Midweek Review

Warning issued over proposed ‘Open Government Partnership’ action plan

Published

1 year ago

2024/01/17

A group session in progress (pictures courtesy PMD)

The USAID had no qualms in announcing the Rs. 1.92 billion (USD $13 million) project with a Parliament that blatantly protected Treasury bond thieves. The civil society, too, remained conveniently silent over the Treasury bond scams (do not forget the Samagi Jana Balawegaya MPs, as then members of the UNP, shielded the Treasury bond thieves. They can never absolve themselves of their culpability in the bond scams. One of those MPs even had the audacity to write a book stating that there was no scam!).

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Additional Secretary to President Ranil Wickremesinghe at the Presidential Secretariat Chandima Wickramasinghe recently declared that there shouldn’t be a dispute whatsoever over the proposed third National Action Plan (NAP) expected to be implemented in line with the ‘Open Government Partnership’ (OGP) project.

She strongly advised against the government and the civil society pointing fingers at each other after having jointly worked on such a project. The official emphasized that neither the government nor the civil society should be held responsible, separately, as it was a joint venture.

The Additional Secretary issued the warning at the inaugural multi-stakeholder workshop meant to prepare the country’s third NAP for 2023-2025, held at the Renuka Hotel, Colombo, on January 10.

The latest initiative involved the Presidential Secretariat, Transparency International Sri Lanka (TISL) and Sarvodaya. The OGP project is meant to bring the government, the civil society and citizens together to primarily achieve transparency and accountability.

Declaring that the government decided to prepare the NAP on a directive issued by President Wickremesinghe, principally for the benefit of the people, Mrs. Wickramasinghe said that the report would be submitted to the Cabinet-of-Ministers for approval.

The gathering was told Cabinet approval would be sought next month. The country is in such a deepening political-economic-social crisis that agreeing on a NAP at this juncture would be a herculean task. Rapid developments taking place, both in and outside Parliament, emphasize further divisions among political parties, individual members of Parliament and civil society as the country struggles to cope with the worst-ever post-independence economic fallout.

Perhaps, the Presidential Secretariat, TISL and Sarvodaya should examine why the first and second NAPs failed before they proceeded. If they are genuinely interested in addressing the issues at hand, the need to identify the root causes for the developing crisis should be identified and properly dealt with. The PMD launched an online survey to collect public response in respect of key sectors/issues in support of their effort.

Over the years, as various interested parties, including the civil society, examined the root causes of the deterioration of the public and private sector here, there is absolutely no need for a fresh examination. Democracy rests on three pillars – executive, the legislature and judiciary. The legislature enacts laws, the executive implements them and the judiciary arbitrates when either of the other two fail in their responsibilities. Therefore, those formulating the third NAP should peruse the unprecedented Supreme Court judgment in respect of the fundamental rights petitions filed against the economic ruination caused during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency.

The Nov 14, 2023 ruling was delivered by a five-member Supreme Court bench led by Chief Justice Jayantha Jayasuriya, PC. While the Chief Justice with Justices Buwaneka Aluwihare, Vijith Malalgoda, and Murdhu Fernando agreeing collectively issued the majority verdict, Justice Priyantha Jayawardena dissented.

Political parties represented in Parliament obviously lacked the strength to address issues raised by the Supreme Court. Parliament owed an explanation regarding the continuation of the Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to Investigate Causes for the Financial Bankruptcy declared by the Government and to Report to Parliament and Submit its Proposals and Recommendations in this regard many weeks after the SC ruling. It would be pertinent to point out that absolutely no action has been initiated so far in respect of those who had been found faulted by the SC. The SLPP General Secretary Sagara Kariyawasam heads the PSC. On January 09, Secretary to the Treasury Mahinda Siriwardena appeared before the PSC where he was quoted, in a statement issued by Parliament on January 12, 2024, that the government never announced bankruptcy.

That statement issued by Parliament’s Director Legislative Services/Director Communication (Acting) Janakantha Silva further quoted Siriwardena as having explained that the government declaration that certain debts couldn’t be settled couldn’t be technically considered a state of bankruptcy.

Action hasn’t been taken to close the massive loopholes created by the Yahapalana government that is draining valuable foreign exchange from the country, mainly created by it doing away with the time tested exchange controls in 2017 that were in existence since 1953. With the country’s finances being in charge of the people responsible for two massive Central Bank heists can we expect anything better than their oft repeated mantra IMF, IMF, IMF….? But, most importantly, the IMF mantra is not working as was espoused by those who insisted on taking its medicine and most Sri Lankans are suffering as never before! Some of these economic hitmen even wanted to bring in economic whiz kids from places like Harvard and Yale business schools to put things right here from Yahapalana days, not seeing the obvious that those wizards can’t put right the continuing slide to economic disaster in the US, which is dragging down even countries like Sri Lanka with it, mainly because of our dependence on the fiat dollar system.

The age old saying is that the test of a pudding is in its eating, but for most Sri Lankans it is increasingly a case of there being nothing to eat.

Interestingly, the Parliament issued this statement a day after an IMF delegation arrived here on a week-long visit to examine the recent economic developments and follow-up on upcoming programme targets and commitments. Perhaps the Parliament should explain why Sri Lanka knelt down before the IMF for the 17 occasion if the situation here didn’t technically require it to be called bankrupt.

