Features
WAKE UP SRI LANKA ……Presidential Elections 2024

by Mohan Mendis
The 2019 and 2024 Sri Lankan presidential elections saw significant shifts in political leadership and voter preferences.
In 2019, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, representing the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP), won with 52.25% of the vote, defeating Sajith Premadasa of the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), who garnered 41.99%. Rajapaksa’s victory was driven by promises of strong governance, national security, and economic stability, but his administration faced severe challenges due to the economic crisis that led to his resignation in 2022.
In 2024, Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of the Marxist National People’s Power (NPP), emerged as the victor with 42.31% of the vote, surpassing Premadasa, who secured 32.76%. Dissanayake’s victory reflected widespread public dissatisfaction with the traditional political elite, as he campaigned on a platform of anti-corruption and working-class representation. His win signaled a major political shift, particularly in light of the country’s ongoing economic recovery following the 2022 crisis. While Dissanayake did not secure an outright majority, he won after a second round of vote redistribution, marking a historic moment in Sri Lanka’s politics, as he represented a break from the dominance of traditional political families like the Rajapaksas and Premadasa.
Here’s a statistical comparison between the 2019 and 2024 Sri Lankan
presidential election results:
2019 Presidential Election Results:
Winner: Gotabaya Rajapaksa (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna – SLPP)
Votes: 6,924,255
Percentage: 52.25%
Runner-up: Sajith Premadasa (Samagi Jana Balawegaya – SJB)
Votes: 5,564,239
Percentage: 41.99%
Voter Turnout: 83.72%
2024 Presidential Election Results:
Winner: Anura Kumara Dissanayake (National People’s Power – NPP)
Votes: 5,740,179
Percentage: 42.31%
• Runner-up: Sajith Premadasa (SJB)
Votes: 4,530,902
Percentage: 32.76%
Voter Turnout: 76%
Key Differences:
1. Winning Margin:
= 2019: Rajapaksa won by a margin of 10.26%.
= 2024: Dissanayake won with 9.55% fewer votes than Rajapaksa did in 2019, and his margin over Premadasa was 9.55%.
2. Performance of Sajith Premadasa:
= 2019: Premadasa received 41.99% of the vote.
= 2024: Premadasa’s vote share dropped to 32.76%, a decrease of
9.23%.
3. Turnout:
2019: Turnout was higher at 83.72%.
2024: Turnout fell to 76%, indicating slightly lower voter participation This comparison reflects a shift from the dominance of traditional political figures to a more left-wing, anti-establishment candidate in 2024.
If Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe had contested together in the 2024
Sri Lankan presidential election, their combined vote total could have significantly altered the outcome.
Premadasa’s 2024 vote share: 4,530,902 votes (32.76%)
Wickremesinghe’s 2024 estimated vote share: Although Wickremesinghe ran as an independent in 2024, his support base would primarily come from his long-time affiliation with the United National Party (UNP). Given his recent governance, we can estimate his vote base to be around 8-10%, based on the fragmented political landscape after the 2022 economic crisis
Combined Vote Estimate:
If we add an estimated 8-10% support for Wickremesinghe to Premadasa’s 32.76%, their combined vote share could have reached:
Around 40-43% of the total vote, with around 6-6.5 million votes.
This combination would likely have outperformed Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s 42.31% (5,740,179 votes), potentially leading to a victory for the combined opposition. However, this scenario depends on various factors:
Voter behavior: Not all of Wickremesinghe’s supporters might have automatically backed a Premadasa-Wickremesinghe alliance.
Strategic alignment: Wickremesinghe’s pro-market policies and Premadasa’s more populist stances may not fully align, possibly affecting voter turnout and support.
In conclusion, a joint candidacy could have statistically won the election, but the actual dynamics would depend on the coherence of their combined platform and voter perception.
The 2024 Sri Lankan presidential election saw a drop in voter turnout, an increase in the number of rejected votes, and a larger voter base due to demographic changes compared to 2019. Let’s break down these elements:
1. Voter Turnout:
2019: Voter turnout was 83.72%, reflecting high engagement during a time when national security and economic concerns were dominant.
2024: Turnout dropped to 76%, which is a significant decline
Factors Contributing to the Drop in Turnout:
Disillusionment with traditional political parties: Voters became frustrated with the old political guard due to their perceived role in Sri Lanka’s economic collapse. This disenchantment likely discouraged voter participation, especially for Ranil Wickremesinghe and Sajith Premadasa, whose parties were part of the “establishment.”
Economic instability and voter fatigue: After a severe economic crisis in 2022, many citizens felt the political process did not adequately address their concerns, further lowering voter enthusiasm.
Frustration with political elites: The dissatisfaction with traditional political families (such as the Rajapaksas and the Wickremesinghe-led UNP) led many voters to feel their votes wouldn’t significantly change the status quo
Reduced enthusiasm: After the crisis in 2022, many voters were struggling with day-to-day survival, leading to a decreased interest in political participation.
Large-Scale Emigration Since 2022: Following the 2022 economic collapse, an estimated 500,000 to 700,000 Sri Lankans left the country. Many were professionals, skilled workers, and members of the middle class, who were seeking better economic opportunities abroad due to the high inflation, shortages of basic goods, and the general economic instability in Sri Lanka
Loss of eligible voters: A significant portion of those who left were eligible voters. Since Sri Lanka does not have an established mechanism for absentee voting for citizens living abroad, these individuals were effectively excluded from the 2024 election process.
