to restore fiscal discipline in the country after the SC ruled that the then President, two Finance Ministers and Governor of the Central Bank created the problem by their actions or non-actions.

PMD survey

Additional Secretary to the President,
Chandima Wickramasinghe addressing the
inaugural multi-stakeholder workshop at the
Renuka Hotel.

The Presidential Media Division (PMD) sought public views on five specific issues to help prepare the third NAP. The PMD based its survey on the following five sectors:

*Improvement of public services

–ways and means to improve public service machinery, promotion of innovations in the private sector for efficient delivery of public services including health, education, transport, public utilities, consumer services.

*Prevent bribery and corruption

– How to deal with systematic corruption at every level thereby encouraging accountability in the public sector as well as promotion of access to information, etc.

*Manage public resources more effectively

– Measures meant to maximize utilization of financial and physical resources of the government.

*Create safer environments for communities

– Measures that address public safety, including needs of children, women, disabled and other vulnerable communities.

*Effective management of National and Provincial projects

– Proper implementation of projects that had been funded with foreign and domestic sources, in a cost-effective manner, with transparency, timely completion and achievement of desired results.

The issues at hand/explosive combination of factors – deterioration of public services, unbridled waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement, squandering of public resources, perilous economic-political-social environment and pathetic state of utilization of foreign and domestic funding remain cause for serious concern.

The private sector, too, at varying levels, is embroiled in corruption. In fact, the five matters raised by the PMD can be described as deterioration of public finances to such an extent the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government had no option but to suspend debt repayment due to public sector corruption and public-private sector corruption. There cannot be a better example than the controversial sale of debt free and tax paying Lanka Marine Services Limited (LMSL), a wholly owned company of Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) to John Keells Holdings (JKH) subsequently reversed by the Supreme Court in May 2008 to explain Sri Lanka’s predicament.

A three-member bench of the SC, consisting of then Chief Justice Sarath Nanda Silva and Justices Ameratunga and Balapatabendi, agreeing in respect of a fundamental rights case filed by lawmaker Vasudeva Nanayakkara (UPFA), ruled that the Chairman of PERC (Public Enterprise Reform Commission) Dr. P. B. Jayasundera, caused the sale of LMSL in an illegal and biased manner.

The case dubbed Vasudeva Nanayakkara vs Choksy and others (John Keells case) revealed how political authorities, at the highest level, and officials, collaborated unabashedly in a corrupt deal that shook the very foundation of the government. At the time the SC gave its historic ruling in 2008 Dr. PBJ served as the Secretary to the Treasury.

The influential official continued till the end of 2014 and again returned as the Secretary to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in late 2019. Dr. PBJ was one of those faulted by the SC in its Nov 14, 2023 ruling in respect of fundamental rights petitions filed against economic ruin.

Choksy, referred to in the SC ruling regarding LM case, had been the one-time Finance Minister (the late K.N. Choksy). Successive governments did absolutely nothing. Did anyone bother to examine the responsibility on the part of the blue chip in this regard? The 18th respondent in the LMS case Susantha Ratnayake of JKH was invited by the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government to run the BoI. That proved the government didn’t bother about the LMS ruling.

Collapse of earlier initiatives

Sri Lanka joined the OGP in 2015, the year the yahapalana government perpetrated the first Treasury bond scam in late Feb 2015. The first NAP covered the Yahapalana period (2015-2019) and the second (2019-2021). The government perpetrated the second Treasury bond scam in late March 2016.

The second NAP covered the Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s period of unprecedented chaos. In short, at the end of the period covered by the second NAP, disorder and confusion reigned.

Interestingly, the third report had been ordered by Wickremesinghe who served as the Premier during the period covered by the first NAP and then elected as the executive by the SLPP held responsible for the economic chaos that descended on the country with the Covid-19 pandemic. In fact, those in power, regardless of the political party they belonged to, blatantly acted contrary to the Constitution, thereby violating even the basic OGP principles intended to make governments more inclusive, responsive, and accountable. Had governments abided by the law of the land, Sri Lanka could have automatically fulfilled the OGP obligations and preparation of NAP would have been child’s play.