Persons in charge of the Presidential Secretariat led-effort to prepare the third NAP, should take into consideration the country had been bankrupted by the actions of the executive and those who represented the legislature as well as political appointees. They should also keep in mind that the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government enacted under controversial circumstances a new Central Bank Act to restore fiscal discipline in the country after the SC ruled that the then President, two Finance Ministers and Governor of the Central Bank created the problem by their actions or non-actions.

PMD survey

Additional Secretary to the President,
Chandima Wickramasinghe addressing the
inaugural multi-stakeholder workshop at the
Renuka Hotel.

The Presidential Media Division (PMD) sought public views on five specific issues to help prepare the third NAP. The PMD based its survey on the following five sectors:

*Improvement of public services

–ways and means to improve public service machinery, promotion of innovations in the private sector for efficient delivery of public services including health, education, transport, public utilities, consumer services.

*Prevent bribery and corruption

– How to deal with systematic corruption at every level thereby encouraging accountability in the public sector as well as promotion of access to information, etc.

*Manage public resources more effectively

– Measures meant to maximize utilization of financial and physical resources of the government.

*Create safer environments for communities

– Measures that address public safety, including needs of children, women, disabled and other vulnerable communities.

*Effective management of National and Provincial projects

– Proper implementation of projects that had been funded with foreign and domestic sources, in a cost-effective manner, with transparency, timely completion and achievement of desired results.

The issues at hand/explosive combination of factors – deterioration of public services, unbridled waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement, squandering of public resources, perilous economic-political-social environment and pathetic state of utilization of foreign and domestic funding remain cause for serious concern.

The private sector, too, at varying levels, is embroiled in corruption. In fact, the five matters raised by the PMD can be described as deterioration of public finances to such an extent the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government had no option but to suspend debt repayment due to public sector corruption and public-private sector corruption. There cannot be a better example than the controversial sale of debt free and tax paying Lanka Marine Services Limited (LMSL), a wholly owned company of Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC) to John Keells Holdings (JKH) subsequently reversed by the Supreme Court in May 2008 to explain Sri Lanka’s predicament.

A three-member bench of the SC, consisting of then Chief Justice Sarath Nanda Silva and Justices Ameratunga and Balapatabendi, agreeing in respect of a fundamental rights case filed by lawmaker Vasudeva Nanayakkara (UPFA), ruled that the Chairman of PERC (Public Enterprise Reform Commission) Dr. P. B. Jayasundera, caused the sale of LMSL in an illegal and biased manner.

The case dubbed Vasudeva Nanayakkara vs Choksy and others (John Keells case) revealed how political authorities, at the highest level, and officials, collaborated unabashedly in a corrupt deal that shook the very foundation of the government. At the time the SC gave its historic ruling in 2008 Dr. PBJ served as the Secretary to the Treasury.

The influential official continued till the end of 2014 and again returned as the Secretary to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in late 2019. Dr. PBJ was one of those faulted by the SC in its Nov 14, 2023 ruling in respect of fundamental rights petitions filed against economic ruin.

Choksy, referred to in the SC ruling regarding LM case, had been the one-time Finance Minister (the late K.N. Choksy). Successive governments did absolutely nothing. Did anyone bother to examine the responsibility on the part of the blue chip in this regard? The 18th respondent in the LMS case Susantha Ratnayake of JKH was invited by the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government to run the BoI. That proved the government didn’t bother about the LMS ruling.

Collapse of earlier initiatives

Sri Lanka joined the OGP in 2015, the year the yahapalana government perpetrated the first Treasury bond scam in late Feb 2015. The first NAP covered the Yahapalana period (2015-2019) and the second (2019-2021). The government perpetrated the second Treasury bond scam in late March 2016.

The second NAP covered the Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s period of unprecedented chaos. In short, at the end of the period covered by the second NAP, disorder and confusion reigned.

Interestingly, the third report had been ordered by Wickremesinghe who served as the Premier during the period covered by the first NAP and then elected as the executive by the SLPP held responsible for the economic chaos that descended on the country with the Covid-19 pandemic. In fact, those in power, regardless of the political party they belonged to, blatantly acted contrary to the Constitution, thereby violating even the basic OGP principles intended to make governments more inclusive, responsive, and accountable. Had governments abided by the law of the land, Sri Lanka could have automatically fulfilled the OGP obligations and preparation of NAP would have been child’s play.

As OGP is a global effort involving governments, perhaps they should pay attention to what is going on in Parliament here. One of the key issues that emerged in the wake of Aragalaya that ousted Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who had been elected with a significant majority at the 2019 presidential poll, is how the abolition of time-tested Exchange Control (emphasis is mine) Act No 24 of 1953 contributed to the deterioration of the national economy. During the period covered by the first NAP, the Yahapalana government enacted a new Foreign Exchange Act No 12 of 2017 that favoured unscrupulous exporters and importers.