2. Impact of Economic Migration on Voter Motivation:
Frustration and disengagement: Many who remained in Sri Lanka may have felt disillusioned by the lack of effective governance, leading to voter apathy.
The exodus likely signaled a deep disconnection between citizens and the political system, as those who left may have represented a politically active demographic.
• Diaspora influence: While Sri Lankans living abroad typically maintain strong ties with their homeland, their inability to vote could have dampened political enthusiasm among their families and networks at home. This may have further contributed to the sense of futility in voting, reducing turnout.
3. Economic Hardships and Focus on Survival:
= Those remaining in the country continued to struggle with the aftermath of the economic collapse, including high taxes, inflation, and daily hardships. For many, political engagement took a backseat to focusing on economic survival. When citizens are burdened with meeting basic needs, voter participation can decline as political engagement becomes less of a priority
4. Lower Middle-Class and Professional Exodus:
The people who left were often from urban, educated, and professional backgrounds, a group that traditionally had higher political engagement.
Their absence directly impacted turnout, as many who typically participate in elections had left the country. This reduction was compounded by the youth and first-time voters who supported Anura Kumara Dissanayake, balancing the overall turnout to an extent, but not fully compensating for the exodus.
5. Lack of Trust in the Political System:
With Ranil Wickremesinghe taking over after the 2022 crisis and enacting austerity measures, many citizens felt betrayed by both the government and the opposition. The traditional political parties failed to regain trust, and this disillusionment likely led to a sense of hopelessness among voters, reducing their participation further. The combination of large-scale migration, disenchantment with the political system, and economic hardships all contributed to the reduced voter turnout in 2024. The lack of absentee voting rights for Sri Lankans abroad compounded the issue, as many potential voters were unable to participate in the electoral process, contributing to the overall decline in turnout
LESSONS LEARNT TO BE LEARNT BY ALL THREE MAJOR CANDIDATES BASED ON THE ELECTION VOTES
Based on the 2024 Sri Lankan presidential election results, each of the three major candidates — Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Sajith Premadasa, and Ranil Wickremesinghe — can draw important lessons to improve their future political strategies:
1. Anura Kumara Dissanayake (NPP):
= Key Lesson: Sustain Popular Momentum with Broader Appeal
Victory and Support from Youth and Left-Wing Voters: Dissanayake’s victory in 2024 reflected his success in capturing the youth vote, as well as those frustrated with traditional political elites. His anti-corruption and antiestablishment stance appealed to many who wanted change after the economic crisis
Challenge
: He must now expand his appeal beyond his core base. Though his 42.31% vote share brought him victory, it wasn’t an outright majority. His Marxist platform and revolutionary background make financial and business circles wary, which could hamper economic reforms and stability Lesson: To secure broader support, Dissanayake will need to moderate his economic policies to reassure businesses while staying true to his progressive base. He must also deliver on promises of systemic change, which was key to his support among younger voters.
2. Sajith Premadasa (SJB):
= Key Lesson: Reinvent Campaign Strategy and Unite the Opposition Failure to Build Momentum: Despite his 32.76% vote share, Premadasa failed to capitalize on the public’s discontent with traditional politics. His drop in support from the 41.99% in 2019 reveals that he could not gain the trust of those seeking change Challenge: Premadasa’s policies may not have stood out enough to differentiate him from the very system voters were rejecting. His inability to consolidate the opposition vote, especially in the face of Ranil Wickremesinghe’s split candidacy, further diminished his chances of winning. Lesson: Premadasa needs to reform his image and policy platform to offer a clear alternative to the status quo. Additionally, building alliances and uniting fragmented opposition forces, including Wickremesinghe’s supporters, would increase his chances in future elections.
3. Ranil Wickremesinghe (UNP):
Key Lesson: Address Public Discontent and Reform Political Strategy Economic Stabilization but Political Defeat: Wickremesinghe’s focus on economic recovery, including debt restructuring with the IMF, may have stabilized inflation and foreign reserves, but his low voter support (estimated 8-10%) showed a significant disconnect with the electorate).
His austerity measures were unpopular, as they were perceived as benefiting the elite while burdening ordinary citizens with higher taxes and costs. Challenge: Wickremesinghe’s political brand has become synonymous with the establishment, which is seen as partly responsible for the country’s crises. This made it difficult for him to attract a broad voter base despite his economic reforms.
Lesson
: He needs to rebuild public trust, particularly by demonstrating empathy for ordinary citizens affected by austerity measures. Engaging in more transparent governance and incorporating social welfare policies into economic recovery plans could help him regain public favor.
Additional Lessons for All Candidates:
Address Voter Disenchantment: The 7.72% drop in voter turnout and rise in rejected votes signal widespread disillusionment. All candidates must focus on rebuilding trust in democratic institutions by addressing the public’s core concerns, especially economic hardships and corruption
Incorporate the Diaspora: Given the significant exodus of Sri Lankans overseas, candidates should advocate for mechanisms such as absentee voting to engage the diaspora, many of whom still hold strong ties to the country and could be influential voters.
Offer Clear Policy Alternatives: The growing complexity of voter issues, particularly in the post-crisis landscape, requires candidates to offer clear, actionable policy proposals that address both short-term survival (inflation, employment) and long-term reforms (corruption, education, economic diversification).
These lessons highlight the importance of trust, clarity of message, and broad-based coalitions in an evolving political environment marked by economic uncertainty and widespread public dissatisfaction.