As OGP is a global effort involving governments, perhaps they should pay attention to what is going on in Parliament here. One of the key issues that emerged in the wake of Aragalaya that ousted Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who had been elected with a significant majority at the 2019 presidential poll, is how the abolition of time-tested Exchange Control (emphasis is mine) Act No 24 of 1953 contributed to the deterioration of the national economy. During the period covered by the first NAP, the Yahapalana government enacted a new Foreign Exchange Act No 12 of 2017 that favoured unscrupulous exporters and importers.

In spite of Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, publicly declaring, both in and outside Parliament, that the 2017 Act contributed to the crisis, the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government remains committed to that law. In fact, no less a person than former Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Indrajith Coomaraswamy told Parliament, in 2019, how the 2017 law diluted regulatory powers exercised by them, thereby greatly weakening financial discipline. But the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government did nothing to amend that law. Now the Rajapaksas and Wickremesinghe are together and the possibility of remedial measures seems very unlikely.

It would be interesting to see whether the third NAP would address this issue. Would PMD and its partners dare to recommend restoration of time-tested provisions in the original law to compel the Cabinet-of-Ministers to take tangible measures?

Regardless of past atrocious actions, the government can take tangible measures to reinstate public faith in the governance. The responsibility on the part of the Cabinet-of-Ministers for the crisis should be examined taking into consideration the fundamental rights application filed by the then ministers Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila against the transferring of 40% of government-owned shares of Yugadanavi power plant to US Company New Fortress Energy in Sept 2021. In early March 2022 The Supreme Court dismissed their petition as well as other petitions without taking them up for examination.

There hadn’t been a previous instance of members of the Cabinet moving the Supreme Court against their colleagues who exercised executive powers while simultaneously functioning as lawmakers. In line with the OGP principles, Sri Lanka should seriously consider bringing in far reaching but necessary constitutional amendments to bar members of Parliament exercising executive powers.

The writer doesn’t think we (parties represented in Parliament) have the political will to do so. The recent disclosure of the alleged manipulation of the Cabinet-of-Ministers by those responsible for the immunoglobulin scam and the subsequent directive issued by Maligakanda Magistrate Lochani Abeywickrema for the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) to obtain Cabinet papers and other relevant documents submitted by the Health Ministry in this regard underlined the gravity of the problem.

The success of the third NAP entirely depends on the willingness on the part of the executive, legislature and judiciary to genuinely examine the repeated failings. Those tasked with preparing the NAP should consult the National Audit Office (NAO) and, depending on the requirements, heads of parliamentary watchdog committees, regarding the failure on the part of successive governments to act on recommendations made by the NAO.

A case in point is the NAO report on Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) pertaining to the tour of Australia for the T20 World Cup (Oct 09-Nov 13). That audit report, released in 2022, laid bare sordid operations of the SLC but the government stood firmly by those who had been faulted by the State Audit. Instead of taking immediate remedial measures, Sports Minister Roshan Ranasinghe, who sought to tackle the powerful body, was sacked. Obviously, lawmaker Ranasinghe lacked the political support enjoyed by former Health Minister Keheliya Rambukwella who received a new ministerial portfolio regardless of serious accusations regarding his direct involvement in the sordid immunoglobulin scam and its apparent attempted cover up.

Can ministers accused of acting contrary to their responsibilities be dealt differently and granted privilege status depending on their political affiliations?

Audit on 2016 USAID project, etc., needed

Initially, the writer wanted to participate in the PMD survey but later decided to raise relevant issues to compel interested parties to pay attention. The OGP project shouldn’t be just another lucrative project for the civil society as over the year’s deterioration of the public sector and related sectors paved the way for various foreign funded projects that consolidated civil society.

In late 2016, during Karu Jayasuriya’s tenure as Speaker, Sri Lanka entered into a high rofile agreement with the USAID in Nov 2016 to strengthen accountability and good governance. USAID-Sri Lanka Parliament ‘operation’ got underway over a year after the launch of the OGP project.

The USAID had no qualms in announcing the Rs. 1.92 billion (USD $13 million) project with a Parliament that blatantly protected Treasury bond thieves. The civil society, too, remained conveniently silent over the Treasury bond scams (do not forget Samagi Jana Balawegaya MPs, as then members of the UNP, shielded the Treasury bond thieves. They can never absolve themselves of their culpability in the bond scams. One of those MPs even had the audacity to write a book stating that there was no scam!).

Those who benefited from the USAID project, are on record as having said that the three-year Strengthening Democratic Governance and Accountability Project (SDGAP) was meant to improve ‘strategic planning and communication within the government and Parliament, enhance public outreach, develop more effective policy reform and implementation processes, and increase political participation of women and underrepresented groups in Parliament and at local levels.’

