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WAKE UP SRI LANKA ……Presidential Elections 2024

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by Mohan Mendis

The 2019 and 2024 Sri Lankan presidential elections saw significant shifts in political leadership and voter preferences.

In 2019, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, representing the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), won with 52.25% of the vote, defeating Sajith Premadasa of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), who garnered 41.99%. Rajapaksa’s victory was driven by promises of strong governance, national security, and economic stability, but his administration faced severe challenges due to the economic crisis that led to his resignation in 2022.

In 2024, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of the Marxist National People’s Power (NPP), emerged as the victor with 42.31% of the vote, surpassing Premadasa, who secured 32.76%. Dissanayake’s victory reflected widespread public dissatisfaction with the traditional political elite, as he campaigned on a platform of anti-corruption and working-class representation. His win signaled a major political shift, particularly in light of the country’s ongoing economic recovery following the 2022 crisis. While Dissanayake did not secure an outright majority, he won after a second round of vote redistribution, marking a historic moment in Sri Lanka’s politics, as he represented a break from the dominance of traditional political families like the Rajapaksas and Premadasa.

Here’s a statistical comparison between the 2019 and 2024 Sri Lankan

presidential election results:

2019 Presidential Election Results:

Winner: Gotabaya Rajapaksa (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna – SLPP)

Votes: 6,924,255

Percentage: 52.25%

Runner-up: Sajith Premadasa (Samagi Jana Balawegaya – SJB)

Votes: 5,564,239

Percentage: 41.99%

Voter Turnout: 83.72%

2024 Presidential Election Results:

Winner: Anura Kumara Dissanayake (National People’s Power – NPP)

Votes: 5,740,179

Percentage: 42.31%

Runner-up: Sajith Premadasa (SJB)

Votes: 4,530,902

Percentage: 32.76%

Voter Turnout: 76%

Key Differences:

1. Winning Margin:

= 2019: Rajapaksa won by a margin of 10.26%.

= 2024: Dissanayake won with 9.55% fewer votes than Rajapaksa did in 2019, and his margin over Premadasa was 9.55%.

2. Performance of Sajith Premadasa:

= 2019: Premadasa received 41.99% of the vote.

= 2024: Premadasa’s vote share dropped to 32.76%, a decrease of

9.23%.

3. Turnout:

2019: Turnout was higher at 83.72%.

2024: Turnout fell to 76%, indicating slightly lower voter participation This comparison reflects a shift from the dominance of traditional political figures to a more left-wing, anti-establishment candidate in 2024.

If Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe had contested together in the 2024

Sri Lankan presidential election, their combined vote total could have significantly altered the outcome.

Premadasa’s 2024 vote share: 4,530,902 votes (32.76%)

Wickremesinghe’s 2024 estimated vote share: Although Wickremesinghe ran as an independent in 2024, his support base would primarily come from his long-time affiliation with the United National Party (UNP). Given his recent governance, we can estimate his vote base to be around 8-10%, based on the fragmented political landscape after the 2022 economic crisis

Combined Vote Estimate:

If we add an estimated 8-10% support for Wickremesinghe to Premadasa’s 32.76%, their combined vote share could have reached:

Around 40-43% of the total vote, with around 6-6.5 million votes.

This combination would likely have outperformed Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s 42.31% (5,740,179 votes), potentially leading to a victory for the combined opposition. However, this scenario depends on various factors:

Voter behavior: Not all of Wickremesinghe’s supporters might have automatically backed a Premadasa-Wickremesinghe alliance.

Strategic alignment: Wickremesinghe’s pro-market policies and Premadasa’s more populist stances may not fully align, possibly affecting voter turnout and support.

In conclusion, a joint candidacy could have statistically won the election, but the actual dynamics would depend on the coherence of their combined platform and voter perception.

The 2024 Sri Lankan presidential election saw a drop in voter turnout, an increase in the number of rejected votes, and a larger voter base due to demographic changes compared to 2019. Let’s break down these elements:

1. Voter Turnout:

2019: Voter turnout was 83.72%, reflecting high engagement during a time when national security and economic concerns were dominant.

2024: Turnout dropped to 76%, which is a significant decline

Factors Contributing to the Drop in Turnout:

Disillusionment with traditional political parties: Voters became frustrated with the old political guard due to their perceived role in Sri Lanka’s economic collapse. This disenchantment likely discouraged voter participation, especially for Ranil Wickremesinghe and Sajith Premadasa, whose parties were part of the “establishment.”

Economic instability and voter fatigue: After a severe economic crisis in 2022, many citizens felt the political process did not adequately address their concerns, further lowering voter enthusiasm.

Frustration with political elites: The dissatisfaction with traditional political families (such as the Rajapaksas and the Wickremesinghe-led UNP) led many voters to feel their votes wouldn’t significantly change the status quo

Reduced enthusiasm: After the crisis in 2022, many voters were struggling with day-to-day survival, leading to a decreased interest in political participation.

Large-Scale Emigration Since 2022: Following the 2022 economic collapse, an estimated 500,000 to 700,000 Sri Lankans left the country. Many were professionals, skilled workers, and members of the middle class, who were seeking better economic opportunities abroad due to the high inflation, shortages of basic goods, and the general economic instability in Sri Lanka

Loss of eligible voters: A significant portion of those who left were eligible voters. Since Sri Lanka does not have an established mechanism for absentee voting for citizens living abroad, these individuals were effectively excluded from the 2024 election process.

2. Impact of Economic Migration on Voter Motivation:

Frustration and disengagement: Many who remained in Sri Lanka may have felt disillusioned by the lack of effective governance, leading to voter apathy.

The exodus likely signaled a deep disconnection between citizens and the political system, as those who left may have represented a politically active demographic.

Diaspora influence: While Sri Lankans living abroad typically maintain strong ties with their homeland, their inability to vote could have dampened political enthusiasm among their families and networks at home. This may have further contributed to the sense of futility in voting, reducing turnout.