If Sajith Premadasa and Ranil Wickremesinghe had contested together in the 2024
Sri Lankan presidential election, their combined vote total could have significantly altered the outcome.
Potential Combined Vote Share (Premadasa + Wickremesinghe):
Premadasa’s 2024 vote share: 4,530,902 votes (32.76%)
Wickremesinghe’s 2024 estimated vote share: Although Wickremesinghe ran as an independent in 2024, his support base would primarily come from his long-time affiliation with the United National Party (UNP). Given his recent governance, we can estimate his vote base to be around 8-10%, based on the fragmented political landscape after the 2022 economic crisis
Combined Vote Estimate:
If we add an estimated 8-10% support for Wickremesinghe to Premadasa’s 32.76%, their combined vote share could have reached:
Around 40-43% of the total vote, with around 6-6.5 million votes. This combination would likely have outperformed Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s 42.31% (5,740,179 votes), potentially leading to a victory for the combined opposition. However, this scenario depends on various factors:
Voter behavior: Not all of Wickremesinghe’s supporters might have automatically backed a Premadasa-Wickremesinghe alliance.
Strategic alignment: Wickremesinghe’s pro-market policies and Premadasa’s more populist stances may not fully align, possibly affecting voter turnout and support. In conclusion, a joint candidacy could have statistically won the election, but the actual dynamics would depend on the coherence of their combined platform and voter perception.
The United National Party (UNP) and the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB), despite their shared origins, remain divided as a united political force for several key reasons:
1. Leadership Rift between Ranil Wickremesinghe and Sajith Premadasa:
The primary reason for the division is the personal and leadership rivalry between Ranil Wickremesinghe, the long-time leader of the UNP, and Sajith Premadasa, who broke away to form the SJB in 2020.
Premadasa’s frustration: Premadasa had long sought a leadership role within the UNP, but Wickremesinghe’s reluctance to step down or share power with younger leaders created tension within the party. This frustration culminated in Premadasa forming the SJB ahead of the 2020 parliamentary elections .
Wickremesinghe’s dominance: Wickremesinghe’s control over the UNP and his reluctance to pass the torch exacerbated internal tensions. Many UNP members felt that under Wickremesinghe, the party was becoming disconnected from voters, but they couldn’t reform leadership, leading to the SJB split
2. Ideological and Policy Differences:
While both parties have roots in the UNP’s center-right liberalism, the SJB has taken a more populist and centrist approach under Premadasa. The SJB focuses on social welfare programs and expanding public services, making it more appealing to working-class voters.
UNP’s pro-market policies: Under Wickremesinghe, the UNP continued to champion pro-market, neoliberal economic policies, favoring privatization, foreign investments, and austerity measures. These policies became particularly unpopular after the 2022 economic crisis, further alienating a segment of voters who felt left behind
The SJB’s attempt to distance itself from these neoliberal policies was a critical reason for Premadasa’s breakaway and remains a central division between the two parties.
3. Public Perception of the Parties:
The UNP’s popularity sharply declined after the 2019 presidential election, where Wickremesinghe’s leadership was seen as ineffective in addressing key national issues, including the Easter Sunday attacks and the economic downturn. The party’s inability to stop the rise of the Rajapaksas was also a sore point for many supporters.
SJB’s formation was seen as a fresh start and an opportunity for renewal. Premadasa’s SJB quickly gained traction as a stronger opposition force against the Rajapaksas, winning more seats than the UNP in the 2020 parliamentary elections .
Public distrust of the UNP after the 2022 crisis, where Wickremesinghe was appointed president following Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation, has reinforced the perception of the UNP as part of the old political guard that failed to protect the country from economic collapse.
4. Strategic Differences:
Premadasa’s SJB has focused on grassroots mobilization and appealing to the general public’s frustration with the status quo. His campaign style is more people-centric, offering populist measures that address immediate economic concerns.
Wickremesinghe’s UNP, in contrast, relies on institutional experience and positioning itself as the party with the capability to manage macroeconomic issues, especially in navigating complex financial negotiations with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). However, these strategies have not resonated with the broader electorate, which is looking for immediate relief.
5. Electoral Competition and Political Ambitions:
Both Premadasa and Wickremesinghe harbor strong political ambitions. Premadasa, as the leader of the SJB, sees himself as the face of Sri Lanka’s opposition, while Wickremesinghe continues to hold the presidency and remains determined to maintain his political relevance.
Competition for leadership: A merger between the two parties would likely force a power-sharing agreement, something neither leader seems willing to compromise on. This leadership struggle and competition for dominance in the opposition landscape make a merger highly unlikely without significant concessions
6. Party Structures and Grassroots Support:
The SJB’s infrastructure and voter base have been growing rapidly since its formation, attracting disillusioned former UNP members and voters, particularly from rural areas. On the other hand, the UNP’s support base has dwindled, particularly after its near-total defeat in the 2020 parliamentary elections, where it won just one seat.
This asymmetry in organizational strength and grassroots support makes it difficult for both parties to merge, as the SJB now commands the larger voter base and structure, while the UNP relies on its institutional history and Wickremesinghe’s position as president.