In spite of Justice Minister Dr. Wijeyadasa Rajapakse, PC, publicly declaring, both in and outside Parliament, that the 2017 Act contributed to the crisis, the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government remains committed to that law. In fact, no less a person than former Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Indrajith Coomaraswamy told Parliament, in 2019, how the 2017 law diluted regulatory powers exercised by them, thereby greatly weakening financial discipline. But the Gotabaya Rajapaksa government did nothing to amend that law. Now the Rajapaksas and Wickremesinghe are together and the possibility of remedial measures seems very unlikely.

It would be interesting to see whether the third NAP would address this issue. Would PMD and its partners dare to recommend restoration of time-tested provisions in the original law to compel the Cabinet-of-Ministers to take tangible measures?

Regardless of past atrocious actions, the government can take tangible measures to reinstate public faith in the governance. The responsibility on the part of the Cabinet-of-Ministers for the crisis should be examined taking into consideration the fundamental rights application filed by the then ministers Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila against the transferring of 40% of government-owned shares of Yugadanavi power plant to US Company New Fortress Energy in Sept 2021. In early March 2022 The Supreme Court dismissed their petition as well as other petitions without taking them up for examination.

There hadn’t been a previous instance of members of the Cabinet moving the Supreme Court against their colleagues who exercised executive powers while simultaneously functioning as lawmakers. In line with the OGP principles, Sri Lanka should seriously consider bringing in far reaching but necessary constitutional amendments to bar members of Parliament exercising executive powers.

The writer doesn’t think we (parties represented in Parliament) have the political will to do so. The recent disclosure of the alleged manipulation of the Cabinet-of-Ministers by those responsible for the immunoglobulin scam and the subsequent directive issued by Maligakanda Magistrate Lochani Abeywickrema for the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) to obtain Cabinet papers and other relevant documents submitted by the Health Ministry in this regard underlined the gravity of the problem.

The success of the third NAP entirely depends on the willingness on the part of the executive, legislature and judiciary to genuinely examine the repeated failings. Those tasked with preparing the NAP should consult the National Audit Office (NAO) and, depending on the requirements, heads of parliamentary watchdog committees, regarding the failure on the part of successive governments to act on recommendations made by the NAO.

A case in point is the NAO report on Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) pertaining to the tour of Australia for the T20 World Cup (Oct 09-Nov 13). That audit report, released in 2022, laid bare sordid operations of the SLC but the government stood firmly by those who had been faulted by the State Audit. Instead of taking immediate remedial measures, Sports Minister Roshan Ranasinghe, who sought to tackle the powerful body, was sacked. Obviously, lawmaker Ranasinghe lacked the political support enjoyed by former Health Minister Keheliya Rambukwella who received a new ministerial portfolio regardless of serious accusations regarding his direct involvement in the sordid immunoglobulin scam and its apparent attempted cover up.

Can ministers accused of acting contrary to their responsibilities be dealt differently and granted privilege status depending on their political affiliations?

Audit on 2016 USAID project, etc., needed

Initially, the writer wanted to participate in the PMD survey but later decided to raise relevant issues to compel interested parties to pay attention. The OGP project shouldn’t be just another lucrative project for the civil society as over the year’s deterioration of the public sector and related sectors paved the way for various foreign funded projects that consolidated civil society.

In late 2016, during Karu Jayasuriya’s tenure as Speaker, Sri Lanka entered into a high rofile agreement with the USAID in Nov 2016 to strengthen accountability and good governance. USAID-Sri Lanka Parliament ‘operation’ got underway over a year after the launch of the OGP project.

The USAID had no qualms in announcing the Rs. 1.92 billion (USD $13 million) project with a Parliament that blatantly protected Treasury bond thieves. The civil society, too, remained conveniently silent over the Treasury bond scams (do not forget Samagi Jana Balawegaya MPs, as then members of the UNP, shielded the Treasury bond thieves. They can never absolve themselves of their culpability in the bond scams. One of those MPs even had the audacity to write a book stating that there was no scam!).

Those who benefited from the USAID project, are on record as having said that the three-year Strengthening Democratic Governance and Accountability Project (SDGAP) was meant to improve ‘strategic planning and communication within the government and Parliament, enhance public outreach, develop more effective policy reform and implementation processes, and increase political participation of women and underrepresented groups in Parliament and at local levels.’

The Presidential Secretariat as the focal point for the OGP project should examine major efforts undertaken by previous administrations to address the issues the third NAP intended to deal with. It can ask for a report from Parliament regarding the implementation of the USD 13 mn project, just one of the many USAID projects.

In addition to the USAID projects, the European Union, too, implemented various projects but, unfortunately, regardless of such efforts to improve good governance and accountability, Sri Lanka is in chaos. Such efforts appeared to have had no impact on the executive and legislature at all. If they did, Ali Sabry Raheem, who had been a member of the House Privileges Committee at the time he was arrested and fined in March 2023 for smuggling of gold and smartphones worth nearly Rs. 80 mn couldn’t have remained a lawmaker.

