Midweek Review
Warm welcome for war crimes agenda architect

By Shamindra Ferdinando
Former Secretary General of the United Nations, Ban Ki-moon, who engineered a high profile project that culminated with Sri Lanka betraying her armed forces, at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), in early Oct, 2015, received a warm welcome here, recently.
The one-time South Korean Foreign Minister, served as the UNSG for two terms, from 2007-2016. Ban Ki-moon, who was here on the invitation of President Ranil Wickremesinghe, received an invitation, from Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena, to visit the Parliament. The former UN chief was in Sri Lanka in his current capacity as Chairman of the Seoul headquartered Global Green Growth Institute (GGGI). Ban Ki-moon also met Foreign Minister Ali Sabry, PC.
Ban Ki-moon first visited Sri Lanka, a few days after the combined security forces delivered a crushing defeat to the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), considered by many a pundit, till then, to be invincible, and brought about a successful conclusion to the long dragging war, on the morning of May 19, 2009, on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon.
Sri Lanka never bothered to, at least, to examine the despicable UN project that forced Sri Lanka to co-sponsor the accountability resolution. As a result of Ban Ki-moon’s actions, various interested parties stepped-up attacks on Sri Lanka. The Canadian declaration of former Presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa – the latter for his wartime role as the Secretary Ministry of Defence – as war criminals, stunned Sri Lanka. Ban Ki-moon, who facilitated that despicable project, was here as a guest of the Sri Lankan government.
In his capacity as the UNSG, he visited Colombo, for a second time, from August 31 to Sept. 2, 2016, after the conclusion of the war.
UN-LTTE secret talks
During Ban Ki-moon’s tenure as the UN Chief, he encouraged his mission in Colombo to mollycoddle the LTTE.
Let me examine the UN having secret talks with the LTTE in a bid to secure the release of two local Tamil workers, detained by the most ruthless terrorist movement. Sri Lanka never really inquired into the matter. The Rajapaksa government was not bothered at all. The Island exposed the secret UN pow-wow with the LTTE, in early 2007, as the Army was battling the LTTE on the Vanni west. At that time, the LTTE remained in control of the Vanni east.
A UN Panel of Experts (PoE) report on Accountability in Sri Lanka called for a comprehensive review of actions by the UN, during the war in Sri Lanka. The probe was meant to examine the implementation of the UN’s humanitarian and protection mandates.
It was the final recommendation made by the three-member PoE (Panel of Experts), comprising former Attorney General of Indonesia Marzuki Darusman (Chairman), US lawyer Steven R. Ratner, and NGO activist Yasmin Sooka. The PoE released an essentially one-sided report, on March 31, 2011, with no chance for Sri Lanka to challenge the allegations, levelled against the country, at least for three decades, because of a strange time bar placed by it, which only a highly manipulative body, like the UN could hatch, with its hierarchy and institutions well and truly infiltrated by the West.
The UN behaviour here has been such that during the height of the war, a Norwegian, who was the then UN Resident Representative in Sri Lanka, tried to humiliate the country by unilaterally turning its compound, in Colombo, into a refugee camp for Tamils. But the quick thinking then Foreign Minister, the late Lakshman Kadirgamar, told the Norwegian where to get off. The UN plan was to show the world Tamils are not safe in Colombo.
For want of a cohesive strategy, Sri Lanka never exploited the PoE’s recommendation to push for a thorough inquiry into the conduct of the UN personnel here. Had there been a proper strategy, Sri Lanka could have exposed the sordid relationship between the UN mission, in Colombo, and the LTTE. Even 13 years after the conclusion of the conflict, Sri Lanka is yet to examine how the UN, and its agencies, as well as the NGO community, prolonged the war. Did the UN system, in Sri Lanka, facilitate Western strategy? Did they work closely together to save the LTTE?
The UN turned a blind eye to what was happening on the ground. The LTTE made a strong bid to prevent civilians from crossing the front lines, into government controlled areas, on the Western front, in early 2007.
The LTTE obviously needed a human shield, made up of civilians, primarily to discourage the military from using heavy weapons against it. Secondly, the LTTE leadership also needed the civil population to ensure a steady supply of fresh recruits. Remember, the forced recruitment of children, by the LTTE, continued until the very end. The PoE, too, confirmed this fact. Instead of taking tangible action to thwart the LTTE move, the UN propagated lies that the Sri Lankan military was recruiting child soldiers on behalf of the breakaway LTTE faction, led by one-time Tiger Batticaloa commander, Karuna, who had switched allegiance to the government.
Tamils started fleeing LTTE-held areas as the famed 57 Division gradually stepped up pressure on the Vanni west front. Although the UN knew of the LTTE bid to stop the exodus of people, the world body remained quiet for obvious reasons.
