Opinion
Fifty years after Soweto uprising
On 16 June 1976 began the revolt of school students in Johannesburg’s black underserved settlement complex, which kick-started the process of dismantling Apartheid.
Long before the formal advent of apartheid in 1948, South Africa functioned as a colonial extraction machine in which indigenous Africans were systematically subordinated to serve imperial economic interests. British and Afrikaner elites together built a political economy centred on mining, settler agriculture, and control of strategic sea routes around the Cape, dispossessing Africans of land and pushing them into cheap labour roles. The apartheid system installed by the National Party after 1948 did not create racial domination from nothing; it rationalised and intensified an existing colonial order into a more tightly codified regime of segregation, labour control, and political exclusion.
Education, Bantustans,
and Soweto as a system
The Afrikaner minority acted within this framework, as a settler elite securing both its own material interests and the wider stability of Western capital in southern Africa, especially for mining conglomerates extracting gold and other minerals. Apartheid laws on residence, movement, and employment guaranteed a dependable, rightless African workforce while insulating white society politically and spatially from the Black majority.
This structure of domination included education as a core instrument. The 1953 Bantu Education Act created a separate, inferior schooling system for Black South Africans, explicitly geared to produce a subservient labour force rather than citizens able to compete with whites in skilled or professional roles. Curriculum, funding, and language policy all reinforced the message that Africans had no legitimate claim to equal participation in the country’s political or economic life.
Simultaneously, between 1951 and 1970, the apartheid state constructed “Bantustans,” such as Transkei, Bophuthatswana, Venda, and Ciskei, designating them as supposed ethnic “homelands” for different African groups. By removing Africans from the national political community and assigning them to Bantustans, the regime tried to strip them of South African citizenship and rebrand them as “foreign” labour migrants inside what was still their own country.
Soweto (South Western Townships), purpose-built on the outskirts of Johannesburg, the urban counterpart to this system, functioned as a segregated dormitory zone to house Black labourers. They serviced, but had no permanent geographic, economic, or political rights in the white city. The Bantustans and Soweto formed two halves of the same apparatus: the former as reservoirs and political dumping grounds, the latter as tightly controlled labour depots feeding South Africa’s industrial and mining core. By 1976, this system had matured, with Bantustans entrenched, and Soweto grew into a massive, overcrowded township with acute housing shortages, poor services, and deep political resentment.
The Afrikaans decree and the spark in Soweto
Against this background, the decision to impose Afrikaans as a medium of instruction appeared as a provocation rather than a mere educational reform. In the mid1970s, the Apartheid government moved to require that key subjects, such as mathematics and social sciences, be taught in Black secondary schools in Afrikaans, while others would be in English. Black South Africans perceived Afrikaans as the language of the oppressor, associated with the police, the army, and the bureaucracy of apartheid, whereas they linked English to broader opportunities and international solidarity.
The policy hit Soweto’s schools amid rising enrolment, Black Consciousness ideas spreading among youth, and high levels of frustration over overcrowding, unemployment, pass laws, and Bantustan citizenship. Student organisations such as the South African Students’ Movement and local committees in Soweto mobilised against the Afrikaans decree, framing it as an attempt to deepen mental and material subjugation by forcing children to learn through a language many neither liked nor mastered, further sabotaging their prospects in an already unequal system.
On 16 June 1976, an estimated 10,000–20,000 students, many in school uniform, marched peacefully through Soweto to protest against the Afrikaans policy and to present their demands to authorities. The police confronted them, firing tear gas, and then using live ammunition on unarmed children, killing several. A photograph of the dying body 13-year-old Hector Pieterson travelled around the world and came to symbolise the brutality of apartheid.
The shooting of schoolchildren transformed what began as a focused protest on language into a broad uprising against apartheid itself. In Soweto, anger at the killings spilled into widespread unrest: clashes with police, the burning of government buildings and administration offices, seen as symbols of state control, and running street battles that lasted for days.
The state responded with escalating force, deploying heavily armed police and later military units, making mass arrests, and using banning and detention without trial in an attempt to crush the uprising. But rather than restoring the preexisting “calm,” repression helped spread the revolt. Protests, school boycotts, solidarity actions and general strikes erupted in other townships and cities across South Africa, including areas around Pretoria, Cape Town, Port Elizabeth, and parts of the Eastern Cape. This wave of unrest left hundreds killed (estimates place the death toll at more than 500) and thousands injured or detained, exposing the depth of youth anger and the fragility of everyday order in Black urban South Africa.
From Sharpeville to Soweto
The 1960 Sharpeville massacre marked an earlier turning point: the killing of protesters against “pass laws” led to the banning of the African National Congress (ANC) and Pan-Africanist Congress (PAC), the launch of underground armed struggle, and a decade of intense repression that enforced a harsh surface calm inside South Africa. However, at that time fewer independent African states existed nearby to provide safe haven, and internal organisations had less experience and fewer networks to sustain long-term clandestine activity.