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Midweek Review

Impact of US policy shift on Sri Lanka

Published

3 days ago

2025/02/19

Sahan Weerasooriya

Early honeymoon period after mission accomplished with toppling of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Julie Chung shares a light moment with Ranil Wickremesinghe during a three-day visit to Nuwara Eliya and Ella in early July 2023. Ella Odyssey was part of Sri Lanka’s commemoration of 75 years of independence. Colombo-based foreign heads of missions and nine heads of mission, based in New Delhi, joined the journey (pic courtesy PMD)

President Trump has unceremoniously overturned US foreign policy. His decision to deport illegal Indian migrants just ahead of a summit with Premier Narendra Modi, underscored the tough stance taken by the new US admiration. The much-touted US-India strategic partnership didn’t deter Trump from carrying out the much-publicized humiliating deportations of Indians. US Vice President J.D. Vance’s speech at the Munich Security Conference, recently, indicated that Trump has terminated his special relationship with Europe and is charting his own course. The upcoming Trump and Russian leader Putin’s meeting stressed that the US policy wouldn’t be shaped by European concerns over Russia. Against that background, the US is very much unlikely to pursue the Biden policy as regards bankrupt Sri Lanka. Actually, Sri Lanka’s political leadership will have to do some serious thinking and re-examining our position as Trump redraws US foreign policy.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Since the successful conclusion of the war in mid-May 2009, despite all the naysayers, and even the likes of the then British Foreign Secretary David Milliband and French Foreign Minister Bernard Kouchner, rushing here at the eleventh hour with the hope of getting President Mahinda Rajapaksa to halt the offensive to enable them to evacuate the LTTE supremo, his family and their surviving fanatical terrorist band to safety abroad, the US appointed five Ambassadors to Colombo. Of them four were women, namely Patricia A. Butenis, Michele J. Sison, Alaina B. Teplitz and incumbent Julie J. Chung. Between the tenures of Sison and Teplitz, the only male Atul Keshap, of Indian origin, served here for a period of four years (Aug. 2015-July 2018) during the Yahapalana administration.

Ambassador Chung oversaw President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s forced ouster in 2022. In spite of her denial, Amb. Chung’s role in President Rajapaksa’s removal is clear and cannot be disputed. Amb. Chung will soon be replaced by Elizabeth Kathryn Horst, currently the Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary and Deputy Assistant Secretary responsible for Pakistan, yet another country in which Washington is mired in regime change operations in the region.

Amb. Chung presented her credentials on Feb. 25, 2022, to President Rajapaksa, at the Janadhipathi Mandiraya. The President was flanked by State Foreign Minister Tharaka Balasuriya and Presidential Secretary Gamini Senarath. The new US envoy took office close on the heels of a major crisis within the government that compelled the President to ask for his Secretary Dr. P.B. Jayasundera’s resignation. Just five weeks after Amb. Chung took over the mission, the ‘GotaGoHome’ campaign got underway and a President, elected with over 6.9 mn votes on the SLPP ticket, was thrown out of office within four and half months by violent mobs armed with meticulous intelligence as to which politicians’ houses were to be ransacked and torched, along with those of their close supporters in a matter of a few hours, especially on May 09, 2022. Exactly two months later they completed their despicable mission by storming the Presidential palace.

The SLPP, both in and outside Parliament, accused Amb. Chung of staging the ouster of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. Award-winning author Sena Thoradeniya (Galle Face Protest: System Change or Anarchy) and (Nine: The Hidden Story) by National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa, MP, dealt with Amb. Chung’s sordid involvement.

However, the writer believes that the whole exercise should be examined as another arrogant US intrusion rather than Amb. Chung’s private agenda. Her job was to do the bidding of Washington. Let me stress that the US made a serious but an abortive attempt to bring President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s reign to an end in 2010. Thanks to Wikileaks we know how the US used a UNP-led coalition, that included the wartime LTTE ally the Tamil National Alliance (TNA), and the JVP, to back retired General Sarath Fonseka at the presidential election. That gamble failed. The war-winning Army Chief ended up with egg on his face with an unforgettable thrashing from the overwhelming southern electorate.

Eyebrows were raised when the outgoing American envoy recently expressed her desire to meet Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) leaders at the Nelum Mawatha party office as she never bothered to do so since her arrival in early 2022.

Contrary to speculation, the outgoing US Ambassador had sought a meeting about two weeks ago before the unprecedented public exposure about the USAID’s (United States Agency for International Agency) sinister operations here and worldwide in the wake of the new US administration deciding to curtail drastically its operations for being a white elephant as America itself is being confronted with a fast developing and yet to be fully fathomed economic crisis, which might even exceed the worldwide Great Depression that came with the 1929 stock market crash. On her arrival at Nelum Mawatha last Friday (14) Amb. Chung was received by SLPP General Secretary and Attorney-at-Law Prasad Kariyawasam. The SLPP delegation was led by its National Organizer Namal Rajapaksa and one of the three lawmakers in the current Parliament. Having accused her of being in the thick of the regime change, the SLPP’s readiness to meet Amb. Chung, too, is a mystery.

It would be pertinent to briefly explain the USAID’s global objectives as the vast majority wrongly believed the agency is meant for humanitarian work. It is definitely not a charity. Its main objective is to strengthen capabilities of US agents, or assets, at local and regional levels regardless of the status of Washington’s relationship with the targeted country.