3. Economic Hardships and Focus on Survival:

= Those remaining in the country continued to struggle with the aftermath of the economic collapse, including high taxes, inflation, and daily hardships. For many, political engagement took a backseat to focusing on economic survival. When citizens are burdened with meeting basic needs, voter participation can decline as political engagement becomes less of a priority

4. Lower Middle-Class and Professional Exodus:

The people who left were often from urban, educated, and professional backgrounds, a group that traditionally had higher political engagement.

Their absence directly impacted turnout, as many who typically participate in elections had left the country. This reduction was compounded by the youth and first-time voters who supported Anura Kumara Dissanayake, balancing the overall turnout to an extent, but not fully compensating for the exodus.

5. Lack of Trust in the Political System:

With Ranil Wickremesinghe taking over after the 2022 crisis and enacting austerity measures, many citizens felt betrayed by both the government and the opposition. The traditional political parties failed to regain trust, and this disillusionment likely led to a sense of hopelessness among voters, reducing their participation further. The combination of large-scale migration, disenchantment with the political system, and economic hardships all contributed to the reduced voter turnout in 2024. The lack of absentee voting rights for Sri Lankans abroad compounded the issue, as many potential voters were unable to participate in the electoral process, contributing to the overall decline in turnout

LESSONS LEARNT TO BE LEARNT BY ALL THREE MAJOR CANDIDATES BASED ON THE ELECTION VOTES

Based on the 2024 Sri Lankan presidential election results, each of the three major candidates — Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Sajith Premadasa, and Ranil Wickremesinghe — can draw important lessons to improve their future political strategies:

1. Anura Kumara Dissanayake (NPP):

= Key Lesson: Sustain Popular Momentum with Broader Appeal

Victory and Support from Youth and Left-Wing Voters: Dissanayake’s victory in 2024 reflected his success in capturing the youth vote, as well as those frustrated with traditional political elites. His anti-corruption and antiestablishment stance appealed to many who wanted change after the economic crisis

Challenge

: He must now expand his appeal beyond his core base. Though his 42.31% vote share brought him victory, it wasn’t an outright majority. His Marxist platform and revolutionary background make financial and business circles wary, which could hamper economic reforms and stability Lesson: To secure broader support, Dissanayake will need to moderate his economic policies to reassure businesses while staying true to his progressive base. He must also deliver on promises of systemic change, which was key to his support among younger voters.

2. Sajith Premadasa (SJB):

= Key Lesson: Reinvent Campaign Strategy and Unite the Opposition Failure to Build Momentum: Despite his 32.76% vote share, Premadasa failed to capitalize on the public’s discontent with traditional politics. His drop in support from the 41.99% in 2019 reveals that he could not gain the trust of those seeking change Challenge: Premadasa’s policies may not have stood out enough to differentiate him from the very system voters were rejecting. His inability to consolidate the opposition vote, especially in the face of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s split candidacy, further diminished his chances of winning. Lesson: Premadasa needs to reform his image and policy platform to offer a clear alternative to the status quo. Additionally, building alliances and uniting fragmented opposition forces, including Wickremesinghe’s supporters, would increase his chances in future elections.

3. Ranil Wickremesinghe (UNP):

Key Lesson: Address Public Discontent and Reform Political Strategy Economic Stabilization but Political Defeat: Wickremesinghe’s focus on economic recovery, including debt restructuring with the IMF, may have stabilized inflation and foreign reserves, but his low voter support (estimated 8-10%) showed a significant disconnect with the electorate).

His austerity measures were unpopular, as they were perceived as benefiting the elite while burdening ordinary citizens with higher taxes and costs. Challenge: Wickremesinghe’s political brand has become synonymous with the establishment, which is seen as partly responsible for the country’s crises. This made it difficult for him to attract a broad voter base despite his economic reforms.

Lesson

: He needs to rebuild public trust, particularly by demonstrating empathy for ordinary citizens affected by austerity measures. Engaging in more transparent governance and incorporating social welfare policies into economic recovery plans could help him regain public favor.

Additional Lessons for All Candidates:

Address Voter Disenchantment: The 7.72% drop in voter turnout and rise in rejected votes signal widespread disillusionment. All candidates must focus on rebuilding trust in democratic institutions by addressing the public’s core concerns, especially economic hardships and corruption

Incorporate the Diaspora: Given the significant exodus of Sri Lankans overseas, candidates should advocate for mechanisms such as absentee voting to engage the diaspora, many of whom still hold strong ties to the country and could be influential voters.

Offer Clear Policy Alternatives: The growing complexity of voter issues, particularly in the post-crisis landscape, requires candidates to offer clear, actionable policy proposals that address both short-term survival (inflation, employment) and long-term reforms (corruption, education, economic diversification).

These lessons highlight the importance of trust, clarity of message, and broad-based coalitions in an evolving political environment marked by economic uncertainty and widespread public dissatisfaction.

If Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe had contested together in the 2024

Sri Lankan presidential election, their combined vote total could have significantly altered the outcome.

Potential Combined Vote Share (Premadasa + Wickremesinghe):

Premadasa’s 2024 vote share: 4,530,902 votes (32.76%)

Wickremesinghe’s 2024 estimated vote share: Although Wickremesinghe ran as an independent in 2024, his support base would primarily come from his long-time affiliation with the United National Party (UNP). Given his recent governance, we can estimate his vote base to be around 8-10%, based on the fragmented political landscape after the 2022 economic crisis

Combined Vote Estimate:

If we add an estimated 8-10% support for Wickremesinghe to Premadasa’s 32.76%, their combined vote share could have reached:

Around 40-43% of the total vote, with around 6-6.5 million votes. This combination would likely have outperformed Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s 42.31% (5,740,179 votes), potentially leading to a victory for the combined opposition. However, this scenario depends on various factors:

Voter behavior: Not all of Wickremesinghe’s supporters might have automatically backed a Premadasa-Wickremesinghe alliance.