Conclusion:
The rivalry between Premadasa and Wickremesinghe, combined with policy differences, strategic ambitions, and diverging party infrastructures, makes it difficult for the UNP and SJB to unite as a political force. While they share a common origin, their leadership conflicts and differing visions for the country’s future have created significant barriers to reconciliation and unity in Sri Lankan politics. For the people of Sri Lanka striving for a new beginning—focused on prosperity, corruption-free governance, the rule of law, and unity among diverse communities—the following guiding lessons are crucial:
1. Strong Rule of Law and Accountability:
To ensure a corruption-free society, it is vital that Sri Lanka strengthens its legal and institutional frameworks:
• Transparent governance: Implement transparency in government contracts, spending, and policies. This includes creating robust mechanisms to audit public officials, ensuring that corruption and mismanagement are detected and addressed.
• Independent judiciary: Strengthening the judiciary so that it is free from political influence will restore faith in legal systems. Citizens must trust that laws will be applied equally, regardless of political or social status.
• Anti-corruption institutions: Fully empower institutions such as the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC), giving them the resources and independence to investigate and prosecute corruption effectively
2. Inclusive Economic Development:
For Sri Lanka to achieve sustainable prosperity, it is crucial that economic growth is inclusive and benefits all regions, ethnicities, and social classes:
• Equitable growth: Economic policies must focus on bridging the urban-rural divide and ensure equitable access to opportunities. Special emphasis should be placed on regions affected by the civil war, such as the North and East, where communities continue to struggle with poverty and infrastructure deficits.
• Investment in education and skills: The country’s future prosperity depends on education reform and equipping youth with modern skills for global markets. Investments in STEM (science, technology, engineering, and mathematics) education can boost innovation and create more job opportunities.
• Support for small businesses and entrepreneurs: Encourage local entrepreneurship through microfinance programs, innovation hubs, and support for agriculture and tourism industries, which have the potential to uplift rural economies
3. Strengthening Democracy and Civic Engagement:
The 2022 mass protests, where people demanded government accountability, show a shift towards active civic engagement. To maintain momentum:
• Participatory governance: Citizens should be encouraged to engage in local decision-making processes. Decentralization of government functions can bring decision-making closer to the people, ensuring their voices are heard.
• Civic education: Programs that educate citizens, particularly the youth, on democratic values and their role in governance can foster a politically conscious population that holds leaders accountable.
• Reform political institutions: There must be significant reforms in electoral laws to reduce the influence of money and political dynasties. Ensuring that elections are free, fair, and competitive is critical for democracy to flourish
4. Promoting National Unity Across Ethnic and Religious Lines:
Sri Lanka’s diverse ethnic and religious fabric has historically been both its strength and a source of conflict. Building a unified nation requires a genuine commitment to:
• Reconciliation and healing: Post-civil war reconciliation must move beyond superficial initiatives. Policies that address the grievances of Tamil, Muslim, and other minority communities should focus on restoring cultural autonomy and rebuilding trust through transitional justice processes that include reparations, truth-telling, and recognition of past wrongs.
• Inclusive leadership: Leaders must work to break down ethnic and religious divides. National discourse should celebrate diversity and encourage interfaith dialogue to foster mutual understanding.
• Balanced development: Ensure that all regions and communities, regardless of ethnic makeup, receive equal access to resources, infrastructure, and education. This creates a shared sense of belonging and reduces regional disparities
5. Building Trust through Transparent Economic Recovery:
Given the economic crisis of 2022, public trust in governance has eroded:
• Debt transparency: Sri Lanka must adopt clear and transparent debt management policies, allowing citizens to understand how foreign loans and aid are utilized. Public access to information about IMF and other foreign assistance programs will help reduce skepticism.
• Fair tax policies: Implement tax reforms that do not overly burden the working class but ensure the wealthy contribute fairly to economic recovery. Equitable tax policies can foster trust that recovery efforts are being handled responsibly
6. Sustainable and Environmentally-Conscious Policies:
• Environmental stewardship: Protecting Sri Lanka’s natural resources is crucial for long-term prosperity. Policies should promote sustainable development that balances economic growth with environmental preservation, particularly in industries like tourism and agriculture.
• Disaster preparedness: As a nation vulnerable to climate change, Sri Lanka must prioritize disaster resilience through investments in infrastructure, water management, and sustainable agriculture practices
7. Ending Political Dynasties and Cronyism:
One of the most pressing issues in Sri Lanka’s politics has been the dominance of political families (e.g., Rajapaksas), which has led to allegations of corruption and cronyism:
Features
Is Tax a Responsibility or a Burden? Part II

A critical policy misstep by the administration of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was the substantial reduction in tax rates in late 2019, which significantly eroded government revenue. This drastic contraction in the fiscal base severely undermined public finance sustainability and contributed to Sri Lanka’s deepening fiscal and economic crisis in the years that followed.
The intended purpose of these series of major tax cuts aimed at boosting the economy, including slashing the VAT rate from 15% to 8% and reducing corporate and personal income taxes. Several other taxes—such as the PAYE tax, Nation Building Tax, Economic Service Charge, and Withholding Tax—were also abolished. While these measures were intended to encourage investment and ease the tax burden, they led to a sharp drop in government revenue, with total tax income falling by nearly 50% in 2020. Experts estimate that the country lost between Rs. 560 billion to Rs. 700 billion due to these cuts, severely weakening the government’s ability to fund public services and manage the economy.
Speechless NPP/JVP/AKD
Fortunately, the current government did not follow through on its election promise to remove taxes on essential goods such as food, medicine, and education-related items. Upon assuming office, they appear to have realised—albeit belatedly—that such a policy is neither fiscally practical nor compatible with the country’s economic realities. Moreover, adherence to International Monetary Fund (IMF) commitments and fiscal consolidation targets has likely influenced this course correction, reinforcing the need to maintain at least a minimal tax base on essential commodities.