These agents, or assets, are available for the US at any time as Washington desired. Pentagon, the State Department or even the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) used its resources under whatever circumstances. If we closely examine the pattern of USAID operations, as well as other related organizations that had been active here over a period of time, even our legislature is within the sphere of their influence. In other words, they obviously have direct access to politicians and officials who wield power over key institutions. The private sector, too, became part of the US operation carefully expanded countrywide.

By the time Amb. Chung arrived here. US assets were in place at different levels ready to carry out directives. Those who pointed a finger at Amb. Chung never bothered to examine the background and comprehend the gradual build-up that allowed the gathering of all elements, under the social media fuelled ‘GotaGohome’ campaign.

The US mission here had done a tremendous amount of work, especially beginning with the Amb, Keshap’s time, to enhance the capacities of their existing assets and identify and develop new assets.

What really prompted Amb. Chung to suddenly seek a meeting with the SLPP? Did National List MP Namal Rajapaksa’s call for the setting up of a Parliamentary Select Committee (PSC) to probe USAID funding, influence her decision? But that cannot be as the US Embassy made the request before the USAID controversy. Perhaps, SLPP General Secretary Kariyawasam expressed concern over Amb. Chung’s frequent visits to the JVP headquarters at Pelawatte, whereas she ignored the SLPP.

Appearing on a live television programme, Kariyawasam pointed out that Amb. Chung had plenty of time for the JVP, a party with just three MPs, while the SLPP, in spite of being represented by 145 MPs, never received the US envoy’s attention.

Perhaps Amb. Chung didn’t really feel the requirement to visit Nelum Mawatha as she maintained a close contact with the SLPP founder Basil Rajapaksa.

Ambiguity over objectives

It would be pertinent to ask both the sponsors and recipients whether various foreign-funded projects achieved their objectives.

The following are some of the USAID-funded projects launched, beginning 2017: [1] USD 19 mn social cohesion and reconciliation project implemented by Global Communities (July 2018-Dec, 2023) [2] Analysis of social cohesion and reconciliation implemented by US Institute of Peace at a cost of USD 700,000 (Aug. 2018-Feb. 2024) [3] USD 15 mn project implemented by Chemonics International Inc. to strengthen the justice sector, including the Justice Ministry and Office of Attorney General (Sept. 2021-Sept. 2026) [4] USD 17 mn project carried out by National Democratic Institute, International Republican Institute and International Foundation for Electoral System in support of Parliament and other government institutions, including the Election Commission (June 2020 – June 2024) [5] USD 14 mn worth project in support of civil society meant to achieve good governance reforms and strengthen accountability. Implemented by Management Systems International (Feb. 2018-Aug. 2024) [6] USD 7.9 mn scheme to strengthen media implemented by International Research and Exchanges Board Inc. (Aug. 2017-April 2023) [7] SAFE Foundation implemented a programme at a cost of USD 3.9 mn aimed at combating human trafficking (Oct. 2021-Sept. 2026) [8] USD 1.6 mn project to enhance protection for those threatened by gender-based violence (Oct. 2021-Sept. 2026). Implementing agency Women-in-Need [9] USD 3.6 mn project for the benefit of plantation community implemented by Institute of Social Development (June 2022-June 2027) and [10] a staggering USD 19 mn project meant to strengthen the civil society by unnamed private agencies (Sept. 2022-August 2027).

Interestingly, high profile USAID operations implemented in collaboration with successive governemnts covered the Justice sector (Justice Ministry and Office of Attorney General), Parliament as well as the Election Commission.

Over the years USAID with a massive budget that even exceeded the CIA’s and allied organizations have built up a system that served the interests of the US. That is the truth. Sri Lanka has cooperated not only with the US but other organizations, such as the UNDP, to allow them influence in Parliament. The USAID and UNDP have ‘secured’ Parliament by lavishly spending funds on various projects. In spite of spending millions in USD with the 2016 agreement between Parliament and USAID being the single largest project, what they have achieved here is nothing but a mystery.

Successive governments have encouraged USAID, UNDP and other interventions. They felt happy as external sources provided the funding. Let me give an example of how the UNDP stepped-in for want of sufficient public funding for vital government initiatives. Sometimes, they advanced their political project in the guise of helping the government of the day.

On May 13, 2021, the then Attorney General Dappula de Livera, PC, opened the USAID funded state-of-the-training facility that included a boardroom, auditorium, computer laboratory, and other facilities. The outspoken AG also launched an electronic system to track cases and legal files. The launch of the training facility, electronic diary and file management system, and the Attorney General’s Department website were also attended by Supreme Court Judge Justice Yasantha Kodagoda P.C., Acting Solicitor General Sanjay Rajaratnam P.C., the Secretary of the Ministry of Justice M.M.P.K. Mayadunne, and virtually by DCM Kelly and USAID Mission Director Reed Aeschliman.

The US Embassy, in a statement issued on that quoted AG Livera as having said: “This is another first in the 136-year history of the Attorney General’s Department. The opening of the training centre is a notable, salutary achievement that meets a long-felt need for continuous learning and professional development.” The AG was further quoted as having said these new tools would “drive the institution from strength to strength.”

If such facilities were so important why on earth the Attorney General’s Department failed to take tangible measures to meet that particular requirement.