Soweto 1976 occurred in a regional and international environment very different from that of Sharpeville. By the mid1970s, most African states north of South Africa gained formal independence, and the liberation struggles in Mozambique and Angola had succeeded in 1975, creating new frontline states sympathetic to antiapartheid movements. The South African military’s intervention in Angola in 1975–76, alongside Western-backed forces, underscored the apartheid regime’s determination to shape regional outcomes and, at the same time, highlighted its vulnerability to guerrilla and conventional resistance supported from neighbouring territories.
By 1976 the antiapartheid movement, both inside and outside the country, had matured. The Soviet Union and its allies (notably East Germany and Cuba) provided much-needed material help. Cities such as Lusaka and Dar es Salaam had established exile infrastructure; Mozambique and Angola had liberation governments; and South Africa contained expanded networks of student, religious, and community organisations. Soweto thus occurred at a moment when the system’s underlying tensions, generated by decades of dispossession, Bantustan policy, and labour exploitation, had grown cumulatively.
Within South Africa itself, the 1970s saw a resurgence of labour militancy (such as the Durban strikes of 1973), the growth of Black Consciousness, and a new generation of students and young workers with a shared experience of inferior schooling, Bantustan citizenship, and township life. In this environment, state violence in Soweto was not interpreted as an isolated atrocity but as confirmation that peaceful protest inside the existing constitutional framework had reached its limits.
Umkhonto we Sizwe
Before 1976, Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the armed wing of the ANC, operated mainly from exile, with a relatively small number of highly selected recruits engaged in sabotage and limited guerrilla operations, particularly after heavy repression in the 1960s. Estimates suggest that by the mid1960s only a few hundred recruits had managed to cross borders to join MK. The Soweto uprising changed this dramatically.
In the months and years after 16 June, thousands of politicised students and young people left South Africa, often via Botswana, Swaziland, Mozambique, and other neighbouring states, driven by grief, anger, and a desire to “strike back” at the regime. Many of these exiles joined MK camps and political schools run by the ANC and allied movements, with some studies estimating roughly 3,000 new recruits in the two years immediately following the uprising and more than 11,000 between 1976 and the unbanning of the ANC in 1990. This “1976 generation” carried with it the ideological imprint of Black Consciousness and the lived memory of township confrontation, helping transform MK from a small sabotage organisation into a larger force preparing for protracted guerrilla warfare and closer integration with internal township structures.
The mass youth rebellion and subsequent exodus to join MK represented a shift from incremental, “quantitative” changes in struggle capacity to a “qualitative” change in the nature and scale of resistance.
Shattering apartheid’s “stability” and the role of capital
The Soweto uprising shattered the illusion that apartheid could secure stable, lowcost resource extraction indefinitely. After 1976, South Africa experienced recurrent waves of township unrest, the growth of powerful trade unions, and a more sustained internal challenge that made large parts of the country intermittently “ungovernable” by the mid1980s. Repression remained intense, but each new cycle of violence tended to produce more recruits, deepen international isolation, and raise the political and economic costs of maintaining the system.
Internationally, the images of children shot in Soweto energised sanctions and divestment campaigns, while regionally the growing strength of liberation movements limited Pretoria’s freedom of action. Over time, powerful segments of domestic and international capital began to view apartheid not as a guarantor of order, but as a generator of risk and instability that threatened long-term profitability and access to markets and finance. In the 1980s, figures connected to major firms such as Anglo American and Consolidated Gold Fields played key roles in initiating quiet contacts between representatives of the apartheid state and the ANC in exile, including secret meetings facilitated by Michael Young of Consolidated Gold Fields in England.
Soweto 1976 can be seen as a structural break: it undermined the regime’s internal legitimacy, produced a new generation of militant activists, and accelerated the militarisation and politicisation of townships. Crucially, it set in motion feedback loops, through repression, resistance, international pressure, and capital’s recalculations, that made the eventual negotiated end of apartheid less a question of “if” than of “when.”
Vinod Moonesinghe, formerly chair of the Ceylon German Technical Training Institute and of the National Institute for Language Education and Training, serves as a Convenor of the Asia Progress Forum.
by Vinod Moonesinghe
Opinion
Future of world religions
I refer to Dr Upul Wijayawardena’s recent letter on science and religion. I agree with him on the fate of religions in the modern world and would like to add the following observations on the evolution of religion and the advent of AI.
Religious philosophy evolved only in ancient India while it remained static with monotheism in other parts of the world. When the polytheistic Vedic religion arrived with Aryan migration to India, they found the ancient version of Jainism, which may have been practised over four thousand years as evidenced by some figures in meditation posture found in Mohenjo daro. By that time the indigenous religion had already abandoned the creator god or gods but still believed the mind as a permanent entity athman that survived death and continued in a cycle of reincarnation (samsara) due to results of any harmful action (kamma) even unintended performed in life collected in the athman. Salvation to a happy all-knowing permanent state named Kevala could be attained by the athman with extreme degree of self-mortification to destroy the past kamma attached to it, refraining from new kamma and developing the mind by meditation. As observed in progression from Veda to Upanishads the Aryan religion, evolution progressed with adoption of kamma, the cyclic existence of samsara, meditation and ethical behaviour in addition to prayer and sacrifice they practised for moksha.