Even the stalwarts of the National People’s Power (NPP), led by the JVP, are often left speechless when questioned by journalists about the feasibility of their campaign promises, particularly those lacking fiscal credibility. Similar to their eventual admission of responsibility for the 1988/89 insurrection and related violence, they now lack the courage to acknowledge their latest failure. After coming to power, they realised that the promises they made were neither practical nor sustainable—but instead of admitting their mistake, they continue to avoid accountability.
They also boast that they didn’t fail in six months as critics had predicted, but the truth is they would have undoubtedly collapsed had they kept the promises they made during the election. Their survival today is largely due to adopting centre-right economic policies—ironically, a complete departure from their own political ideology.
How Are Taxes Collected and Who’s Responsible?
The main agency responsible for collecting taxes in Sri Lanka is the Inland Revenue Department (IRD). They handle everything from registering taxpayers, to processing tax returns, and making sure that tax payments are made on time. The IRD also educates the public on how to comply with tax laws.
Alongside the IRD, other departments like Customs and Excise collect taxes on imported goods, fuel, alcohol, and tobacco products. These agencies work together to ensure the government receives revenue from different sources.
If you earn an income from an employment, rental properties, interest from fixed income earning securities such as fixed deposits/government bonds or run a business, it’s mandatory to register as a taxpayer. This involves submitting personal or business details to the IRD and receiving a tax identification number (TIN). Once registered, taxpayers must file returns (details of revenue and expenses) regularly, reporting their income and calculating the tax they owe.
However, many people find this process confusing, which is why the IRD runs educational programmes to help. For example, “Tax Week” is a special initiative where seminars, tax clinics, and registration drives are held to guide taxpayers through the process.
Challenges in Tax Collection
Collecting taxes isn’t always easy. Some taxpayers don’t fully understand their obligations, while others try to avoid paying taxes illegally. The IRD faces the difficult job of encouraging voluntary compliance while also enforcing penalties on defaulters.
To improve tax collection, authorities are investing in technology like online filing systems and digital payment options. These tools make it easier and faster for taxpayers to meet their obligations.
Efficient tax collection ensures that the government has the funds needed to deliver services and invest in development projects. When taxes are collected fairly and effectively, it builds trust between the public and the government.
Costs, Benefits, and Challenges of Collecting Taxes
It is very important to balance between spending money on tax collection and the revenue it generates. Collecting taxes might seem like a simple process — you pay, the government gets money. But behind the scenes, tax collection is a complex and costly operation. we’ll see how much it costs to collect taxes, why it’s worth it, and the challenges that come with the job.
Running a tax system isn’t free. The government spends money on staff, offices, technology, and systems to register taxpayers, process returns and enforce laws. There are also costs related to educating the public, handling disputes, and tracking down people who try to avoid taxes.
For instance, the Inland Revenue Department (IRD) of Sri Lanka has invested in digital platforms aimed at simplifying tax filing and minimising errors. Although these technological upgrades require significant upfront expenditure, they are intended to streamline processes and generate long-term cost savings. However, the full benefits of these investments have yet to materialise.
Balancing Cost of Administration/Tax Collection and Tax Revenue
A key challenge for tax authorities is balancing the cost of collecting taxes with the amount of revenue brought in. If it costs too much to collect taxes, it can reduce the net benefit to the government and society.
In some advanced countries like New Zealand, the tax collection system is known for its efficiency. The New Zealand Inland Revenue Department uses a mix of technology, clear communication, and fairness to keep costs low while maximizing revenue.
Despite the costs, effective tax collection is essential. It funds everything from hospitals and schools to roads and social welfare. More importantly, when people see taxes are collected fairly and efficiently, they are more likely to comply voluntarily. This voluntary compliance reduces enforcement costs and helps build trust between the government and citizens.
Tax authorities face ongoing challenges such as tax evasion, avoidance, and the complexity of tax laws. Educating taxpayers and simplifying tax processes are crucial steps in overcoming these problems. Not only is the transparency and fairness of tax law essential, but equally important is the way these principles are manifested in practice, as both are crucial for fostering taxpayer compliance and public trust. Therefore, we’ll look at recent cases of tax evasion and what they mean for Sri Lanka.
Why Fairness Matters
When it comes to taxes, fairness is one of the most important concerns for citizens. People want to know that everyone pays their fair share — and that the rules apply equally to all. But what exactly does fairness mean in taxation, and why does it matter?
A tax system is fair when it treats taxpayers equally and applies the law consistently. Fairness builds trust between the public and the government. When people believe the tax system is fair, they are more willing to pay their taxes voluntarily. On the other hand, if they think others are cheating or getting special treatment, compliance drops, and the government loses revenue.
Tax Evasion vs. Tax Avoidance
Many people confuse tax evasion with tax avoidance. Tax evasion is illegal — it means deliberately hiding income or falsifying information to pay less tax. Tax avoidance, on the other hand, uses legal methods to reduce tax liability, often by exploiting loopholes, treated as a legal way of “tax avoidance”, unethical though.
Until recently, Sri Lanka considered tax avoidance legal, while evasion was punishable by law. However, countries like New Zealand never treated aggressive tax avoidance as legal, closing loopholes through laws like the General Anti-Avoidance Rule (GAAR) to ensure fairness.