The Presidential Secretariat as the focal point for the OGP project should examine major efforts undertaken by previous administrations to address the issues the third NAP intended to deal with. It can ask for a report from Parliament regarding the implementation of the USD 13 mn project, just one of the many USAID projects.

In addition to the USAID projects, the European Union, too, implemented various projects but, unfortunately, regardless of such efforts to improve good governance and accountability, Sri Lanka is in chaos. Such efforts appeared to have had no impact on the executive and legislature at all. If they did, Ali Sabry Raheem, who had been a member of the House Privileges Committee at the time he was arrested and fined in March 2023 for smuggling of gold and smartphones worth nearly Rs. 80 mn couldn’t have remained a lawmaker.

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Midweek Review

North: A change in status ahead of Maaveerar Naal

Published

2 days ago

2024/11/20

Sahan Weerasooriya

Premier Dr. Harini Amarasuriya receives her letter of appointment from President Dissanayake. The NPP government’s success will largely depend on the duo: AKD, who entered Parliament in 2000 and new entrant HA (pic courtesy PMD).

* One-time LTTE mouthpiece TNA is no more

* N & E Tamil speaking representation enhanced

* Fresh look at Sarath Fonseka’s performance at 2010 Prez poll in North required

The new government’s main challenge is ensuring the full implementation of the IMF-led post-Aragalaya economic recovery in line with the Economic Transformation Bill approved by the previous government without a vote. Whatever the side-shows, the focus not only of the government but the Parliament should be on preparing the country to resume debt repayment in 2028 or be ready to face the consequences.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

In a way it was a great thing for the country that the National People’s Power (NPP) scored an emphatic victory at the Nov. 14 general election. Now the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP)-led NPPers can have no excuses for not being able to fulfill their promises as would have been the case if the preceding September Presidential election outcome was repeated with the combined Opposition having the lion’s share of the vote, which would have left the country with a virtual hung Parliament of no benefit to anyone other than creating a parliamentary stalemate, leading to fresh political chaos.

We will, however, grant the fact they have a very tall order to fulfill after the previous governments having virtually signed away our sovereignty with the deals they had inked during their tenures.

But we do have a nagging suspicion about someone working in not so mysterious ways against us behind the scene, after what the former US Secretary of State, John Kerry, publicly stated not too long after the defeat of President Mahinda Rajapaksa at the 2015 presidential election when he crowed to the whole world how they had spent several hundred million dollars for regime change operations at the time in several countries, including Sri Lanka. Then we also know since then how a US engineered coup ousted the popularly elected Prime Minister of Pakistan Imran Khan by way of parliamentary and military shenanigans, and then the more publicised way they ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh and then virtually ruined that country as was the case during the Aragalaya here in 2022 to oust the legally elected President, with a wide mandate, Gotabaya Rajapaksa.

The NPP has accomplished the impossible, even in the North, in the form of securing the Jaffna electoral district at the recently concluded parliamentary election. The NPP obtained three seats, nothing but a historic watershed.

The ruling party also won the Vanni electoral district, the scene of some of the bloodiest fighting during the Eelam War IV (Aug 2006-May 2009). Securing Jaffna and Vanni consisting of Vavuniya, Kilinochchi and Mullaitivu administrative districts, is as difficult as eradicating the conventional fighting capability of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). The NPP won two seats in the Vanni.

The final phase of the ground offensive was conducted in a corner of the Vanni electorate where LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran met his maker.

The NPP secured two seats in Trincomalee and one in the Batticaloa districts, whereas Digamadulla gave President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s party four more seats. Altogether 12 out of 29 parliamentary seats available in the five above-mentioned electoral districts ended up with the NPP.

The NPP delivered the stunning blow to those who still pursued separatist agenda, regardless of the LTTE’s demise over 15 years ago. The combined armed forces brought the war to a successful conclusion in May 2009.

The Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK)-led Tamil National Alliance (TNA) that dominated the Northern and Eastern provinces since 2001 hadn’t been in the fray at the 2024 general election. The TNA that had been in the grip of the LTTE, during 2004-2009, disintegrated 15 years after the end of war, with the ITAK unceremoniously ending the partnership. Ex-TNA members, EPRLF, TELO and PLOTE contested the general election under the ticket of Democratic Tamil National Alliance (DTNA).