The UN mission, in Colombo, stayed silent, even after the LTTE detained two of its Tamil employees for helping civilians to flee the war zone. The LTTE refused to release them, in spite of the UN repeatedly appealing to the top LTTE leadership. The so-called human rights champions remained tight lipped. These ever-green peace merchants are still active, with no shame, even though the war is long gone, but are funded to their gills by the West to continue to do their bidding, like so many other NGOs.
No one dared to voice concern over the new development. The Co-chairs to Sri Lanka’s peace process, namely Norway, the US, EU and Japan, conveniently remained silent even after The Island revealed the unprecedented detention of UN workers.
In the case of Japan, despite the US committing the horrendous war crime of dropping the first two atom bombs on highly congested Hiroshima and Nagasaki, when Japan was virtually on its knees, Tokyo is yet ready to jump any number of times, even if the US asks it to jump just once. If the self–proclaimed champions of human rights, in Washington, had wanted to ‘shock and awe’ the Japanese into surrender, it could have easily dropped those bombs on an isolated beach there, without causing so much death and destruction, among so many innocent civilians.
While confirming the high handed LTTE action, the then Foreign Secretary, Dr. Palitha Kohona, alleged that those who accused the government of death and destruction, at the drop of a hat, ignored what was happening in the Vanni mainland (‘LTTE detains UN workers’ – The Island, April 20, 2007).
The UN mission, in Colombo, declined to respond to The Island report. Those Colombo-based foreign correspondents, as well as locals, working for the international media, ignored the incident. The Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) led Tamil National Alliance (TNA), too, disregarded The Island revelation. Obviously, they felt the story would be inimical to the LTTE’s interest, and none of them wanted to cause an uproar against their “innocent” people-eating pet Tiger.
Further inquiries, by The Island, revealed as to how the UN engaged in secret negotiations, with the LTTE, in a bid to secure the release of its employees. An influential section of the Colombo-based diplomatic community tried to resolve the issue, without bringing it to the notice of the then government. The UN alerted the government, only after the LTTE refused to release its workers. The LTTE went to the extent of warning the UN that anyone disregarding its authority would have to face the consequences (‘UN had talks with the Tigers on the sly’ with strapline ‘UN workers in LTTE custody’ – The Island, April 23, 2007). Human rights champions remained mum.
Then Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in a brief interview with the writer, strongly criticized the Colombo-based UN bigwigs for having secret talks with the LTTE, following the abduction of two UN workers, in February 2007. The issue took centre stage at a meeting, chaired by Human Rights Minister, Mahinda Samarasinghe, to discuss the situation in the Northern and Eastern Provinces. Among those present were Colombo-based heads of diplomatic missions, including the then US Ambassador, Robert O. Blake, and senior officials representing the UN and its agencies. During the meeting, the UN acknowledged that it had decided against going public, believing the LTTE would eventually release them (‘Lanka urges UN not to shield Tigers’ – The Island, April 25, 2007).
Ban’s spokesperson sets the record straight

Former United Nations Secretary General, Ban Ki-moon, during whose term Sri Lanka effectively defeated the LTTE militarily, while much of the West claimed, like a mantra, that it could not be achieved by our security forces, shares a light moment with Foreign Minister Ali Sabry, PC, at his Ministry. on February 07 (Pic courtesy Foreign Ministry)
On the day The Island published Defence Secretary Rajapaksa’s criticism of UN action, the issue was raised at the daily UN media briefing, in New York. Responding to queries, UNSG Ban Ki-moon’s spokesperson, Michele Montas, revealed that the UN mission in Colombo hadn’t informed New York about the abduction of its employees and holding them hostage by the LTTE. Montas was speaking about the despicable act over 10 weeks after the incident. Wouldn’t it be interesting to examine the accountability, on the part of the UN mission in Colombo? Referring to The Island exposure, Montas said: “We don’t have any confirmation of that newspaper report. We have heard them. As soon as we have confirmation, we’ll get something for you on that. I am checking with the UN presence in Sri Lanka”.
Stressing that the UN mission, in Colombo, hadn’t confirmed the newspaper reports, Montas said: “I don’t know. We don’t have any confirmation. They haven’t confirmed those reports. I heard them through the press. (‘UN HQ admits Colombo office kept it in the dark’, with strapline ‘SL government criticizes UN inaction’ – The Island, April 28, 2007).
The UN cannot absolve itself of the responsibility for the LTTE forcing the entire Vanni population to retreat towards the Mullaitivu coast, along with its fighting cadre, and the leadership, where the group finally collapsed, in May 2009, after much of the civilian shield, it forcefully held, escaped to military liberated areas, ending their nightmare.