Recent Cases Highlighting the Importance of Fairness
Sri Lanka has witnessed a rise in high-profile tax evasion cases, underscoring the need for stronger enforcement mechanisms and clear legal frameworks to uphold fairness and protect compliant taxpayers. Notable cases include Randeniya Distilleries, fined Rs. 1.35 billion for deliberate tax avoidance, and W.M. Mendis & Co. Ltd., held liable for Rs. 3.55 billion in unpaid taxes, highlighting institutional efforts to curb evasion. However, the current campaign lacks robust enforcement strategies, risking reduced credibility if legal consequences are not consistently applied.
In contrast, New Zealand’s Inland Revenue Department exemplifies a balanced approach by integrating education with data-driven enforcement. Key legal precedents, such as Frucor Suntory (2022) and Penny and Hooper (2011), reaffirm the courts’ stance against tax avoidance schemes that undermine the intent of tax law. These cases demonstrate how transparent laws, and credible enforcement can foster compliance and trust in the tax system.
These cases illustrate New Zealand’s robust legal framework that deters tax avoidance through clear jurisprudence and the application of General Anti-Avoidance Rules (GAAR).
Learning from New Zealand
New Zealand’s tax system is often praised for its transparent, fair approach. The Inland Revenue Department takes a firm stance against both evasion and aggressive avoidance. Public education and consistent enforcement have helped maintain a high level of compliance and trust.
To improve tax fairness, Sri Lanka needs to update laws, increase transparency, and enhance taxpayer education. Fair application of tax law not only boosts revenue but also strengthens public confidence in the system.
The views and opinions expressed in this article are solely those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of the institution he works for. He can be contacted at saliya.a@slit.lk and www.researcher.com)
Features
A glimpse into future cholesterol control: A time without daily pills perhaps?

Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka. Joint Editor, Sri Lanka Journal of Child Health
Section Editor, Ceylon Medical Journal
For millions of people worldwide, the daily ritual of taking a statin or other drugs to manage cholesterol levels is a fact of life. These powerful medications have dramatically reduced the risk of heart attacks and strokes, thereby transforming cardiovascular healthcare. However, the hassle of having to take these medicines every day is a cumbersome infringement on life itself.
Now, imagine a future where the burden of daily pills for this purpose could be replaced by a single, or at most, a few injections per year. This is NOT science fiction; it is the audacious goal of a new frontier in medicine, with revolutionary drugs currently undergoing rigorous clinical trials. These cutting-edge therapies are designed to act directly in the liver, targeting the very genetic instructions or enzymes responsible for producing “bad” cholesterol, potentially offering a more profound and long-lasting solution than ever before.
This appears to be the dawn of a new era with medicines that employ gene-silencing and enzyme-neutralisation techniques. The excitement surrounding these new treatments stems from their innovative approaches. Unlike traditional statins, which work by blocking an enzyme involved in cholesterol production, these newer drugs go further upstream, interfering with the body’s internal machinery that regulates cholesterol at a more fundamental level.
Two primary classes of these emerging therapies are making waves at present:
1. PCSK9 Inhibitors: A Deeper Dive
There are a few currently approved drugs that inhibit PCSK9 gene. But they require injections every two to four weeks. These antibody-based drugs work by binding to and neutralising a protein called PCSK9 (Proprotein Convertase Subtilisin/Kexin type 9), which acts like a “destroyer” of LDL receptors on the surface of liver cells. These LDL receptors are crucial for grabbing “bad” LDL cholesterol from the bloodstream and bringing it into the liver for processing and removal. By blocking PCSK9, these inhibitors allow more LDL receptors to remain active on liver cells, significantly boosting the liver’s capacity to clear LDL cholesterol from the blood.
The truly groundbreaking development now is a group of medicines that aim to permanently or durably turn off the PCSK9 gene itself. Instead of needing regular injections to block the protein, a single treatment could, in theory, silence the gene that produces it, offering a lifelong reduction in cholesterol.
One such investigational drug is VERVE-102, developed by Verve Therapeutics. This is designed to be a single-course treatment. It uses a modified technology to make a precise “edit” to the PCSK9 gene in liver cells, effectively switching it off. Early data from clinical trials have shown promising results, with participants achieving significant reductions in LDL cholesterol. For instance, in one cohort, a mean LDL-C reduction of 53% was observed, with a maximum reduction of 69% in a single participant. The long-term durability of this effect is what truly excites researchers, with the hope that such a treatment could eliminate the need for ongoing regular daily medication.
2. ANGPTL3 Inhibitors: A Different Angle
Another fascinating target is the angiopoietin-like protein 3 (ANGPTL3). This protein, primarily secreted by the liver, acts as an inhibitor of two key enzymes: lipoprotein lipase (LPL) and endothelial lipase (EL). These lipases are essential for breaking down triglycerides and processing lipoproteins, including LDL cholesterol. When ANGPTL3 is inhibited, LPL and EL become more active, leading to a reduction in triglycerides, LDL cholesterol, and even HDL cholesterol.
A monoclonal antibody drug called Evinacumab (Evkeeza) is an example of an ANGPTL3 inhibitor already approved for a rare genetic condition called homozygous familial hypercholesterolemia (HoFH), requiring monthly intravenous infusions. However, research is ongoing into one-time or infrequent dose ANGPTL3-targeting therapies, potentially using gene-silencing technologies similar to those for PCSK9. Some of these medicines have shown significant reductions in ANGPTL3 and various atherogenic lipoproteins in preclinical and early human studies with a single dose.