The ITAK obtained seven seats (Batticaloa three, Jaffna one, Vanni one, Digamadulla one, Trincomalee one) whereas DTNA won just one (Vanni one). It would be pertinent to mention that ITAK and DTNA fielded a common list for the Trincomalee district to ensure a split in the Tamil vote wouldn’t cost the community much valued representation therein. ITAK Trincomalee leader Kathiravelu Shanmugam Kugathasan, who replaced R. Sampanthan in Parliament at the last Parliament, won that seat.

In addition to the seven elected, the ITAK that contested under the ‘House’ symbol won one National List slot. Ahila Ilankai Tamil Congress (AITC) was the only other party to secure a seat (Jaffna/ Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam) while Independent Group 17 (Jaffna/ Ramanathan Archuna) won one. Altogether Tamil political parties obtained 11 seats, one less than the NPP.

M.A. Sumanthiran (ITAK/Jaffna), Dharmalingham Siddharthan (DTNA/Jaffna) and Sashikala Nadarajah (DTNA/Jaffna), widow of slain ITAK MP Nadarajah Raviraj were some of the big losers. In the east, one-time Chief Minister of the Eastern Province Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan alias Pilleyan, formerly of the LTTE, failed to retain his Batticaloa district seat. Former LTTE field commander and ex-lawmaker Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan aka Karuna Amman made an unsuccessful bid to re-enter Parliament also from the Batticaloa district.

In the previous Parliament, there had been 16 MPs representing five Tamil political parties (ITAK, AITC Eelam People’s Democratic Party [EPDP], Tamil Makkal Viduthalai Pulikal [TMVP] and Tamil Makkal Thesiya Kuttani [TMTK]. Last week’s poll eliminated EPDP, TMVP and TMTK while new entrant NPP created political history by winning 11 seats.

In spite of the humiliating setback suffered by those who had been previously in Parliament, the NPP tally has increased the total strength of the Tamil-speaking group representing N & E in Parliament. Perhaps, the successful formation of NPP’s Tamil-speaking wing may influence other political parties to re-examine their overall political strategy. They may not have any other alternative as failure to do so can further weaken their position at the forthcoming Provincial Council and Local Government polls. PC and LG polls are expected to be held next year.

Shanakiyan Rasamanickam, who re-entered Parliament with a convincing win in Batticaloa, consolidated his position, within the party and the district, due to ITAK’s admirable performance there. If not for three Batticaloa seats, ITAK aka Federal Party would have been in an utterly embarrassing position. Batticaloa electoral district is the only one that the NPP couldn’t win. Therefore, the outspoken Rasamanickam can be really happy to have thwarted the NPP in the eastern district.

Now to bury the hatchet between the two or, more correctly, the three literally warring communities here, NPP will have to think out of the box to find a solution that may be by way of sharing power at the centre rather than the periphery, as was successfully done under the Donoughmore Constitution.

Accountability issues

At the presidential election held in Sept. the NPP couldn’t win at least one electorate in the North but did so well several weeks later, it could win Jaffna and Vanni electorates. If not for that sterling performance, the NPP couldn’t have secured an unprecedented 2/3 majority. President AKD should be ever grateful to the northern and eastern electorates for facilitating a 2/3 majority.

Since the introduction of the proportional representation at the 1989 Parliamentary election, no party succeeded in securing a 2/3 though many alleged the Rajapaksas abused such huge mandates. They were, of course, referring to the UPFA securing 144 seats and 145 seats at the 2010 and 2020 general elections, respectively. For a simple majority, the winning party needs 113 seats while 2/3 means 150 seats.

Against the backdrop of NPP’s victory in the N & E, the new Parliament should review Sri Lanka’s response to post-war accountability issues. Since the eradication of the LTTE, the TNA propagated politically motivated unsubstantiated war crimes allegations, both here and abroad. Finally, the treacherous Yahapalana government (2015-2019) betrayed the war-winning armed forces at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Oct 2015. The accountability resolution that had been co-sponsored by the US-led grouping and Sri Lanka was meant to pave the way for a new Constitution aimed at doing away with the country’s unitary status.