The UN was careful not to interfere with the LTTE operations, though it knew the lives of UN workers, as well as their dependents, were in jeopardy. Still the UN decided to secretly negotiate with the LTTE, instead of demanding their immediate release. The plight of UN workers and their families came to light again, in late September 2009, when Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa ordered UN international staff, as well as foreign representatives of other INGOs, to vacate the Vanni region. Having agreed to complete the withdrawal, within three weeks, the then Resident Representative, Neil Bhune, tried to evacuate families of local UN staff (‘Government wants UN, INGO pullout completed by September 29’ – The Island, September 17, 2008).
Although the LTTE rejected the UN’s move, its Colombo mission didn’t make a big fuss. Human rights defenders, too, turned a blind eye to the rapidly deteriorating situation on the Vanni front. In spite of the UN seeking three weeks to complete the withdrawal, except the project manager of INGO, called ZOA, all representatives quit the war zone, by September 16, 2008. The Inter-Agency Standing Committee, which represented all UN agencies and other INGOs active in Sri Lanka, acknowledged the LTTE’s refusal to allow over 500 local staffers of INGOs to leave (‘Attempt to evacuate Tamil INGO, UN workers thwarted’ – The Island, September 29, 2008).
Subsequently, the ZOA manager returned to Vavuniya, on September 26, 2008, over a week after all other foreign nationals quit the LTTE-held area. The then ZOA Country Director, Bernard Jaspers Faijer, made a desperate attempt to shield the ZOA employee accused of joining the LTTE (‘ZOA defends employee facing expulsion’ – The Island, September 29, 2008). The Island reportage included a front page lead story, headlined ‘INGO kingpin with Italian passport joins LTTE as a fighter’, with a strapline ‘ZOA informs Defence Ministry of its project Manager’s decision on September 27, 2008’.
The UN never objected to the LTTE strategy. The TNA, as well as NGOs, who were shedding crocodile tears for Tamil civilians, never asked the LTTE to release them. The LTTE knew it wouldn’t have lasted a week if it allowed the civilians to leave. By March/April 2009, the LTTE fighting cadre had been trapped in a coastal pocket, in the Mullaitivu district.
Let me reproduce what the PoE said in its report on the LTTE’s refusal to release civilians (Page 28/Point 98): “In spite of the futility of their military situation, the LTTE not only refused to surrender, but also continued to prevent civilians from leaving the area, ensuring their continued presence as a human buffer. It forced civilians to help build military installations and fortifications or undertake other forced labour. It also intensified its practice of forced recruitment, including children, to swell their dwindling ranks. As the LTTE recruitment increased, parents actively resisted, and families took increasingly desperate measures to protect their children from recruitment. (Page 28/Point 99) “…Beginning February 2009, the LTTE commenced a policy of shooting civilians who attempted to escape, and, to this end, cadres took up positions where they could spot civilians who might try to break out.”
One of Sri Lanka’s famed career diplomats, D.B. Dhanapala, succinctly discussed the issue of accountability when he addressed the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), headed by one-time Attorney General, the late C. R. de Silva, on Aug. 25, 2010. Dhanapala, in his submissions, said: “Now I think it is important for us to expand that concept to bring in the culpability of those members of the international community who have subscribed to the situation that has caused injury to the civilians of a nation. I talk about the way in which terrorist groups are given sanctuary; harboured; and supplied with arms and training by some countries with regard to their neighbours or with regard to other countries. We know that in our case this has happened, and I don’t want to name countries, but even countries which have allowed their financial procedures and systems to be abused in such a way that money can flow from their countries in order to buy arms and ammunition that cause deaths, maiming and destruction of property in Sri Lanka are to blame and there is therefore a responsibility to protect our civilians and the civilians of other nations from that kind of behaviour on the part of members of the international community. And I think this is something that will echo within many countries in the Non-Aligned Movement, where Sri Lanka has a much respected position and where I hope we will be able to raise this issue.”
Dhanapala also stressed on the accountability on the part of Western governments, which conveniently turned a blind eye to massive fundraising operations in their countries, in support of the LTTE operations. It is no secret that the LTTE would never have been able to emerge as a conventional fighting force without having the wherewithal abroad, mainly in the Western countries, to procure arms, ammunition and equipment.
Even Ban Ki-moon would have been surprised by the reception he received, in Colombo, recently. Ban Ki-moon’s PoE recommended that submissions/complaints received and used to determine that 40,000 civilians perished wouldn’t be subject to scrutiny till 2031. The ex-UNSG is actually the architect of a project to humiliate Sri Lanka. Yet he received an invitation to visit the Sri Lanka Parliament.
Our clueless politicians, and security set up, still reeling from the hiding they got from the mainly foreign-funded and directed “peaceful” Aragalaya, have yet to recover their bearings, let alone their senses. The unprecedented violence, unleashed on May 09, and, thereafter, against government politicians, though many of them may have deserved a hiding, was no spontaneous local eruption. It certainly had the markings of Western intelligence and their quislings here as was the case in what happened in Libya, Syria, and Iraq, etc. If Tokyo can continue to be such a blind worshipper of white man and is willingly heading to an Armageddon, which no one can win, our local bootlickers, now lording over us, will drag us all to a similar fate. Maybe the good book will be proved right: the meek shall inherit the earth.