Strategic alignment: Wickremesinghe’s pro-market policies and Premadasa’s more populist stances may not fully align, possibly affecting voter turnout and support. In conclusion, a joint candidacy could have statistically won the election, but the actual dynamics would depend on the coherence of their combined platform and voter perception.

The United National Party (UNP) and the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), despite their shared origins, remain divided as a united political force for several key reasons:

1. Leadership Rift between Ranil Wickremesinghe and Sajith Premadasa:

The primary reason for the division is the personal and leadership rivalry between Ranil Wickremesinghe, the long-time leader of the UNP, and Sajith Premadasa, who broke away to form the SJB in 2020.

Premadasa’s frustration: Premadasa had long sought a leadership role within the UNP, but Wickremesinghe’s reluctance to step down or share power with younger leaders created tension within the party. This frustration culminated in Premadasa forming the SJB ahead of the 2020 parliamentary elections .

Wickremesinghe’s dominance: Wickremesinghe’s control over the UNP and his reluctance to pass the torch exacerbated internal tensions. Many UNP members felt that under Wickremesinghe, the party was becoming disconnected from voters, but they couldn’t reform leadership, leading to the SJB split

2. Ideological and Policy Differences:

While both parties have roots in the UNP’s center-right liberalism, the SJB has taken a more populist and centrist approach under Premadasa. The SJB focuses on social welfare programs and expanding public services, making it more appealing to working-class voters.

UNP’s pro-market policies: Under Wickremesinghe, the UNP continued to champion pro-market, neoliberal economic policies, favoring privatization, foreign investments, and austerity measures. These policies became particularly unpopular after the 2022 economic crisis, further alienating a segment of voters who felt left behind

The SJB’s attempt to distance itself from these neoliberal policies was a critical reason for Premadasa’s breakaway and remains a central division between the two parties.

3. Public Perception of the Parties:

 The UNP’s popularity sharply declined after the 2019 presidential election, where Wickremesinghe’s leadership was seen as ineffective in addressing key national issues, including the Easter Sunday attacks and the economic downturn. The party’s inability to stop the rise of the Rajapaksas was also a sore point for many supporters.

SJB’s formation was seen as a fresh start and an opportunity for renewal. Premadasa’s SJB quickly gained traction as a stronger opposition force against the Rajapaksas, winning more seats than the UNP in the 2020 parliamentary elections .

Public distrust of the UNP after the 2022 crisis, where Wickremesinghe was appointed president following Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation, has reinforced the perception of the UNP as part of the old political guard that failed to protect the country from economic collapse.

4. Strategic Differences:

Premadasa’s SJB has focused on grassroots mobilization and appealing to the general public’s frustration with the status quo. His campaign style is more people-centric, offering populist measures that address immediate economic concerns.

Wickremesinghe’s UNP, in contrast, relies on institutional experience and positioning itself as the party with the capability to manage macroeconomic issues, especially in navigating complex financial negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). However, these strategies have not resonated with the broader electorate, which is looking for immediate relief.

5. Electoral Competition and Political Ambitions:

 Both Premadasa and Wickremesinghe harbor strong political ambitions. Premadasa, as the leader of the SJB, sees himself as the face of Sri Lanka’s opposition, while Wickremesinghe continues to hold the presidency and remains determined to maintain his political relevance.

Competition for leadership: A merger between the two parties would likely force a power-sharing agreement, something neither leader seems willing to compromise on. This leadership struggle and competition for dominance in the opposition landscape make a merger highly unlikely without significant concessions

6. Party Structures and Grassroots Support:

The SJB’s infrastructure and voter base have been growing rapidly since its formation, attracting disillusioned former UNP members and voters, particularly from rural areas. On the other hand, the UNP’s support base has dwindled, particularly after its near-total defeat in the 2020 parliamentary elections, where it won just one seat.

This asymmetry in organizational strength and grassroots support makes it difficult for both parties to merge, as the SJB now commands the larger voter base and structure, while the UNP relies on its institutional history and Wickremesinghe’s position as president.

Conclusion:

The rivalry between Premadasa and Wickremesinghe, combined with policy differences, strategic ambitions, and diverging party infrastructures, makes it difficult for the UNP and SJB to unite as a political force. While they share a common origin, their leadership conflicts and differing visions for the country’s future have created significant barriers to reconciliation and unity in Sri Lankan politics. For the people of Sri Lanka striving for a new beginning—focused on prosperity, corruption-free governance, the rule of law, and unity among diverse communities—the following guiding lessons are crucial:

1. Strong Rule of Law and Accountability:

To ensure a corruption-free society, it is vital that Sri Lanka strengthens its legal and institutional frameworks:

Transparent governance: Implement transparency in government contracts, spending, and policies. This includes creating robust mechanisms to audit public officials, ensuring that corruption and mismanagement are detected and addressed.

Independent judiciary: Strengthening the judiciary so that it is free from political influence will restore faith in legal systems. Citizens must trust that laws will be applied equally, regardless of political or social status.

Anti-corruption institutions: Fully empower institutions such as the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC), giving them the resources and independence to investigate and prosecute corruption effectively

2. Inclusive Economic Development:

For Sri Lanka to achieve sustainable prosperity, it is crucial that economic growth is inclusive and benefits all regions, ethnicities, and social classes:

Equitable growth: Economic policies must focus on bridging the urban-rural divide and ensure equitable access to opportunities. Special emphasis should be placed on regions affected by the civil war, such as the North and East, where communities continue to struggle with poverty and infrastructure deficits.

Investment in education and skills: The country’s future prosperity depends on education reform and equipping youth with modern skills for global markets. Investments in STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) education can boost innovation and create more job opportunities.