It is absolutely vital to reiterate that these revolutionary treatments are still in various stages of clinical trials. These trials are meticulously structured processes designed to ensure that any new medication is both safe and effective before it can be made available to the public. Before human trials begin, new treatments are extensively tested in laboratories and on animals to assess their basic safety and potential efficacy. Then come Phase 1 Trials, which are the first human tests, typically involving a small group of healthy volunteers (around 20-100 people) or patients with the condition. The primary goal is to assess the drug’s safety, determine a safe dosage range, and identify common side effects. For gene-editing therapies, these initial phases are particularly critical to monitor for any unintended genetic changes or off-target effects.
Then, Phase 2 Trials follow. If a drug proves to be safe in Phase 1, it moves to Phase 2, involving a larger group of patients (typically 100-300) who have the specific condition the drug aims to treat. The focus here is to evaluate the drug’s effectiveness and continue monitoring for side effects. Researchers fine-tune dosages and study how the drug impacts the disease.
Then it graduates to Phase 3 Trial. This is the most extensive and crucial phase, involving hundreds to thousands of patients over several years, often across multiple international sites. In Phase 3, the new treatment is compared against existing standard-of-care treatments or a placebo (an inactive substance) to confirm its efficacy and safety on a larger scale. This phase generates the robust data needed for regulatory approval.
The final stage are Phase 4 Trials. Even after a drug receives approval and enters the market, Phase 4 trials continue. These are post-marketing surveillance studies that monitor the drug’s long-term effects, identify any rare side effects that may not have appeared in smaller trials, and explore new uses or populations.
For gene-editing therapies like VERVE-102, the journey through these phases is even more closely scrutinised due to the permanent nature of the genetic changes they induce. While early results are exciting, only successful completion of large-scale Phase 3 trials and ongoing Phase 4 monitoring will fully confirm their long-term safety and effectiveness. Companies like Verve Therapeutics are planning to move into Phase 2 trials for VERVE-102 in the second half of 2025, a significant step forward.
Will all these new developments lead to an “Economic Earthquake” and a Shake-Up for the Pharmaceutical Industry? The potential advent of one-time or very infrequent cholesterol treatments carries enormous implications, not just for patients but also for the multi-billion-dollar pharmaceutical industry.
Statins have been one of the most successful drug classes in history, generating immense revenues for pharmaceutical companies over decades, the so-called Statin Empire.. They are widely prescribed, often for life, creating a consistent market. The prospect of a single-dose cure could, in the long run, significantly shrink this market.
Developing gene-editing therapies and complex biologic drugs like these new cholesterol treatments is incredibly expensive, requiring massive investments in research, development, and clinical trials. To recoup these costs and generate profit, these drugs are expected to command extremely high prices, at least initially. Existing PCSK9 inhibitors, for example, were initially priced around $14,000 per year, though costs have since decreased. A one-time gene-editing therapy could potentially run into hundreds of thousands of dollars per patient.
Healthcare systems and insurance providers will face a monumental challenge in determining how to pay for such expensive, high-impact treatments. While a one-time treatment might be cost-effective over a patient’s lifetime compared to decades of daily pills, the upfront cost can be a major barrier. This could lead to intense negotiations between pharmaceutical companies and payers, and potentially restricted access for patients.
Pharmaceutical companies that have historically relied on chronic, daily medications might need to undertake a pivotal change in their business strategies. The focus could shift from high-volume sales of inexpensive pills to lower-volume, high-value, transformative gene therapies. This requires different manufacturing capabilities, distribution networks, and marketing approaches and most importantly, are likely to be very expensive.
Beyond the economics, the high cost raises significant ethical questions about equitable access. Will these life-changing therapies only be available to those with comprehensive insurance or significant financial resources, creating a two-tiered system of care? This is a critical societal discussion that will undoubtedly unfold as these drugs get closer to the perennial drug market.
Epilogue
This author believes that our attitude to all these promulgations will need to be one of “Hope on the Horizon, Caution in the Present”. The research into one-time cholesterol-lowering injections is undeniably thrilling. The idea of a treatment that could potentially offer lifelong protection against cardiovascular disease with minimal ongoing effort is a medical dream. They would represent a paradigm shift in how we approach chronic diseases, moving from symptom management to root-cause intervention through genetic or enzymatic targeting.
However, it is paramount and absolutely vital for the public to understand that this future is not here, not as yet. These drugs are still experimental, undergoing rigorous scrutiny in clinical trials to ensure their safety and efficacy over the long term. While the early data is highly encouraging, the full picture of their benefits, potential risks, and accessibility will only become clear in the coming years.
For now, the message remains consistent. Work closely with your healthcare provider to manage your cholesterol, using established, approved therapies and healthy lifestyle choices. But keep an eye on the horizon: the landscape of cholesterol treatment is on the cusp of a truly revolutionary transformation.
This article was written with some
assistance from Artificial Intelligence.
Dr B. J. C. Perera
MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paed), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)
Features
UN’s challenge of selective accountability without international equity

Despite the prevalence of double standards in international practice, it remains in Sri Lanka’s national interest to support the principles and implementation of international law. The existence of international law, however weak, offers some level of protection that smaller countries have when faced with the predatory behaviour of more powerful states. For this reason, the Sri Lankan government must do all it can to uphold its prior commitments to the UN Human Rights Council and implement the promises it has made to the fullest extent possible.