Midweek Review
Vanni war and killing of Gazan civilians at food distribution sites

Hundreds of Palestinians died in the recent past while trying to obtain food in the Gaza strip. Al Jazeera, in a 05 July, 2025, online report, quoted the Gaza Health Ministry as having stated that at least 743 Palestinians had been killed and more than 4,891 wounded while seeking humanitarian aid at Gaza Humanitarian Foundation (GHF) distribution sites.
Al Jazeera pointed out that GHF is a project backed by the US and Israel. The international media have reported that GHF staff used live ammunition and stun grenades against those desperately trying to get some food against the backdrop of punitive Israeli blockade. It would be pertinent to mention that GHF came into being in May this year for the sole purpose of operating Gaza food distribution sites. GHF is a private organisation, fully backed by the US and Israeli Defence Forces (IDF)
Reportage of the ongoing violence at GHF sites emphasised that the whole project that had been cleared by the US and Israeli governments undermined the Gaza population. In other words, the so-called humanitarian project aided the overall US-Israeli strategy meant for Gaza where over 50,000 perished in Israeli attacks so far.
There is also a serious allegation that wheat flour, provided by the US for distribution among Palestinian refugees in Gaza, is spiked by Israel with prescription opioids.
Unparalleled Hamas attack on Israel on 07 October, 2023, triggered a spate of comments on Sri Lanka’s war against the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) that was brought to a successful end in May 2009. But, no one, so far, has bothered to compare the barbaric situation in Gaza and how Sri Lanka, with limited resources, dealt with a complex and difficult situation in a far more humanitarian way in order to minimise casualties among Tamil civilians.
Sri Lanka sustained offensive action over a period of two years and 10 months but throughout this period the wartime Mahinda Rajapaksa government ensured the proper distribution of humanitarian aid. The plan involved the Colombo-based diplomatic community, the UN, as well as other reputed international groups, such as the International Committee of the Red Cross and the World Food Programme (WFP).
In addition to the above-mentioned grouping, President Rajapaksa directly involved India in the humanitarian project, thereby giving New Delhi direct access to the war wounded. In fact, if the wounded LTTE cadres sought transfer from Puthumathalan to the India-run emergency medical facility at Pulmoddai, about 55 km north of Trincomalee, in a ship carrying ICRC flag they could have done so.
Swamy’s comment
M.R. Narayan Swamy, discussed the similarities of Sri Lanka’s conflict and the ongoing Israel-Gaza war. New Delhi based Swamy, who had served the UNI and the AFP during his several decades long career, discussed the issues at hand while acknowledging no two situations were absolutely comparable. Swamy currently serves as the Executive Director of IANS (Indo-Asian News Service) and he dealt with the Gaza war soon after the Israeli invasion.
‘How’s Hamas’ attack similar to that of LTTE?’ and ‘Hamas’ offensive on Israel may bring it closer to LTTE’s fate dealing with the issues involved. Let me reproduce Swamy’s comment: “Oct. 7 could be a turning point for Hamas similar to what happened to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam in Sri Lanka in 2006. Let me explain. Similar to Hamas, the LTTE grew significantly over time eventually gaining control of a significant portion of Sri Lanka’s land and coast. The LTTE was even more formidable than Hamas. It had a strong army, growing air force and a deadly naval presence. Unlike Hamas the LTTE successfully assassinated high ranking political figures in Sri Lanka and India. Notably LTTE achieved this without any overt direct support from any country unlike Hamas that received military and financial backing from Iran and some other States. The LTTE became too sure of their victories overtime. They thought, they could never be beaten and that starting a war would always make them stronger. But in 2006 when they began Eelam War 1V, their leader Velupillai Prabhakaran couldn’t have foreseen that within three years he and his prominent group would be defeated. Prabhakaran believed herding together tens of thousands of hapless Tamil civilians as a human shield during the last stages of the war would protect them and Sri Lanka wouldn’t unleash missiles and rockets. Colombo proved him wrong. They were hit. By asking the people not to flee Gaza, despite Israeli warnings, Hamas is taking a similar line. Punishing all Palestinians for Hamas’ actions is unjust, just like punishing all Tamils for LTTE’s actions was wrong. The LTTE claimed to fight for Tamils, without consulting them, and Hamas claimed to represent Palestinians, without seeking the approval for the Oct. 07 strike. Well, two situations are not absolutely comparable. We can be clear that Hamas is facing a situation similar to what the LTTE faced shortly before its end. Will Hamas meet a similar fate as the LTTE? Only time will answer that question.”