Support for small businesses and entrepreneurs: Encourage local entrepreneurship through microfinance programs, innovation hubs, and support for agriculture and tourism industries, which have the potential to uplift rural economies

3. Strengthening Democracy and Civic Engagement:

The 2022 mass protests, where people demanded government accountability, show a shift towards active civic engagement. To maintain momentum:

Participatory governance: Citizens should be encouraged to engage in local decision-making processes. Decentralization of government functions can bring decision-making closer to the people, ensuring their voices are heard.

Civic education: Programs that educate citizens, particularly the youth, on democratic values and their role in governance can foster a politically conscious population that holds leaders accountable.

Reform political institutions: There must be significant reforms in electoral laws to reduce the influence of money and political dynasties. Ensuring that elections are free, fair, and competitive is critical for democracy to flourish

4. Promoting National Unity Across Ethnic and Religious Lines:

Sri Lanka’s diverse ethnic and religious fabric has historically been both its strength and a source of conflict. Building a unified nation requires a genuine commitment to:

Reconciliation and healing: Post-civil war reconciliation must move beyond superficial initiatives. Policies that address the grievances of Tamil, Muslim, and other minority communities should focus on restoring cultural autonomy and rebuilding trust through transitional justice processes that include reparations, truth-telling, and recognition of past wrongs.

Inclusive leadership: Leaders must work to break down ethnic and religious divides. National discourse should celebrate diversity and encourage interfaith dialogue to foster mutual understanding.

Balanced development: Ensure that all regions and communities, regardless of ethnic makeup, receive equal access to resources, infrastructure, and education. This creates a shared sense of belonging and reduces regional disparities

5. Building Trust through Transparent Economic Recovery:

Given the economic crisis of 2022, public trust in governance has eroded:

Debt transparency: Sri Lanka must adopt clear and transparent debt management policies, allowing citizens to understand how foreign loans and aid are utilized. Public access to information about IMF and other foreign assistance programs will help reduce skepticism.

Fair tax policies: Implement tax reforms that do not overly burden the working class but ensure the wealthy contribute fairly to economic recovery. Equitable tax policies can foster trust that recovery efforts are being handled responsibly

6. Sustainable and Environmentally-Conscious Policies:

Environmental stewardship: Protecting Sri Lanka’s natural resources is crucial for long-term prosperity. Policies should promote sustainable development that balances economic growth with environmental preservation, particularly in industries like tourism and agriculture.

Disaster preparedness: As a nation vulnerable to climate change, Sri Lanka must prioritize disaster resilience through investments in infrastructure, water management, and sustainable agriculture practices

7. Ending Political Dynasties and Cronyism:

One of the most pressing issues in Sri Lanka’s politics has been the dominance of political families (e.g., Rajapaksas), which has led to allegations of corruption and cronyism:



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Investing in ecosystems

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Biodiversity is the sum of all the patterns of life that nature creates in biomass

An ecosystem is defined as a geographic area where biotic (living) organisms—plants, animals, microorganisms interact with each other and with the abiotic (non-living) components like air, water, sunlight, and soil, creating a self-sustaining unit of life. A pond with its attendant diversity is the ecosystem that supports pondlife, from frogs to fish or dragonflies, while an ocean is an ecosystem that supports fish to whales. So, it will be seen that ecosystems and their components change with scale.  This creates a challenge for investment, what is the scale chosen for investment in the ecosystem?

In terms of biodiversity, ecosystems represent an evolutionary process over geological time, to sustain life through climate extremes.  Over the span of existence, life forms and consequently their ecosystems have developed to be responsive to changes and represent the most successful combination of species in that environment.

On a geographic scale they manifest today as tropical rainforest or as temperate peatland or Andean paramo, each displaying a unique biodiversity complex that enables sustainability of that ecosystem in that place. These patterns suggest that the form and function of any resident ecosystem can provide a guide for designing restoration programmes and activities in that environment.

During the last two centuries, the landscapes of Sri Lanka were subject to massive changes. The total destruction of the montane forests, removed both above ground and below ground biomass. Fire cleared the land of standing vegetation, followed by the erosion of eons of topsoil.  The forests were replaced with monoculture plantations which were very low in biodiversity.  A response to address this loss of forest biodiversity was proposed as a ‘tree dominated ecosystem analogous to the lost native forest’. This system was tested and codified as Analog Forestry. In this process the structure and function of the original forest is used as the baseline for creating a tree dominated ecosystem.

Why should we try to mimic forests? Forests produce oxygen, filter water, cool landscapes, support biodiversity and provide renewable biomass as critical ecosystem services.  In addition, forest soils contain one of the most species rich ecosystems on the planet, full of microbial life, while at the same time acting as a repository of organic carbon that stores moisture and substrate.  Yet conventional financial systems treat the destruction of this productive infrastructure as a negative externality to the cost of doing business, forcing the environment to bear the cost. The pollution output of industry is an example.  Similarly, the loss of ecosystem services was ignored as a negative externality to the cost of establishing  plantations. It is the accumulation of these externalities that has brought us to the present crisis in environmental sustainability.

 Analog Forestry seeks to reclaim some of the lost ecosystem services by establishing a tree-dominated ecosystem that is analogous in architectural structure and ecological function to the original climax or sub climax vegetation community.  This vegetation complex may comprise natural or exotic species in any proportion, the contribution to creating an ecosystem analogous in structure and function, being a major factor that determines its design.  The ecological functions of the system can be measured by a number of variables.  The most critical being an understanding of the architecture that evolves in any ecosystem  progressing  through the process of seral succession. After this, functions within this ecosystem can be addressed. Some examples are; the ecological function of providing microhabitat, keystone species, stabilizing nutrient cycles, or maintaining trophic flows.

Analog Forestry also draws on the strengths of traditional knowledge.  Many traditional responses mimic the structure or succession process of their local forest vegetation.  The use of successional stages of natural ecosystems to design cropping systems have been recorded in many traditions. Analog Forestry encourages further complexity into the structure of such cropping systems, thus creating space for many species of the original forest to extend their ranges, either by design or effect.