Those who demand investigations into USAID must realize that their role is much more complicated than alleged and reported in some sections of the media. Among the beneficiaries were the Sri Lanka Judges’ Institute.

American Corner in Jaffna

The US Embassy established an American Corner in Jaffna with the collaboration of Jaffna Social Action Centre (JSAC), an NGO that particularly promoted women and children rights. Formed in 2003 in the North as the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) was preparing to launch Eelam War IV, JSAC, over the years, developed into a recipient of US funding. JSAC is among the groups promoting LGBTQ in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. JSAC annually participates in the much-touted 16 Days of Activism Against Gender Based Violence campaign. The then US Ambassador Butenis attended the opening of the American Corner. JSAC, in its website, has revealed an impressive list of partners and donors.

Perhaps JSAC should explain how it served the interests of ordinary people, especially during the 2003-2009 period when the LTTE stepped up forcible recruitment of children, including girls. Forced conscription continued unabated as the military slowly but steadily rolled back the LTTE fighting formations, towards the east coast, until they were trapped in a sliver of land in the Mullaitivu district.

Sri Lanka should be grateful for US assistance over the past decades. The ordinary people benefited from such help but later Washington weaponized the setup as various interested parties queued up to secure lucrative contracts.

Amb, Chung, in late Sept. 2022, moved the American Centre in Colombo, that had been in existence for over seven decades, to the new US Embassy building. This was a couple of months after Aragalaya (March – July 2022) forced Gotabaya Rajapaksa out of office. The American Centre in Colombo had been first located at the Millers Building in Colombo, then at Galle Face Court, followed by Flower Road, before moving to the Sri Ramya at 44, Galle Road.

The American Corner in Kandy was established in 2004. In addition to Jaffna, Colombo and Kandy, there are similar facilities in Matara and Batticaloa.

The recent declaration by Bharatiya Janata Party MP Nishikant Dubey, in the Indian Parliament, that the USAID had been funding organisations with a view to creating unrest cannot be ignored. The BJP’s declaration underscored the gravity of the situation. Those who discarded repeated accusations by National Freedom Front (NFF) leader Wimal Weerawansa as regards US interventions here must take a fresh look at the developments taking place since Donald Trump’s return for a second term.

Dubey alleged the USAID funded organizations that carried out protests against the Agniveer initiative of the government, backed caste census, and supported Naxalism in India.

On behalf of the BJP, Dubey asked for a probe into whether Congress and the Gandhi family-controlled Rajiv Gandhi Foundation had received USAID funds through George Soros’ Open Society Foundations (OSF) for conducting activities, including the campaign for a caste census and against the Agniveer scheme introduced by the government. The MP claimed OSF received ₹5,000 crores from USAID to “break up India”. He raised the issue during zero hour.

The BJP MP’s accusations seemed somewhat surprising as India, under Narendra Modi’s leadership, established close relations with Washington and is a member of the four-country Quad, comprising the US, Australia, Japan and India meant to counter Chinese expansion.

Why subvert India? Is the question in everybody’s mind? President Trump, during a joint press conference with Premier Modi, speculated about the possibility of USAID role in the Lok Sabha elections last year. Perhaps Trump is playing politics even at the expense of the US as he sought to dismantle USAID.

The Trump administration has imposed a global stop-work directive on USAID, suspending most aid initiatives, except for critical food relief programmes.

However, India, too, had been blamed for interfering in internal affairs of other countries. Recently Canada alleged that India intervened in its electoral process. Canada named China as the other offender. India has strongly refuted the Canadian allegation. It would be pertinent to mention that Canada had been playing politics with Sri Lanka for many years as major political parties sought to exploit the post-war developments for their advantage. New Delhi also accuses Canada of encouraging Khalistan separatists operating from there.

Canadian Parliament, in May 2022, unanimously declared that Sri Lanka perpetrated genocide in a bid to appease Canadian voters of Sri Lanka origin.

The expansion of the USAID project here should be examined against the backdrop of Geneva adopting a US accountability resolution, co-sponsored by the treacherous Sirisena-Wickremesinghe government in 2015. The US backed Sirisena’s candidature at the 2015 presidential election. That was in line with their overall strategy to end the Rajapaksas rule, perceived to be China-friendly. The US funded the 2015 UNP-led campaign that involved the TNA and JVP as well. A group of civil society groups, led by the National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ), backed Sirisena’s candidature, who switched sides at the last moment having been in the Rajapaksas camp throughout his political career and it was done after having a hopper feed with them the previous night.

Having betrayed his own party in 2014, Sirisena has ended up politically irrelevant. That is the price the one-time SLFP General Secretary had to pay for switching sides for personal gain. The former President is most unlikely to get an opportunity to re-enter Parliament ever again.

The NPP will have to be cautious how it handles the situation against the backdrop of developing political and economic upheaval in Washington as we may have never seen hitherto. The way the new administration addressed much more complicated issues, such as the Russia-Ukraine war in a manner seriously inimical to the European powers and pullout from the Geneva-based UNHRC and WHO meant that Trump has already turned US foreign policy upside down.