Of course, as Swamy said two situations are not absolutely comparable. The IDF invaded Gaza whereas the Sri Lankan military battled terrorists on home soil. While referring to Hamas being an Iranian proxy, Swamy conveniently forgot how India set up a massive terrorist project in Sri Lanka in the early ’80s. It ended up with the LTTE assassinating Rajiv Gandhi in May 1991, a year after India pulled out its Army from Sri Lanka where over 1,300 officers and men perished in the hands of those who had been trained by India.
Let me get back to humanitarian operations here, particularly during the 2008-2009 period. Whatever those who cannot bear up the LTTE’s annihilation say now, Sri Lanka can be proud of how the displaced population was treated. Of course there had been instances of excesses on the part of the government security forces and police but that was never the state policy.
Vanni humanitarian project
Against the backdrop of continuing killing of hungry Palestinians waiting to collect food, we can examine a high profile operation carried out by Sri Lanka to provide food for the Vanni population during the war. President Mahinda Rajapaksa ensured that those who had been trapped in the war zone received not only food but the best possible medical care in spite of the raging battles.
The President never hesitated to involve foreign governments and international organisations in the Vanni humanitarian project. Regardless of the military reporting some elements positioned themselves within the international grouping involved in the humanitarian work that provided support to the LTTE, the government continued to involve international groups. Unlike the controversial Gaza humanitarian operation, Sri Lanka never handed over the mission to the private sector.
Contrary to accusations that Sri Lanka waged a war without witnesses, the ICRC had been in Puthumathalan till the second week of February 2009 but even after their pullout the governmentled system ensured the evacuation of those wounded in the LTTE-controlled areas and continuously ensured food and other essential supplies to the war zone. The operation involved the ICRC and the WFP.
As the Army advanced further into the fast dwindling LTTE-held territory, the ICRC international staff, who had been in the Vanni, west and east, throughout the offensive, were evacuated by ship flying the ICRC flag on 10 February, 2009. ICRC ships evacuated hundreds if not thousands of wounded civilians, as they were held by the Tigers at gun point as a human shield, beginning 10 February, 2009, till 09 May, 2009, the last voyage before the conclusion of the war. On 16 occasions, ICRC flagged ships arrived at Puthumathalan during this period, ICRC international staff were allowed to visit Puthumathalan each time the vessels came.
Would a country perpetrating genocide, as Canada alleged, allow ICRC international staff to visit Puthumathalan, permit transfer of the war wounded out of the battle zone or positioned Indian medical relief team between Puthumathalan and Trinomalee? Actually, if Velupillai Prabhakaran and his family wanted they could have given themselves up to the ICRC at Puthumathalan and brought the war to a faster conclusion. Instead, Prabhakaran sought to negotiate an arrangement that allowed him to survive while the armed forces were prevented from achieving their final objective. The wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa and three service commanders, Vice Admiral Wasantha Karannagoda, Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka, and Air Marshal Roshan Gunetilleke, were solidly behind the President.
Visit to Pulmoddai
The writer was one of the few journalists allowed to observe the transfer of people from Puthumathalan to Pulmoddai from a SLN Fast Attack Craft (FAC) positioned off the Puthumathalan coast, in the last week of April 2009, and then visited Pulmoddai where the wounded were handed over to the Indian medical team based there. That had been a very worthy move on the part of President Rajapaksa. The deployment of an Indian medical team to treat the wounded countered lies propagated by various interested parties. Those who faithfully believed in the LTTE’s invincibility couldn’t bear up the beating the group was receiving at the hands of the Sri Lankan military. Admiral of the Fleet Karannagoda’s memoirs ‘The Turning Point’, the English version ‘of Adhistanaya’ is a must-read for those interested in the Sri Lanka conflict. Published by Penguin Random House, India, the book dealt with the overall Navy’s role with the focus on the destruction of the LTTE’s floating warehouses that hastened the collapse of the fighting cadre. How the US provided specific intelligence to destroy four floating warehouses in September and October 2007, against the backdrop of the Army depriving the Navy of an opportunity to listen to LTTE communication, due to petty rivalries, is perhaps the most single significant help provided by a country by way of intelligence.
Having liberated Kilinochchi, in January, Sri Lanka intensified operations on the Vanni east front. Amidst the collapse of LTTE defences, Sri Lanka in February 2009 requested India to send an emergency medical team to Sri Lanka and the actual deployment took place at Pulmoddai on March 09, 2009. Following our request, New Delhi established an emergency field hospital where a 62-member Indian medical team worked until the conclusion of operations. Over 3,000 people, who had been wounded during the battles, were treated by the Indians over a period of two months and soon after the conclusion of the war, the team moved to Menik Farm refugee camp where the group treated over 25,000 people by the second week of July 2009. India pulled out its team by the end of August 2009. By then, Sri Lanka stabilised the situation and, contrary to some claims, the LTTE couldn’t revert to hit-and-run attacks.