As the species composition in each design varies according to different production goals, species utilised are selected from a comprehensive database.

It is in the output of this ecosystem where value can be generated and a platform for investment can be offered. Currently, only the farm product entering the economy has value in the market. The farm ecosystem has no value.  One way to increase both biodiversity and rural income is by value addition through certification systems confirming clean, responsible production as in organic or regenerative agriculture.  However, the true value of the contributions of ecosystem services generated by the farm, remain opaque to the economy.

The global economy operates on a fundamental accounting error: it classifies the depletion of natural capital as a “negative externality” to the cost of any process in creating a product. Thus, pollution of air, water or soil are considered negative externalities, with no responsibility by the consumer.

 A useful response to this negative trend is to consider creating a product that enhances natural capital through actions such as oxygen production, water purification, climate regulation, soil formation or biodiversity maintenance.

These activities generate positive externalities into the environment and have been recognised for what they are, Ecosystem Services.  Current economic models place the global value of ecosystem services at exceeding $145 trillion annually, substantially exceeding global GDP.  However, these services remain invisible on current institutional balance sheets.

An early attempt at utilising ecosystem services was the capitalisation of biomass through the voluntary carbon and biodiversity credit market. Driven by net-zero commitments, mandatory ESG disclosure frameworks, which are part of the reporting frameworks used by companies for the disclosure of data covering business operations, were developed; They address opportunities and risks that are related to environmental, social and governance (ESG) aspects of business. The Kunming-Montreal Global Biodiversity Framework’s 30×30 conservation targets, which  mandates signatory nations to effectively conserve and manage at least 30% of the world’s terrestrial, inland water, and coastal and marine areas by 2030, while simultaneously placing 30% of degraded ecosystems under active restoration, create a demand for high-integrity environmental credits. This demand has  been accelerating at a pace at which the existing market infrastructure cannot adequately serve. The combined addressable market across carbon, biodiversity, water and ecosystem credits are projected to exceed $370 billion by 2035.

The regulatory frameworks driving this growth such as the TNFD  a global, market-led initiative that provides organisations with a risk management and disclosure framework to identify, assess, manage, and report on their nature-related dependencies, impacts, risks, and opportunities, or the CSRD a new European law that requires organisations to report sustainability information on an annual basis, are already in force.

Analog Forestry provides opportunities for investment in the ecosystems that it creates by providing high value outputs across a range of ecosystem services. For example,the high values placed on carbon sequestration services in the carbon market, could create designs in the floral architecture to provide the greatest aboveground biomass. Such designs could also provide effective cooling of the ambient atmosphere through transpiration. The application of Analog Forestry promotes the growth of organic soils that increase the water retentivity value of that land. A further output is the conservation of biodiversity facilitated by trophic and microhabitat creation.

Investment in such processes requires the setting and monitoring of standards in regard to the chain of custody in the supply of crops to markets or for conservation of biodiversity.  In Analog Forestry such a standard was instituted by the International Analog Forestry Network (IAFN) in response to the demand for a certification system that conforms to the philosophy and principles of Analog Forestry. This system of certification, termed Forest Garden Products (FGP), has been functioning for over 20 years and standards maintained by the IAFN. The certification confirms clean production and biodiversity conservation.

A more complete evaluation of the ecosystem is one that combines all the value fractions of a land, this has been introduced by AQUAE Labs as the Aquae Labs Ecosystem Conservation Index (ALCI).  It has been presented as the world’s first scientifically rigorous, field-validated set of measurement protocols for the financial recognition of natural capital. This system measures ecosystems as living, productive, regenerative infrastructure—and converts their verified output into institutional-grade, tradeable, insured digital assets. Their protocols are available to any interested person.

Thus, environmentally restorative activity has a large potential for generating business opportunities, ranging from  investment in data secure tokens to trading in a diverse range of products and outcomes, Analog Forestry provides an example of a production design for the direction ahead.

 by Dr. Ranil Senanayake

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In the shadow of the Pacific: Decoding El Niño within a landscape of local scepticism

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In the tea-scented hills, the sprawling paddy fields of the dry zone, in various types of daily conversations, academic disclosures at very high levels, extremely loud political discussions in all areas of our Motherland, and even in the crowded markets of Colombo, a single phrase of foreign origin has begun to circulate with the ominous weight of a prophecy: El Niño. It is talked about as a vile harbinger of impending doom.

To many Sri Lankans already battered by years of economic turbulence, as well as unreliable and incompetent political governance, the warnings issued from global climate monitors and the Department of Meteorology of our island, sound just like the dastardly plot of a dystopian novel. We are told that from about July 2026, the island would face an unprecedented climate threat: a major drought capable of drying up reservoirs, decimating crops, and crippling an already fragile power grid.

Yet for all that, as the rhetoric heats up, so does public scepticism. In a nation aimlessly navigating through a severely bruised rupee, skyrocketing costs of living, erratic transport costs, and an endless cycle of political scandals, a collective weariness has set in. It is completely natural to ask: “Is this climate crisis real? Or is it merely a well-timed political smoke screen, a government ploy designed to divert our gaze from systemic corruption, economic mismanagement, and the everyday struggle to survive?”

To find the truth, we must separate genuine meteorological science from political convenience and understand that nature’s cycles have been profoundly altered by the modern world.

Framework of a Distant Monster: What really is El Niño?

El Niño

, which is Spanish for “The Boy Child,” named by Peruvian fishermen who noticed the warm ocean currents peaking around Christmas, is not a sudden, man-made disaster or an unpredictable catastrophe that is profoundly inevitable. It is one half of the El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO) Cycle; the planet’s most powerful natural climate driver. Under normal conditions of the globe, strong trade winds blow from East to West across the equatorial Pacific Ocean, pushing warm surface water towards Asia and Australia, while deep, cold, nutrient-rich water wells up along the South American coast.