Midweek Review

Revisiting Humanism in Education:

Published

3 days ago

2025/02/19

Sahan Weerasooriya

Tagore

Insights from Tagore – III

by Panduka Karunanayake

Professor in the Department of Clinical Medicineand former Director, Staff Development Centre,

University of Colombo

The 34th J.E. Jayasuriya Memorial Lecture

14 February 2025

SLFI Auditorium, Colombo

(Continued from18 Feb.)

Tagore had an important answer to the question of whether the economic or the political should enjoy the primacy of place, in designing educational policy. He said: “Economic life covers the whole base of society, because its necessities are simplest and the most universal. Educational institutions, in order to obtain the fullness of truth, must have close association with this economic life.”

Sometimes I have difficulty understanding why Tagore, in spite of his appreciation of science and disdain for superstition, still lavishly exalted his traditional dieties and the scriptures. I think he did so because he saw a remarkable practical utility in them for the organisation of society and because they carried innumerable lessons for human conduct – for which science and technology, or even modern administration, had not yet furnished any suitable alternative.

Besides, it is clear that he admired religion’s potential to bring peoples together. In The Religion of Man, he wrote: “On the surface of our being we have the ever-changing phases of the individual self, but in the depth there dwells the Eternal Spirit of human unity beyond our direct knowledge.” But of course, religion seldom brought humanity together. And whenever it played the divisive role, he did not blindly follow its precepts.

The stickiest issue in India for the modern philosopher is probably its caste system, and Tagore had no qualms about repudiating it:

“…differentiation and separation of vocations and trades, professions and callings on which the caste system originally rested has become totally extinct and it is altogether impossible to maintain it any longer. Yet all the taboos, external restrictions and customs associated with the varna system are still in place, static and intact. It seems we must put up with the cage with all its iron bars and fetters though the bird for which it was made is dead and gone. We provide bird feed every day but no bird feeds on it. In this way, due to the cleavage between our social life and social customs, we are not only being inhibited and obstructed by unnecessary, outmoded arrangements, we cannot live up to our professed social ideals, either.”

Prof. Carlo Fonseka / Dr. Abrahm T. Kovoor

I wish that for our country, we could replace the phrase ‘caste system’ with our own ‘outmoded arrangements’ – such as astrology, superstitious rituals and harmful so-called healing practices – and carefully re-read that quote. Sadly, our populace is filled with superstition, myth and pseudoscience – as a cursory glance at the supplements of any weekend Sinhala newspaper would show. Here, the high literacy rate actually works against the nation! Our public intellectuals must also take the blame, because they have failed to sustain the good work that had been done in the 1970s by intellectuals like Dr E.W. Adikaram, Abraham Kovoor and Professor Carlo Fonseka.

Another interesting point in his ideas is his desire to see education as a tool for everyone, not just the educated few. Reminding us on ancient Indian education and learning, he said:

“There was a regular traffic between specialised knowledge and ordinary knowledge. Scholars, pundits or learned society did not have an antithetical relationship with the less learned segments of society…There was hardly a place in the country where the Ramayana, the Mahabharata, the Puranic myths and religious discourse did not spread in a variety of ways. Even the theoretical philosophical issues which were rigorously, relentlessly discussed and debated in philosophy and metaphysics always filtered down to the mind of the people…In those days learning was the asset of the entire society and not the acquisition of the learned few.”

In our own country, in contrast, I wonder whether expanded access to education has had a similar effect. In spite of decades of education in swabhasha and wide access to education, knowledge is a tool of separation, seclusion and self-aggrandisement for the few who win the lottery. Is this the fault of the education or the educated? Perhaps both. The educated use their learning as a weapon rather than as a tool to serve, a manifestation of the fierce competitiveness and the fixed mindset that pervades the successful products of our education. At the same time, as Tagore pointed out, it is the fault of education too:

“The rains of our education are falling a long distance away from where the roots of our whole life lie…Our ordinary daily life has no use for the education we acquire…It is unjust to blame this on students. Their world of books and the world in which they live everyday are poles apart…That is why it is seen that the same person who has formidable erudition in European philosophy, science and ethics tenaciously clings to the age old superstitions…We are no more amazed when we see that on the one hand he is separately enjoying literature full of varied sentiments while on the other he is busy only with making money…”

These are a few fundamentals that can be gleaned from Tagore’s second phase. They aren’t many, and perhaps they aren’t as earth-shattering as one might expect. But I feel that they are exactly what we are lacking today and prevent education from playing a nation-building role. If we can get these right, we actually need to get very little else right.

Phase 3: ‘Freedom from bondage’

Tagore’s role and position as an unrepentant internationalist at the time when India was demanding swaraj is well known. He was opposed to nationalism, and in fact correctly identified colonialism itself as a manifestation of the nationalism of the British – so he asked, if one were anti-colonialist, how could one be nationalist also?

But his internationalism was not a rootless existence floating aimlessly in the air. He was clear that one must be rooted in one’s own soil, strongly and firmly – it is from here that one must reach out to the wealth of the world. In another beautiful simile, he urged us not to fear the wind, and to open the windows of our house to let that wind in. He would assure us that we would be able to retain the good that the wind blew in and get rid of the bad. He also said that as long as our house had a firm foundation, the wind will not blow it away. So for him, the first step of being an internationalist is studying one’s own soil and placing a firm foundation for one’s existence. He admired and studied tradition without being a traditionalist.