The small group of journalists was allowed into the Indian medical facility. At the time of our visit, more wounded were brought in by the ICRC flagged ship.
UN report
The UN Secretary General’s Panel of Experts (PoE) report acknowledged that altogether 2,350 tonnes of food had been delivered to Mullivaikkal, from 10 February, 2009, to 09 May, 2009, and 14,000 wounded civilians and their relatives evacuated during this period (Paragraph 108).
The government knew of the danger in some of them disappearing but still they were allowed into the south.
The ICRC made a bid to bring in supplies and evacuate the wounded on 15 May, 2009, but couldn’t do so due to heavy fighting. The bottom line is that the ICRC had access to Puthumathalan till 09 May, 2009, just 10 days before the SLA killed LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran.
Sri Lanka’s continuing failure to set the record straight, in spite of having all required information/evidence is a mystery. In fact, successive governments never bothered to examine WikiLeaks revelations and use them to clear the country’s name from wild accusations of war crimes, emanating from the West, in support of the separatist cause. In one leaked document alone, a top ICRC official was quoted as having said that the Army paid a heavy price for taking civilian factor into consideration during the final phase of the offensive.
International organisations, including the UN, had access to the Northern and Eastern provinces. The bottom line is that the ICRC operated in Vanni east till late January 2009, though the UN pulled out of Kilinochchi in September 2008. However, the PoE report admitted that UN international staff were allowed entry to the Puthukkudiyiruppu Hospital, following the 29 January-04 February, 2009. artillery barrage directed at the facility by the Army.
Wartime MP Mano Ganesan had been one of those who alleged that Sri Lanka received the blessings of the international community to conduct a war without witnesses. Let me discuss the MP’s allegation, taking into consideration the PoE report on Accountability in Sri Lanka.
During high intensity battles in the Vanni east, the only permanent hospital functioning in that region was at Puthukkudiyiruppu. Regardless of government denials, that hospital had been hit repeatedly by artillery, including Multi Barrel Rocket Launchers (MBRLs) during the 29 January-04 February, 2009, period. There is absolutely no point in denying that fact. But it would have been more a scare tactic to speed up the end of the fighting, as if the SLA had wanted, it could have easily flattened the hospital with MBRL fire.
According to the PoE report that had been officially released on 31 March, 2011, the SLA granted UN international staff access to the hospital, damaged due to attacks during 29 January- 04 February, 2009. The report also disclosed that there had been two ICRC international members at the hospital when it was hit on 04 February. (Paragraph 91).
Therefore, there is no basis for MP Ganesan’s malicious claim that Sri Lanka conducted a war without witnesses. The UNSG’s report also acknowledged that LTTE cadres, who had been wounded in fighting in the nearby frontline, were brought to the Puthukkudiyiruppu Hospital where the organisation maintained a ward for them. (Paragraph 94).
The international community never gave Sri Lanka the go ahead for an all-out war in 2006. In fact, Western powers constantly put pressure on Sri Lanka to continue negotiations in an obvious attempt to help the Tigers, regardless of grave provocations by LTTE terrorists. There couldn’t be a better example than the assassination of Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, at his Bullers Lane residence, in August 2005. The assassination had been carried out just four months before the presidential poll, regardless of the Norway arranged Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) that was really meant to destabilise the country in the guise of working for peace.
LTTE surrender
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Türk appeared to have ignored Sri Lanka’s efforts to provide relief for all affected parties, including the ex-LTTE, as soon as the war was brought to an end.
The Tamil community immensely benefited from the post-war rehabilitation of the ex-LTTE cadres. The government rehabilitated nearly 12,000, while child soldiers were simply released. But the likes of retired Supreme Court justice C.V. Wigneswaran brazenly sought to take the shine out of Sri Lanka’s genuine efforts to bring about reconciliation, by falsely claiming that the Army poisoned over 100 ex-LTTE combatants held in rehabilitation camps. He ended up with egg on his face but he never bothered to acknowledge his blatant lie. Sri Lanka never pursued the matter. Wigneswaran lie is far worse than unsubstantiated allegations, propagated by various interested parties, as he once was a member of the country’s apex court. We can imagine how he dispensed justice as a sitting judge in the lower courts for decades, even prior to being elevated to the highest court.
Sri Lanka should have used the high profile post-war IOM (International Organisation for Migration) project to help ex-LTTE, as well as members of the breakaway Karuna faction, to prove her efforts. Unfortunately, Sri Lanka never had a cohesive plan to counter lies. The situation remains the same as interested parties continue to humiliate the warwinning country. Let me end this piece by underscoring the importance of establishing the total number of ex-LTTE and members of other violent groups who received citizenship in the West. They are now all over the world. General Secretary of the British Tamil Forum (BTF) V. Ravi Kumar is an ex-LTTE cadre from Jaffna. Australian-born Adele Balasingham, widow of the late LTTE theoretician Anton Balasingham, lives in the UK. What is Turk’s position on this woman, who, while wearing the LTTE uniform, handed over cyanide capsules to female LTTE cadres, some of whom were child soldiers? Perhaps Sri Lanka should raise the issue as part of its overall defence against wild war crimes accusations still being dished out against the country from the West.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
‘Masterpiece: The Origin and Evolution’ – II

(Part 1 of this article was published in Midweek Review on 25 June 2025.)