During an El Niño event, these trade winds weaken or even completely reverse. The pool of warm water sloshes backwards, migrating toward the Americas. This shift alters the atmospheric circulation across the entire globe, shifting jet streams and flipping weather patterns upside down. Where there was rain, there is drought; where there was dry air, there are torrential floods.

The weakening of the trade winds does not happen spontaneously. Instead, it is the result of a massive, fragile feedback loop between the ocean and the atmosphere known as the Bjerknes Feedback. We need to think of the Pacific Ocean as a giant bathtub. Normally, trade winds push all the warm water to the West (near Asia), leaving cold water in the East (near South America). Because the West is warm, it creates rising air, clouds, and low pressure. Because the East is cold, it creates sinking air and high pressure. This pressure difference is what keeps the winds blowing.

An El Niño event begins when this loop encounters a disruption. Deep in the Western Pacific, sudden, intense bursts of wind blowing from the West (opposite of normal trade winds) occur. These are often triggered by natural weather phenomena, like the Madden-Julian Oscillation, described as a massive band of rain and wind that circles the globe every 30 to 60 days.

Then there is the Oceanic Wave. These wind bursts push a massive, subsurface wave of warm water, called a Kelvin Wave, in the direction of the East across the Pacific. As this warm water moves East, it warms the cold Eastern Pacific. The result thereof is that because the East is now warm, the temperature and pressure difference between the East and the West shrinks. With the pressure difference gone, the trade winds collapse completely.

It is not spontaneous, but it is uncontrolled. It is a self-regulating, natural oscillation. The Earth’s climate system builds up heat over time. Think of the tropical Pacific as a solar heat collector. Eventually, it traps more heat than it can distribute normally. El Niño acts like a planetary pressure release valve. It releases the trapped oceanic heat into the atmosphere, which is why global temperatures spike during an El Niño year. Once the heat is dissipated, the system naturally resets, often swinging to the opposite extreme called La Niña, where trade winds become violently strong and the Eastern Pacific becomes abnormally cold, before returning to neutral.

It is totally reasonable to look at something as massively disruptive as El Niño and wonder if human hands are pulling the triggers, especially given how much we have messed with the planet’s ecosystems. Man’s actions are NOT directly responsible for triggering El Niño, but we are guilty of intensifying its impacts. Because of human-induced greenhouse gas emissions, the oceans have absorbed over 90% of excess global heat. Therefore, when a natural El Niño develops today, it is operating on a much hotter baseline. A “strong” El Niño today causes far more severe heatwaves and droughts than what an El Niño did 100 years ago. In addition, while human stupidity does not directly cause the weather pattern, political negligence, corruption, and deforestation make us completely defenceless against it. Nature creates the drought; human mismanagement creates the famine.

An El Niño event does not just randomly occur; it is highly predictable, but only up to a certain point in time. Meteorologists use a massive network of deep-sea buoys, satellites, and advanced computer models to track sub-surface ocean temperatures. Because those Kelvin Waves take months to travel across the Pacific, scientists can see an El Niño incident brewing even six months before it actually changes the weather on land.

For Sri Lanka, sitting in the warm embrace of the Indian Ocean, this remote shifting of the Pacific engine behaves like a massive atmospheric vacuum. By mid-2026, the developing El Niño is projected to significantly weaken our Southwest Monsoon (Yala season). The moisture-laden winds that usually drench the western slopes and central hills are disrupted, leading to prolonged dry spells, suppressed rainfall, and soaring temperatures: an impending doom of unpredictable severity.

The Mirage of the “Natural Cycle”

A frequent and valid argument raised by sceptics is that Sri Lanka has always survived droughts. Our ancient civilisation was entirely built upon a sophisticated cascade of tanks (Wewas) engineered by our ancient Kings to balance the natural cycles where rain and flood inevitably follow dry spells. Why should 2026 be any different?

The answer lies in a dangerous convergence: the intersection of a natural cycle with an unnaturally altered planet. Historically, El Niño events occurred in predictable intervals of two to seven years. However, decades of global greenhouse gas emissions have trapped immense thermal energy within the world’s oceans. When an El Niño occurs today, it acts on top of a baseline global temperature that is already higher than at any point in recorded human history. It injects a massive burst of heat into an atmosphere that is already supercharged.

Furthermore, our local buffering systems have been systematically dismantled. The natural cycles of nature rely on healthy ecosystems to self-regulate. Decades of rampant deforestation in our central catchments mean that when rain does fall, the soil can no longer retain it; it washes away as flash floods, leaving the land parched shortly after.

Our ancient tank systems are heavily silted due to unchecked agricultural runoff and poor maintenance, dramatically reducing their storage capacity. Today, our population has increased many times over since the last great historical droughts. The margin for error has vanished. When a dry spell hits in 2026, it is no longer just a meteorological event. It becomes an immediate, high-stakes threat to our collective survival.

The Dual Faces of the Peril: “Climate Whiplash”

The relationship between El Niño and Sri Lanka’s climate is highly complex and profoundly uneven. It is quite a hazardous oversimplification to state that the entire island will simply dry up into a desert. In reality, scientists warn of a phenomenon known as “climate whiplash”, a brutal, two-phase sequence that tests different parts of the island in different ways.

This dual nature makes preparation immensely difficult. While the western agricultural zones face severe water stress during the crucial Yala growing season, the Eastern and Northern Plains may experience a stronger-than-normal Northeast Monsoon later in the year, threatening the Maha harvest with floods rather than lack of water.

Compounding this is the impact on marine life. The disruption of oceanic currents halts the upwelling of cold, nutrient-rich waters along our coasts, threatening the phytoplankton populations that form the foundation of our fishing industry. A crisis in the ocean quickly transforms into a livelihood crisis for our coastal communities.

A Convenient Shield: Is the Government likely to exploit the “Crisis”?