Interestingly, the war-winning Army Commander, Sarath Fonseka, who had been promoted to the rank of Field Marshal, in March 2015, served in that Yahapalana Cabinet, chaired by President Maithripala Sirisena. The role played by the then Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe and the late Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera in that despicable act is in the public domain. The failure on the part of Fonseka, who served President Sirisena’s Cabinet to vigorously oppose the government move is still a mystery.

The writer repeatedly discussed the failure on the part of Parliament and urged concerned political parties to raise the Yahapalana-TNA Geneva operation after the same lot fielded Fonseka as the common presidential candidate in 2010. Although Fonseka lost the contest by a massive 1.8 mn votes to war-winning President Mahinda Rajapaksa, he handsomely won the Jaffna, Vanni, Trincomalee, Batticaloa and Digamadulla electoral districts at the same election.

The NPP’s excellent showing in the N & E at the recently concluded general election should be examined taking Fonseka winning the former war zones 14 years ago.

Having alleged Fonseka’s Army of war crimes throughout the northern campaign, the TNA had no qualms in backing the Sinha Regiment veteran. Unfortunately, political parties represented in Parliament never bothered to raise TNA’s duplicity. Instead, all of them shamelessly and brazenly played politics with the issue, seeking petty political advantage at the expense of the armed forces. There hadn’t been a single instance of a war-winning country betraying its armed forces hitherto anywhere in the world. It was only the Maithripala Sirisena/Ranil Wickremesinghe govt. that achieved that dastardly act.

The JVP, though being not part of the Yahapalana Cabinet, never opposed the government’s move against the armed forces. However, the NPP’s victory in the North, perhaps would give an opportunity for President AKD, who is also the Defence Minister and Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, to address the issue at hand afresh. President AKD retained the Defence portfolio when the new Cabinet of Ministers was sworn in last Monday.

The developing situation in the North may help post-war national reconciliation efforts. Successive governments deliberately allowed further deterioration of relations between the two communities by not taking apt remedial measures. Those who propagated lies were allowed to do so much to the disappointment of the armed forces. Parliament turned a blind eye even when the US and Australia et al denied visas to retired and serving officers and US imposed travel ban on the then Army Commander Gen. Shavendra Silva, the incumbent Chief of Defence Staff (CDS). Maj. General Chagie Gallage, now retired, is another victim of external reprisals.

Maaveerar Naal (Great Heroes’ day)

The Tamil Diaspora must have been quite surprised by the outcome of the general election. Some interested parties played down the importance of NPP victory in the North on the basis of low turnout of voters. It would be interesting to observe how the Diaspora and political parties here mark this year’s Maaveerar Naal. Commencing 1991, the LTTE used to celebrate Nov. 21-27 week as Great Heroes Week. During the period the group wielded power, the weeklong celebrations and activities received even international media attention.

This year, Maaveerar week is scheduled to commence on Nov 21 (tomorrow), the day the 10th Parliament meets. What would those elected from the NPP, ITAK and other parties do this year? Would interested parties seek to cause some unnecessary commotion in a bid to embarrass the government. Let us hope the government would handle the situation cautiously as opportunistic elements on both sides seek to exploit the developments. ITAK’s Sivagnanam Shritharan paid tribute to fallen Maaveerar at Kanagapuram, Kilinochchi.

The NPP’s unexpected victory in the north may compel not only Tamil Diaspora but Western countries, particularly Canada, to review their position.

Canada declared May 18 as Tamil Genocide Remembrance Day as Premier Justin Trudeau’s government sought to appease Canadian voters of Sri Lankan origin. Canada cannot under any circumstances ignore the Tamil vote received by the NPP as people discarded unsubstantiated war crimes allegations directed at the government, for the second time. Had the northern electorate believed the Army wantonly killed civilians on the Vanni east front in 2009, as alleged by the UN, they wouldn’t have voted for Fonseka. Perhaps, the people wanted the government to bring the war to an end at any cost. Having waged two terror campaigns in 1971 and 1987-1990, the JVP should be able to comprehend the need and the responsibility on the part of the government of the day to take whatever measures necessary to deal with the challenge.

The NPP was formed in 2019 just months ahead of the presidential election as the JVP realized it couldn’t push ahead on its own but needed wider public support. The NPP achieved that with ease within six years.

In August 2006, the then President Mahinda Rajapaksa went ahead with an-all-out campaign against the LTTE after failing to convince them to negotiate for a final settlement. President Rajapaksa had no option but to go on the offensive after the failed LTTE assassination attempts on the then Army Commander Lt. Gen. Fonseka (April 2006) and then Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa (Oct. 2006). The TNA remained committed to the LTTE’s murderous cause until the very end.