French sculptor and painter Marcel Duchamp say, “a Masterpiece is created by the viewer, not by the artist”. He highlights the idea that the interpretation as well as deriving meanings of art are subjective and embedded within the viewer’s experience, rather than being solely determined by the discretion of the artist. Former Director of the Louvre Museum Henri Loyrette once stated, “It became evident that it is extremely difficult, if not impossible, to articulate a definition of masterpiece that could be accepted universally”.
In terms of body of work, three conducive elements exercise a significant influence over recognising and positioning a creative work in the realm of art as a ‘Masterpiece’.
Firstly, a work of Art which showcases technical and artistic innovation is indelible from history books and capable of earning substantive accolades from the spectators. These conditions entitle a work of Art to continue to endure as a ‘Masterpiece’.
Created in 1872, Impressionist painter Claude Monet’s ‘Impression Sunrise’ is a work of art which received universal recognition as a ‘masterpiece’ for its innovative artistic and conceptual approach and technical amelioration. The ‘Name’ of this artistic tradition derives from the title of Monet’s ‘Impression Sunrise’. The name was coined by French art critic and journalist Louis Leroy, referring to the Impressionist style in a derisory manner at the first Impressionist exhibition in Paris in 1874. Monet’s ‘Impression Sunrise’ was accompanied by remarkable technical advancement which resulted from research in Optics. Eugene Chevre, a French chemist, discovered that optical illusions could be created by placing certain colors next to each other. Taking advantage of this finding, Impressionists combined visible, short and thick brush strokes with glowing vibrant colors to create a sense of light and darkness, movement of objects and sense of distance.

Tomoko in Her Bath
Another key example of the innovative application of technical and artistic developments is D.W. Griffith’s silent cinematic anthology ‘The Intolerance’. Released in September 1916, with an enormous production cost of 2.5 million dollars, it is considered to be a bold step by a filmmaker in the history of creative filmmaking. Despite the movie’s commercial failure, considering its narrative style, sophisticated editing techniques, innovative cinematography, expensive costume design, massive set designs and 3000 extra cast, it consistently receives appraisal and recognition as a benchmark in film history. Many European and Soviet filmmakers drew inspiration from its unconventional editing and historical storytelling. In 1989, the American Library Congress recognized ‘Intolerance’ as “a film with lasting social and cultural significance”.
Russian filmmaker Sergei Eisenstein’s silent film ‘Battleship Potemkin’ (1925) continues to be recognized as a cinematic ‘Masterpiece’ and persists as one of the greatest even to this day for its groundbreaking editing technique. The ‘Soviet Montage Theory’ developed by Eisenstein highlights the power of editing to create meanings and evoke audience’s emotional response. The essence of the theory suggests the juxtaposition of distinct shots to create a new meaning or effect, often conveying a specific meaning or emotion more powerfully than the individual shots alone.
Secondly, an artistic work with a strong emotional appeal tends to endure, transcending the spatial and temporal boundaries as a Masterpiece. A work of Art which evokes strong emotions in the human mind never fades away from the person’s emotional sphere. Profound human dynamics depicted in an artistic composition prompt the spectator to reflect on their own personal human dynamics. A work of art interacts with the viewer using a visual language. This enables the viewer to perceive and interpret the ideas as well as emotions that might be difficult to articulate through words.
The poignant historical photographic essay ‘Tomoko in Her Bath’, captured by American photojournalist Eugene Smith, manifests a strong emotional statement of profound love, tenderness and compassion between a mother and her child who is severely paralyzed and deformed, being bathed in a bath tank . The photographic composition, reminiscent of Michelangelo’s Pietà, reveals the traumatic story of Tomoko, who lived in the Minamata fishing Village in Japan and was crippled by mercury poisoning after consuming contaminated fish. The fish were contaminated with tonnes of industrial wastewater containing mercury dumped into the marine area of Minamata Bay by a chemical factory between the period of 1932 and 1968. Smith’s artistic and symbolic expression of the dimensions of human suffering caused by the devastating industrial pollution elevated this powerful image to the status of a ‘Masterpiece’.