Given the undeniable scientific reality of El Niño, why does the suspicion of a “government ploy” remain so stubbornly entrenched in the public psyche?

The truth is that while the weather phenomenon is entirely natural, the political exploitation of it is a time-honoured strategy. For an administration presiding over a heavily depreciated rupee, staggering inflation, fuel shortages, and an electorate deeply disillusioned by systemic corruption and unethical political behaviour, a looming natural disaster is a highly convenient distraction.

Historically, political regimes globally have utilised “disaster capitalism” and the rhetoric of impending doom to achieve three distinct political objectives:

1. Shifting the Blame:

Politicians can attribute economic misery, power outages, and food shortages to an “act of God” rather than years of policy failures, financial scams, and a lack of long-term planning.

2. Consolidating Control:

Under the guise of national crisis management, governments can divert public funds, bypass standard procurement transparency, and suppress public dissent or protests regarding living costs. They can even use draconian laws nonchalantly to quell protests.

3. Securing Foreign Aid:

Crying “imminent drought” acts as a powerful tool to solicit international foreign aid and concessions. Such a step could secure foreign exchange that can prop up a failing currency.

It is a most unfortunate but quite q realistic tragedy of loss of faith that, when our leaders shout “drought,” the citizens do not see a proactive state protecting the public. Politicians are perceived as villains looking for an exit strategy from their own defaults and scandals. The public cynicism is born out of a well-earned, deeply ingrained suspicion: one that is based on abundant past experience.

Bridging the Divide: Real Science Meets Justified Anger

We must not let political pessimism blind us to physical reality. The rising temperatures, the drying up of rural wells, and the global oceanic data, are not fabrications cooked up in a political campaign office; they are verifiable facts measured by independent scientists worldwide.

If we dismiss El Niño as a mere myth, we play directly into the hands of the very politicians we distrust. Total apathy ensures that when the agricultural yields drop, when food prices skyrocket further, and when the power grid fails due to a lack of hydropower, the public will be left entirely unprotected, while the political elite remain insulated in their air-conditioned enclaves.

The real challenge facing Sri Lanka in 2026 is a dual crisis: we are being forced to battle a volatile climate anomaly while simultaneously navigating a severe governance deficit.

The Path Forward: Demanding Accountable Resilience

Surviving the coming months requires a radical shift in how we view governance and climate preparation. We must transform our justified anger into an unyielding demand for transparency and structural resilience.

=Dynamic Energy Management: With hydropower severely threatened by drying reservoirs, the state must immediately diversify our energy mix. This means removing the bureaucratic hurdles that have historically stalled private solar and wind initiatives, often held back to protect corrupt coal and heavy fossil fuel monopolies as well as political henchmen.

= Decentralised Water and Food Security:

Rather than waiting for centralised, state-led distribution networks that are historically prone to corruption and inefficiency, local provincial councils must be empowered. Investment must be funnelled into rehabilitating local cascades, scaling up regional rainwater harvesting, and accelerating tech-driven solutions like the Thalaiyadi desalination efforts in parched Northern Zones.

= Transparent Climate Audits:

If the state claims it requires funds to mitigate El Niño, the civil society and independent media MUST demand a line-by-line public accounting of every rupee spent. If food is imported to offset local crop failures, the procurement processes must be completely transparent to prevent the predictable scams that have plagued past crises.

El Niño

is a very real possibility in the months to come, and its atmospheric mechanics are entirely beyond our control. We could only pray that we will be spared to th greatest extent possible. There is the distinct possibility that the power dynamics of nature could even be completely inverted by a force that could even be similar to the energy associated with the movement of a tectonic plate. Recently there have been a lot of opinions presented by many people, including so-called “experts”, and “pundits”,, pontificating on the likely impact of El Niño on our resplendent isle. These have varied from projected rather innocuous and tame effects on Sri Lanka, to some of them escalating the impact to major disastrous effects on the island. As usual, politicians of all hues have even waxed eloquent, most of them at the top of their voices, on the perceived potential effects of this likely natural calamity.

Yet for all that, even in the face of all the water that has gone under the bridge (pun unintended), it is vital to understand that the impact of an El Niño affair on our lives would be determined completely by human action, policy, preparedness, strategy implementation, and, of course, absolutely candid integrity. We cannot stop the Pacific Ocean from warming. However, we can prevent our institutions that need to deal with the phenomenon from sinking down to vile behaviour patterns, and even stimulate the deteriorating as well as decaying essential response portals.

The ultimate “litmus test” for Sri Lanka in 2026 is not merely whether we can survive a natural dry spell. The real, true, and candid trial for all of us would be the ultimate result as to whether we can be resilient enough to withstand the projected volatile developments of nature, while severely holding accountable the political forces that have left us ever so vulnerable to all types of quirks of nature, as experienced by the management of natural disasters even in the not-too-distant past.

By an Aficionado

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Tales of Mystery and Suspense – episode 6

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Dark Fire

From a tale set just over a 100 years ago, I move back several centuries to one set in the 16th century, in the reign of Henry VIII. This was given to me by my friend Daniel Moylan – Lord Moylan I should say, which is how he was announced when he came to see me in the flat of a friend in London. He had mentioned enjoying tales of a Tudor detective, and when I expressed interest, he brought me the second in the series. The first had introduced the hero, a hunchback lawyer called Mathew Shardlake, who worked for Thomas Cromwell, Henry VIII’s Chief Minister after the fall of Cardinal Wolsey. Here, too, it is Cromwell who gets Shardlake to find out more about a secret weapon that had been brought to his notice.

The book by C J Sansom, is called Dark Fire and this refers to fire that in Byzantine days could be projected onto enemies and their equipment, notably ships, to set them immediately ablaze. But the secret had been lost, except that it seemed that a soldier, back from the east, had brought home a barrel of the stuff, which had been discovered in one of the monasteries that Henry VIII had dissolved.