The visit of UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Volker Türk, later this month may possibly be overshadowed by the eruption of hostilities in the Middle East following Israel’s attack on Iran. The High Commissioner’s visit to Sri Lanka relates to the series of resolutions passed by the UN Human Rights Council over the past sixteen years since the end of the war. It will highlight the contradiction in the rules-based international order when geopolitical interests override legal commitments. These resolutions highlight the importance of protecting human rights during times of conflict and ensuring accountability for war crimes. They are part of the enduring legacy of international human rights and humanitarian law, as exemplified by the Geneva Conventions and the global post-war consensus that atrocity crimes should not go unpunished.
The High Commissioner’s visit is likely to provoke criticism that the United Nations is pursuing Sri Lanka’s adherence to international norms with greater zeal than it shows toward violations by more powerful countries. There appears to be acquiescence, indeed even tacit approval, by influential states in response to Israel’s military actions in both Iran and Gaza on the grounds of existential threats to Israel. Similar military actions were taken in 2003 by the US and the UK governments, among other international powers, to destroy weapons of mass destruction alleged to be in Iraq. One of the central arguments made by critics of the UN’s engagement in Sri Lanka is that double standards are at play. These critics contend that the United Nations disproportionately targets weaker countries, thereby reinforcing an international system that turns a blind eye to powerful countries and, in doing so, undermines the credibility and coherence of global human rights standards.
The arrival of the High Commissioner is also likely to reignite internal debate in Sri Lanka about the purpose and legitimacy of UN involvement in the country. The question is whether international standards effectively contribute to national transformation, or do they risk being reduced to symbolic gestures that satisfy external scrutiny without generating substantive change. There will be those who regard international engagement as a necessary corrective to domestic failings, and others who see it as an infringement on national sovereignty. The question of accountability for war crimes committed during the three-decade-long civil war remains a deeply divisive and sensitive issue. Sri Lanka, with its own complex and painful history, has the opportunity to lead by example by reckoning with the past unlike many other countries who justify their atrocities under the veil of national security.
International Breakdown
The modern international system emerged in the wake of two catastrophic world wars and the recognised failure of early twentieth-century diplomacy to prevent mass violence. At its core was a collective pledge to establish a rules-based international order that could maintain peace through law, institutional cooperation, and multilateral governance. The development of international human rights and humanitarian law was most pronounced in the aftermath of the mass atrocities and immense human suffering of World War II. The powerful nations of the time resolved to lead a new global order in which such horrors would never be repeated.
This vision of a rules-based international order as a safeguard against a return to the law of the jungle, where power alone determined justice was institutionalised through the United Nations, the Geneva Conventions, and the establishment of international courts such as the International Court of Justice and the International Criminal Court. However, this international system has come under increasing strain in recent decades. Recent events show that it no longer functions as originally envisioned. In practice, the consistent application of international law, regardless of the status or power of a state, is frequently compromised. The selective enforcement of legal norms, particularly by powerful countries, has eroded the legitimacy of the system and calls into question the universalism at the heart of international law.
At present, at least three major international conflicts taking place in Ukraine, Gaza, and now the confrontation between Israel and Iran, illustrate a sustained breakdown in the enforcement of international legal norms. These conflicts involve powerful states that openly defy legal obligations, with the international community, especially its more influential members, often remaining conspicuously silent. Only a handful of countries, such as South Africa, have chosen to raise issues of international law violations in these conflicts. The broader silence or selective rationalisation by powerful countries has only reinforced the perception that international law is subject to political convenience, and that its authority can be subordinated to geopolitical calculation. Earlier examples would include the ruination of prosperous countries such as Iraq, Libya and Syria.
Uphold Consistency
The Sri Lankan situation illustrates the importance of preserving an international legal system with mechanisms for credible and impartial accountability. Sri Lanka, so far, has been unable to address the issues of accountability for serious war-time human rights violations through internal mechanisms. However, the broader lesson from Sri Lanka’s experience is that international norms ought not to be applied selectively. If global institutions aspire to uphold justice by holding smaller or less powerful countries accountable, they must apply the same standards to powerful states, including Israel, Russia, and the United States. Failing to do so risks creating the perception that the international legal system is an instrument of coercion and selective punishment rather than a foundation for equitable global justice.
Despite the prevalence of double standards in international practice, it remains in Sri Lanka’s national interest to support the principles and implementation of international law. The existence of international law, however weak, offers some level of protection that smaller countries have when faced with the predatory behaviour of more powerful states. For this reason, the Sri Lankan government must do all it can to uphold its prior commitments to the UN Human Rights Council and implement the promises it has made to the fullest extent possible. In multilateral forums, including the UN, Sri Lanka must reassert these commitments as strategic assets that help to defend its sovereignty and legitimacy. At the same time, Sri Lanka needs to take up the challenge of using these international platforms to highlight the problem of selective enforcement. Sri Lanka can contribute to the broader call for a more principled and consistent application of international law by demonstrating its seriousness in protecting vulnerable populations and position itself as a responsible and principled actor in the international community.
Engaging with the past in accordance with international standards is also essential for Sri Lanka’s internal reconciliation and social cohesion. The principles of transitional justice—truth, accountability, reparations, and institutional reform—are not only universally applicable but also critical to the long-term development of any post-conflict society. These principles apply across all contexts and periods. If Sri Lanka is to evolve into a united, stable, and prosperous country, it must undertake this process, regardless of what other countries do or fail to do. Only by acknowledging and addressing its own past can Sri Lanka build a future in which its multi-ethnic and multi-religious character becomes a source of strength rather than weakness.
by Jehan Perera
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