A matter for serious concern

An unbelievably large number of voters skipped the general election. All political parties, including the NPP, should be concerned over the unprecedented deterioration of voter interest, especially after a thrilling presidential election brought AKD to power just six weeks ago. A substantial increase for the NPP from 5,634,915 votes (42.31 %) at the presidential to 6,863,186 (61.56%) at the general election just weeks later shouldn’t be allowed to divert attention to the massive drop in public interest. Well over half a million rejected votes, too, must worry all.

The NPP won 159 seats, including 18 National List slots, nine more than required for a 2/3 majority. At the presidential election 3,520,438 voters refrained from exercising their franchise. But that figure increased to 5,325,108 at the general election while the number of rejected votes, too, recorded a significant increase. According to the Election Commission, at the presidential poll, the number of rejected votes was 300,300 while the general election recorded 667,240 rejected votes.

What really caused such an increase in the number of rejected votes was when the number of polled votes dropped from 13,619,916 votes (79.46%) to 11,815,246 (68.93%)? In other words of the 17,140,354 people eligible to vote, a staggering percentage decided not to. Voter apathy is not healthy. Not healthy at all.

A rethinking on the part of the SJB and New Democratic Front (NDF/consisted of former SLPP lawmakers and UNP) is necessary as they couldn’t at least retain the number of votes received at the presidential election. SJB that polled 4,363,035 votes (32.76 %) at the presidential poll could muster only 1,968,716 (17.66%) at the general election, while NDF could secure 500,835 (4.49%) having polled 2,299,767 (17.27%) just weeks ago. The SJB and NDF ended up with 40 seats (including five NL slots) and five seats (including 2two NL slots) while the SLPP that won 145 seats at the 2020 general election had to be satisfied with three seats, including one NL slot.

Both Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe should seek remedial measures before the EC announced PC and LG polls. Perhaps, divided groups have to unite under one banner either under SJB or UNP or face annihilation at the PC and LG polls. For Premadasa and Wickremesinghe time seemed to have run out.

The SLPP obtained 350,429 votes (3.14%) at the general election up from 342,781 (2.57 %) at the presidential election. For the SLPP a rapid recovery process will never be possible as its only NL member and leader of the minute group Namal Rajapaksa is likely to be the target of corruption investigations. The SLPP group consists of Namal Rajapaksa, newcomer Chanaka Sampath (Galle) and D.V. Chanaka (Hambantota).

Fifteen political parties represented the last Parliament. They were SLPP (145), SJB (54), ITAK (10), NPP (03), EPDP (02), AITC (02), TMVP (01), SLFP (01), MNA (01), TMTK (01) TMTK, ACMC (01), NC (01), SLMC (01), UNP (01) and OPPP (01). The new Parliament will be represented by 13 political parties and one independent group – namely NPP 159, SJB 40, ITAK 08, NDF 05, SLPP 03, SLMC 03, Sarvajana Balaya (NL), UNP (01), DTNA (01), ACTC (01), ACMC (01), Jaffna Ind. Group 157 (01) and SLLP (01).

Midweek Review

‘Ramayanizing’ Sri Lanka by Courtesy of SriLankan Airlines

Published

2 days ago

2024/11/20

Sahan Weerasooriya

Srilankan advertisement

(The author is on X as @sasmester)

SriLankan Airlines’ five-minute commercial promoting the so-called ‘Ramayana Trail’ in Sri Lanka is being accepted very naively as an enticing and heartwarming advertisement by Sri Lankan and Indian viewers across social media. Predictably, the video has also gone viral. It shows a young child being educated about aspects of the Ramayana legend by his grandmother, while zooming in on locations in Sri Lanka where local mythology has made associations with some narratives of the Ramayana. Beyond the rave reviews of the commercial in Sri Lanka and India, an astute observer would in fact see it as a very problematic rendition for one simple reason. That is, when viewed from the perspective that it is paid for by SriLankan Airlines, a government entity funded by local taxpayers, what is said and promoted, in effect, would be through the voice of the state and the government. Therefore, for instance, when the granny tells the child, “all the places in Ramayana are real. Today, we know Lanka as Sri Lanka”, in one careless and ill-thought-out fell swoop, SriLankan Airlines has given credence to belief as evidence, myth as history, fiction as fact, asserting Ramayana’s Lanka as present-day Sri Lanka when numerous Indian renditions of the story locate parts of Ravana’s Lanka well within contemporary India.