Two shady individuals, including a lawyer called Gristwood, had told Cromwell about the weapon and given him a demonstration, which led him to tell the King that he could see the fire in action in a couple of weeks. But the lawyer Gristwood had torn off the formula from the document describing the weapon, and Cromwell asked Shardlake to persuade Gristwood to hand it over.

He forces Shardlake to agree by involving himself in a case Shardlake had taken on to defend a young girl, Elizabeth Wentworth, accused of having murdered her cousin in whose house she was dwelling after she had been orphaned. Joseph, her oldest uncle, who loved her, thought she would do better in town with his rich brother Edwin rather than on his farm, but she hated the house and its inhabitants, and they were all determined, including her grandmother, who was blind but dominated the household, to have her found guilty, after she was found near a well in which her cousin had drowned and his sisters said she had pushed him in.

She refuses to plead, and the judge orders her to be pressed, a form of torture, which would soon have cost her life, but Cromwell sends a trusted servant to get the judge to suspend the sentence for two weeks. And the servant, Jack Barak, tells Shardlake that he must now see Cromwell, who says that the price of the girl’s freedom is finding out Gristwood’s secret.

After this convoluted beginning, the story moves swiftly. Gristwood and his brother are found murdered. Shardlake and Barak realise they are dealing with ruthless men, and Gristwood’s wife and the librarian who had given Gristwood information about the old soldier, are taken into safe custody by Cromwell. The wife, meanwhile, tells Shardlake about Gristwood’s mistress, and they go to a brothel to find her but she flees with her brother, having evidently been sought out previously by the murderers.

Finally, the youngsters agree to meet Shardlake, but when they get to Gristwood’s house, as had been arranged, they find the boy killed, and the girl so injured that she soon dies, though not before having told Shardlake that Gristwood had told her that his contacting Cromwell was part of a plot against him.

Meanwhile, Shardlake has also been working on his own case, and realises that the key to that mystery was the well, from which there had been a foul smell when the body of the boy was brought out. This was by the house steward, who is the confidante of the family, and fancied it seemed by one of the two sisters of the murdered boy.

Shardlake and Barak explore the well on two separate nights, fleeing the first time when dogs are set loose, but also because Barak is horrified by what he seems to see there. The next time he confirms that there were dead animals there, and also the body of a little boy. And after he had managed to get Elizabeth to speak, if obliquely, she then makes it clear that these were victims of her cousin, who had been aided in his cruelty to animals by his sisters.

Shardlake has many narrow shaves from the two murderers, who follow him to the different places he has to visit, and who seem to have a source of information about what he thought was known only to him and Barak and Cromwell. He does wonder then about the three intermediaries through whom Gristwood had got his story to Cromwell, two lawyers and an aristocratic lady whom Shardlake begins to fancy, feeling that his interest is reciprocated.

To his relief she is not the traitor, nor is the lawyer who had vanished for a couple of days, though the other – who had been feared dead when his ring was found on a dismembered finger, near Lincoln’s Inn, where they all practised – was implicated along with the fountainhead of the plot, who was determined to bring down Cromwell.

So he turns up at the climax, which comes in a shed by the river where Shardlake and Barak are trapped. But after the plotters have told them what they had done, they escape since Shardlake had a dagger which Barak uses to cut his bonds, and in the scuffle the chief murderer is killed. His accomplice had died earlier, having fallen off the top of the cathedral, where he had been cornered by Shardlake and Barak, after a hectic chase.

Before the principal murderer in Dark Fire was killed by Barak, the chief plotter had left. The lawyer who had been his principal accessory was caught but before he could be taken to Cromwell, he tried to kill Barak when he was off guard. He was only stopped by Shardlake shooting the last remains of Dark Fire at him, and him being set alight by a candle so that he threw himself into the Thames.

The evidence then is gone but Shardlake and Barak have no doubt that Cromwell will believe them, and they go to his office. He is away, but his secretary says he will send a message, and the two go back home, to rest, after Barak’s wounds have been attended to, by the physician Guy, who had, one gathers, assisted Shardlake also in the first book about him.

They are surprised when there is no word from Cromwell the following morning, but they have decided that they must now go to the Wentworth home to conclude that case. The father of the murdered boy is not there, but they go to see his mother, who is with the steward. She seems to realise the game is up, and having invited them to have a drink she confesses to what had happened.

But Shardlake then realises that he has been poisoned, though he has the presence of mind to remember that Guy had told him an emetic was the answer, and he swallows some mustard and is sick, as Barak is to whom he passes the mustard pot. The steward flees, for Barak has his sword in his hand, and before the pair collapse the grandmother rises in a panic and knocks her head against a wall when she stumbles and falls.

Shardlake had managed to call for a constable before he falls senseless, and had managed to tell the constable who comes in to get Guy, who attends to the two men. The steward is caught, and a magistrate is brought in to take depositions. Edwin is distraught, for he knew nothing of what had gone on, and his brother Joseph tries to comfort him, evincing the goodness that had made Shardlake take on the case in the first place.

The story comes out at the court hearing the next day, and the crusty old magistrate has to acquit Elizabeth and arraign the grandmother and the two sisters. But when Shardlake and Barak go to the Inns, they find that Cromwell has fallen. The Catholics are now in the ascendancy, and Shardlake and Barak leave London, though since the reaction is mild, they get back a few months later. They find that the grandmother has died, and the two sisters have been imprisoned for the murder, for one of them had pushed the boy in, and then both had concealed this and tried to blame Elizabeth.

Shardlake resumes his practice, with Barak now his assistant. His former assistant, who continues though he now needs more support, had turned out to have bad eyesight, which Shardlake had not noticed. Barak had brought this to his attention, which made him realise that underneath the rough exterior was a sensitive soul. And as the extract from the next novel indicates, they will be a pair, on Holmes and Watson lines, or Poirot and Hastings.

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