The aesthetically expressed subliminal human conditions in cinema continue to endure in the human sphere, transcending all boundaries. They provide a strong catalyst for the viewer to be companionate, empathetic and humane towards the ‘other’. One such example is the outstanding cinematic expression Red Beard (1965) by Akira Kurosawa, who reflects the importance of empathy and compassion to the greatest extent possible. Kurosawa’s incomparable humanistic approach in this movie contemplates a simple humanist gesture of kindness that could give solace to humans who are bereft of attention, love and respect. This in turn awakens a profound sense of compassion and sympathy in the viewer.

The Green Mile
“I am always hungry, so are my siblings. I wish I was a horse. Horses eat grass; we have plenty of that”. These heart-wrenching words were from the outspoken little one called ‘Chobo ’in the movie. The character of ‘Chobo’ who is driven by hunger steals food for him and his family, reflects the magnitude of human suffering, helplessness and the depth of human misery in a poverty-stricken social backdrop. The weight of the humanist theme of the movie enables the viewer to deeply immerse and resonate with the narrative and characters, which eventually ensures the cinematic expression lasts as long as a ‘Masterpiece’.
Another cinematic creation which delves deeper into themes such as compassion, injustice and empathy is Frank Darabont’s ‘The Green Mile’ (1999), which signifies the importance of being humane towards the ‘other’ at any moment in life. The execution of wrongly convicted ‘John Coffey’, a man with a physically imposing figure and a childlike gentle soul, by electrocution is one of the most powerfully constructed and poignant scenes in cinema history. This scene made the audience deeply saddened and sustained a lasting impact on the human mind, making ‘The Green Mile’ stay among the most emotionally impactful movies of all time.
Thirdly, the ‘Creative Excellence’ reflected by a Work of Art holds authority to declare itself a ‘Masterpiece’. Such ‘Masterpieces’ shine bright as ‘Artistic Exceptions’. These exceptional works have a unique way of initiating an impressive conversation with the viewer using their iconic visual language enriched with aesthetic elements. These extraordinary pieces of Art possess a certain charisma to attract the viewer while allowing the viewer to find meanings and insights through interpreting them over time. Some of the prime examples found in the global realm of art include ‘David’ by Michelangelo, Leonardo da Vinci’s ‘Mona Lisa’ (1503-1506), Johannes Vermeer’s ‘Girl with a Pearl Earring’ (1665) and ‘Guernica’ (1937) by Pablo Picasso. And powerful cinematic expressions such as ‘Doctor Zhivago’ (1965) by David Lean, a movie based on the novel by Boris Pasternak of the same name ‘Doctor Zhivago‘ (1957), ‘The Mirror’ (1975) by Andrei Tarkovsky, Terrence Malick’s ‘The Tree of Life’ (2011) and Christopher Nolan’s “Oppenheimer” (2023) continues to carry a powerful artistic charisma and enduring influence and considered masterpieces, regardless of critical acclaim or widespread criticism. These masterpieces often inspire prospective artists, while remaining inimitable and irreplaceable. The confluence of the extraordinary creativity of the artist and the unparalleled creative appeal reflected in the work elevate it to the state of eternity. The visual language of artistic creations, which is considered eternal, encompasses multiple inherent ambiguities. They evoke mystery, enigma and sense of wonder in the viewer and never allow the viewer to interpret or comprehend it extensively. The intriguing and enigmatic portrayal of visual symbolism in such masterpieces reflects the hidden mysteries of human nature which trigger curiosity in the spectator.
Leo Tolstoy, in one of his diary notes on May 17, 1896, writes ” the principal aim of art, if there is art, and if it has an aim, is to manifest and express the truth about man’s soul, to express those mysteries which it is impossible to express simply by speech. From this spring’s Art. Art is a microscope which the artist fixes on the mysteries of his soul and shows to people those mysteries which are common to all”.
The meaning of ‘Masterpiece’ evolved through temporal stages, from a term devised within Craft Guilds in the 12th century to a modern definition encompassing a wider range of creative genres in the subjective space. The possibility for a work of Art to reign in authority as a masterpiece is determined by the amplitude of recognition, appreciation and its ability to resonate deeply with the viewer’s artistic and emotional perceptions, otherwise it is bound to fade into oblivion. The creative work’s visual power is a crucial factor for fostering an interrelationship with the viewer. This interrelationship could last for centuries. British historian and broadcaster Kenneth Clarke, in his 1979 book’ What is a Masterpiece’, mentioned the “extraordinary fact that they can speak to us, as they have spoken to our ancestors for centuries”.
by Bhagya Rajapakse
bhagya8282@gmail.com
Midweek Review
Steadfast Helmsman

Deshamanya Bradman Weerakoon,
Whose absence will be keenly felt,
Chose simplicity as his forte,
And skipped the glare of cheap publicity,
Instead worked silently behind the scenes,
And placed duty above self-glorification,
A quality that served him in good stead,
During that fateful year of 1983, for instance,
When he ensured Sri Lanka’s sustenance,
But this about him was most striking –
He served the state to the best of his ability,
But was not at the behest of Political Masters.
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