Admittedly, the commercial will certainly attract Indian tourists and pilgrims, particularly from the northern parts of the country. The question that comes to mind however is whether this is the only way to promote the trail? Many of my friends have already made the trip without the nudging of the new advert. The advert also begs the question, whether local sensitivities and cultural meanings linked to the Sanskrit epic were ever considered when it was conceptualised, or at any point even after in the process. More importantly, who gave the final seal of approval?

The hegemonic narrative in the commercial is what one might call a ‘North Indian Brahminic’ approach to the Ramayana, which erases other versions of the epic including the Ravana-centric myths in Sri Lanka itself. Unfortunately, it is this hegemonic narrative that has been making the rounds for some time in India with Rama as its protagonist and Ravana as the absolute villain, the all-evil-encompassing antagonist. In this rendition, it is no longer simply an ancient epic or a story of innocence and faith, but a contemporary political narrative with considerable cultural power, authority and reach, performed and used by the state itself. This narrative feeds directly and indirectly into the somewhat imperialist designs of certain contemporary Indian political forces so aptly encapsulated in the hegemonic political concept of Akhand Bharat. However, in real life, understandings of the Ramayana have never been this simple or linear.

The title of Prof A.K. Ramanujan’s seminal essay, ‘Three Hundred Ramayanas: Five Examples and Three Thoughts on Translation’ offers a clear indication into the many versions of the Ramayana and the complex narrative traditions of both India and lands beyond where aspects of the epic have become part of local myths, folktales or performance traditions. Interestingly, Prof Ramanujan’s essay was dropped from the Bachelor of Arts in History (Honours) degree programme at Delhi University in 2011 amidst considerable agitations lead by Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad, a right-wing students’ organization, precisely because its contents complicate the way in which the political narrative that is the Ramayana today is presented.

It is truly unfortunate that the narrative given prominence in the Sri Lankan Airlines advert stems from this dominant, parochialized and utterly politicized version of the Ramayana which sweepingly demonizes Ravana. This broad-brush demonization reaches its peak in India during Dussehra, the festival during which effigies of Ravana are burnt to symbolize the vanquishing of evil (Ravana) by good (Rama). However, interestingly, in many of India’s tribal areas, the narrative is closer to that in Sri Lanka, where Ravana is seen as a hero, and importantly as a source of knowledge and ethics. In 2017, in the Katol area in the State of Maharashtra, tribal people forced the local administration to stop the burning of Ravana effigies during Dussehra. In Nashik, also in Maharashtra, tribal folklore suggests that the area was part of Ravana’s kingdom and was governed by his sister Surpanakha along with her husband. This understanding of Ravana’s kingdom is nowhere near Sri Lanka as promoted by SriLankan Airlines. In some tribal Gond villages in Maharashtra, Ravana is worshiped as a god, clearly evident during Dussehra. He is also worshiped in many other locations including, Mandsaur and Ravangram in Madhya Pradesh; Bisrakh in Uttar Pradesh; Kangra in Himachal Pradesh; Mandya and Kolar in Karnataka, and Jodhpur in Rajasthan. Similar practices are seen in the tribal areas of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand and West Bengal as well.

In Tamil Nadu in India’s south, there are many people who align themselves with ‘Dravidian’ ideologies, promoting Ravana as a politico-cultural icon. One source of motivation for this stems from the manner in which Ravana is eulogised for his valour in Kambaramayanam – the Tamil version of the Ramayana – even though here, too, the main premise of the hegemonic account is maintained. The more obvious source for this reverence is Ravana Kaaviyam written by Pulavar Kuzhandhai and published in 1946. It is a 20th century attempt to deconstruct the Ramayana based on the argument that the mainstream Ramayana was an attempt to establish the supremacy of the ‘Aryan race’ who lived in northern India, over the ‘Dravidians’ in the south. Here, Ravana is seen as a ‘Dravidian’ king, and in essence very similar to the Sinhala renditions of Ravana. In both these popular Sinhala and Tamil versions, he is presented as a noble king, epitomising justice, courage and compassion, and also a wise person and scholar. While categories such as ‘Dravidian’ and ‘Aryan’ as ethno-cultural references as opposed to linguistic references are not part of my academic vocabulary, the attempted deconstruction is nevertheless interesting as it also offers a glimpse into the manner in which 20th and 21st century hegemonic North Indian politics are understood by some sections in the country’s south.