With regard to Indian universities of his day, he lamented the fact that these were European grafts and nothing like India’s ancient intellectual heritage, such as Nalanda, Wikramshila or Takshasila. He lamented the type of intellectual this would produce. He wrote in 1932:

“We receive European learning as something static and immutable and consider it the height of modernity to cull and recite sentences from it. For this reason we lack the courage to reconsider it or think about it from a new angle. Our universities have nothing to do with and are cut off from the acute questions, dire necessities and extreme hardship facing the people of the country…Like parasites our mind, attached to text books, has lost its ability to find its food and invent by itself.”

These words seem no less relevant to our own universities, 90 years after they were written.

Tagore’s belief in internationalism and its effect on his philosophy of education is captured by his description of Visva-Bharati, the higher education institute he set up in 1921 using the Nobel Prize money: “Visva-Bharati represents India where she has her wealth of mind which is for all. Visva-Bharati acknowledges India’s obligation to offer to others the hospitality of her best culture and India’s right to accept from others their best.”

Conclusion

Prof. J. E. Jayasuriya / Dr. E. W. Adhikaram

Ladies and Gentlemen: I am afraid time would not permit me to cover the whole breadth of Rabindranath Tagore’s complete educational philosophy, and I wouldn’t even pretend to cover it in depth. For example, I didn’t touch on other important aspects that Tagore spoke of, such as school administration, advice for teachers, maintaining discipline without corporeal punishment, carrying out research and promoting creativity, women and education and so on. Forgive me for only scratching the surface. But the topic of Tagore’s educational philosophy is so vast that nothing wider would be possible in a short time.

You will also note that my talk was not filled with anecdotes of incidents and peculiarities at Santiniketan – like how classes were conducted under trees or how the gurudev once conducted a class in the rain for cattle when the students didn’t want to come out and get wet. These are not the timeless substance of the tale; they are only its time-sensitive ornaments.

If, on the other hand, I have been able to whet your appetite for his educational philosophy, and also convinced you that he had patiently worked on and presciently invented an antidote to today’s problems of education, I would be content for now. Balance was his antidote. My goal this evening was to place the seeds of his ideas in your minds, and hope that they will grow, be nourished and be pruned and manicured into a contextually appropriate shape in the months or years to come.

Selected bibliography

Dasgupta, U. (2013). Rabindranath Tagore: A Biography. Oxford University Press. (Translated by hiisß ckl l=udr- mßj¾;l (2024).rúkaøkd;a ;df.da¾-udkj ksoyi iy úúO;ajh kqf.af.dv iriú m%ldYlfhdaව)

Dore, R. (1976). The Diploma Disease: Education, Qualification and Development. London: George Allen & Unwin (republished in 1977 by Institute of Education, University of London).

Gunasekara, P. (2013). moaud .=Kfialr – kkaofiak .%duSh wOHdmk l%uh^1932-1939) lkakka.r;=udf.a wu;l l< fkdyels w;ayod ne,Sula fld<U iQßh m%ldYlfhda: කන්නunasekara, S.P. (2012). iuka mqIamd .=Kfialrම(2012). rúkaøkd;a ;df.da¾ fld<U tia f.dvf.aසහiyifydaorfhda(Basedon Rabindranath Tagore: The Myriad Minded Man (1995) by Krishna Dutta and Andrew Robinson, and other works.)

Illich, I. (1970). Deschooling Society. USA: Harper & Row (republished in 1973 by Penguin Education, Harmondsworth, England).

Iyengar, K.R.S. (1987). Rabindranath Tagore: A Critical Introduction. London: Oriental University Press.

Kripalani, K. (1961). Tagore: A Life. New Delhi: National Book Trust, India (author publication, republished in 1971 by National Book Trust, India).

Maithra, S., translator (2014). Education as Freedom: Tagore’s Paradigm. New Delhi: Niyogi Books.

Navaratnam, R. (1958). New Frontiers in East-West Philosophies of Education. Calcutta: Orient Longmans.

Neogy, A.K. (2010). Santiniketan and Sriniketan: The Twin Dreams of Rabindranath Tagore. New Delhi: National Book Trust, India.

Samuel Ravi, S. (2024). Philosophical and Sociological Bases of Education (2nd edn). Delhi: PHI Learning. (Chapter 13: ‘Rabindranath Tagore’, pp. 163-179.)

Sarathchandra, E.R. de S. (1942). ‘Through Santiniketan eyes’. Kesari People’s Weekly (Jaffna) serialised from 2(9) to 2(17) and compiled by Goonetileke, H.A.I., also available translated to Sinhala ^iqpß; .ï,;a-mßj¾;l ප(2001). ශYdka;s ksfla;kfha weiska fld<U tia f.dvf.a iy ifydaorfhda).

Venn, G. (1965). Man, education and work. In, Cosin, B.R., editor: Education: Structure and Society. Harmondsworth: Penguin Books. (Chapter 6, pp. 97-107.)

Venn, G. (1971). Preparation for further preparation (editorial). Educational Leadership 1: 339-341.