What is evident is that a counterculture movement is currently mobilising tribal and Dalit communities in several Indian states such as the above to vindicate Ravana and ‘rescue’ him from the negative light in which he has been portrayed in the current dominant version of the Ramayana, the one SriLankan Airlines has blindly based their commercial on. Due to this blindness, these interesting and telling complexities and intriguing political and cultural references have no resonance whatsoever in the SriLankan Airlines advert.

I come again to the question posed at the beginning of this essay: is this the only way to do such a promotion funded by the Sri Lankan government? Cannot the state-funded national carrier attract Indian tourists and pilgrims by presenting the places the local tourism industry and Indian tour and pilgrimage operators want these travellers to visit by offering the local interpretation? After all, Sri Lanka does not have a performance tradition of the Ramayana and hardly any concrete memories of the epic and its numerous episodes as a specific text. Instead, fragments of these exist scattered on the landscape throughout the island as places where specific incidents related to the Ramayana had supposedly happened. These manifest through several local folk tales and myths where Ravana is ever present as a local hero and Rama is virtually absent except when contextually required. Moreover, some of these places refer to many other stories too, which have been historically more prominent locally than the Ramayana-related narratives. However, right now, the Ramayana ‘stories’ are given considerable local and national prominence as a rational economic decision taken by people in these areas in the interest of tourism which translates into simple commercial gain. This is understandable.

The question is, what prevented SriLankan Airlines from beginning its advert with the famed flying machine of Ravana known in Sinhala as dandu monaraya (and in India as Pushpaka Viman), often referred to in influential local interpretations as the first of its kind, and predating the Wright Brothers’ invention? Is it a lamentable lack of imagination and creativity, or sheer ignorance? After all, the logo of Air Lanka, the predecessor to SriLankan Airlines, found its genesis in this story, which continues to date in a different form. This way, potential tourists could have been shown the same locations referred to in the current advert, but viewed from the sky, as if one were flying in the dandu monaraya like Ravana may have done in mythical times. This would also be very similar to the way ancient Sri Lankan poets of the sandesha tradition described local landscapes and built environments from the point of view of a bird in flight taking a message to a king, a Buddhist monk or some other such personality. Salalihini Sandeshaya and Hansa Sandeshaya written in the 15th century during the Kotte Period come to mind.

In this manner, the core places in the ‘Ramayana Trail’ could have been flagged for tourist and pilgrim interest while maintaining a distinct sense of local culture and identity that SriLankan Airlines should ideally be marketing. This is not to make Indian tourists and pilgrims cast aside their own beliefs, narratives and interpretations when visiting Sri Lanka. That is their right and not in any doubt. The crux of the matter is, why would SriLankan Airlines be so north Indian and Brahminic, and willingly succumb to the dominant and exclusivist version of the Ramayana promoted by the Indian state and many ordinary people to the exclusion of all other narratives in India itself? By doing so, SriLankan Airlines is taking itself, the government, the state and by extension all of us Sri Lankans, right into the bosom of the Indian state’s cultural and political colonialism typified by the concept of ‘Akhand Bharat’ as noted earlier. If picked up by opposition forces in the politically polarised Sri Lankan society, the advertisement can become a political statement, which has the potential to create needless rifts within Sri Lanka itself.

But then again, one cannot expect these complexities to be understood by the decision makers at SriLankan Airlines who obviously are far removed from the local cultural terrain as well as existing cultural hegemonism emanating from across the Palk Strait. The national carrier, in its haste to soar, as well as absence of foresight and lack of enlightenment of local culture has imprisoned Sri Lanka in a hegemonic North Indian politico-cultural narrative. This is also a sign of lacking national pride despite constant and oftentimes annoying rhetoric. One can only hope, the Sri Lankan government will revisit how this was done in the first place and ensure this kind of culturally crude reductionism of our own traditions and folklore does not take place in the future in state-sponsored activities carried out with public funds.

I cannot but be reminded of a quote by Voltaire when reflecting on the manner in which politics of this kind flow, emerge, and reemerge in Sri Lanka while nothing is ever learned: “It is difficult to free fools from the chains they revere.”