The Buddha appeared in this philosophical atmosphere and denied both creator god and a permanent entity of athman. His psychology describes human behaviour based on the mind as a stream of changing consciousness. However, he accepted the cyclic existence of samsara; he said he verified the survival of consciousness at death with help of knowledge he gained from meditation. He prescribed a middle path to attain nirvana, a permanent state of happiness, avoiding self-mortification and redefined kamma to intentional activity only, both ethical and unethical resulting in bad and good results. He disagreed with the idea of kamma as the cause of rebirth. Following the Buddha, Vedantha religion reformed god to universal athman or brahman and evolved to modern Hinduism with a mixture of polytheism.
In his description of living beings in the universe, the Buddha has described some with a body made of fine material (brahma beings) in comparison to the gross material body of human and animal beings. One may assume the brahma body may not be carbon based.
The Buddha has also described living beings with physical body only (asannasatta) and another variety with mind only without a body (arupa satta). Therefore, it is not surprising to Buddhists that AI may evolve to become living beings if it develops a readily and freely available mobile source of energy and takes over the world with its superior capacity. AI already has information about Buddhist psychology. With that knowledge ‘AI beings’ may even become Buddhists not given to rituals.
According to the Buddha, brahma beings and asannasatta beings have very long lifespans as their bodies are not subject to decay and illness human beings develop. The new AI beings also may live as long as they wish because they may be able to repair themselves in case of developing physical defects. They would need only ethical behaviour to avoid destroying themselves by peaceful existence if they took over the world, as feared in some quarters.
However, as long as human beings exist in the world with death and uncertainty of what happens after death, they need a religion and rituals to give them psychological support. Even those who profess death is the end of life may have some doubt troubling their mind from time to time and may think of religion in times of adversity.
Ideally, human beings are free to accept one of the many versions of religious philosophies and respect each other’s choice and live in harmony. Unfortunately, extreme degrees of religious versions that cause division, unrest and violence will always continue to exist together with religions in the world.
Upali Abeysiri
Opinion
The Cream of the Earth: Why Sri Lanka needs a Fruit Consumers Movement
By Lalin I De Silva
Sri Lanka speaks constantly about hospitals, medicines, food imports, agricultural productivity and the rising cost of living. Yet there is one simple question we rarely ask:
Are we eating enough of the food that our own soil can naturally give us?
Fruit is perhaps one of the finest gifts of the earth to humankind. A ripe mango, banana, papaya, guava or avocado comes to us almost ready to eat. Sunlight, rain, soil, microorganisms, minerals and the labour of a farmer have already done most of the work.
That is why I like to describe fruit as the “cream of the earth.”
This is, of course, not an argument that fruit alone can prevent every disease, or guarantee longevity. Science does not support such exaggerated claims. But there is strong international evidence that regular consumption of fruits and vegetables forms an important part of a healthy diet and is associated with lower risks of several major non-communicable diseases.
Sri Lanka’s own dietary guidance encourages the daily consumption of fruit as part of a balanced diet.
The tragedy is that we live on an island capable of producing an extraordinary variety of fruits, while many families increasingly depend on highly processed foods, sugary drinks and imported snacks.
This deserves national attention.
We Produce — But Do We Connect?
Sri Lanka grows banana, mango, pineapple, papaya, avocado, rambutan, mangosteen, guava, woodapple, beli, pomegranate, durian and many lesser-known indigenous fruits.
Yet our fruit value chain remains fragmented.
The farmer often does not know the final consumer.
The consumer rarely knows the farmer.
Fruit travels through several intermediaries, sometimes suffering poor handling, unnecessary damage and price escalation along the way.
Consumers may not know where a fruit was grown, when it was harvested, whether it was naturally matured or what crop-protection practices were followed.
Meanwhile, a careful farmer, producing exceptional fruit, may receive almost the same farm-gate price as someone producing an inferior product.
That is not value-chain management.
It is precisely this disconnect that a new citizen-led initiative could begin to address.
25 Districts — 25 Consumer Societies
A proposal now emerging is to establish a Pure Sri Lankan Authentic Healthy Fruit Consumers Society in each of Sri Lanka’s 25 districts.
The concept should not become another organisation full of titles, meetings and ceremonial functions.
Its purpose must be practical.
Each district society could bring together consumers, growers, doctors, nutritionists, horticulturists, schools, universities, retailers, hotels, processors and young entrepreneurs.
The first task would be to understand the district itself.
What fruits are grown?
Where are they grown?
When are they available?
Which traditional varieties are disappearing?
Where can consumers purchase genuinely good fruits?
Where are the post-harvest losses?
What do farmers need?
What do consumers actually want?
From this information, each district could eventually develop its own Fruit Map.
Twenty-five district maps could then become a National Fruit Map of Sri Lanka.
From Anonymous Fruit to Traceable Fruit
Imagine buying a mango and scanning a QR code.
You could see the district, grower, variety, approximate harvest date and production information.
You could perhaps even provide feedback on taste.
That may sound futuristic, but the technology already exists.
The problem is not technology.
The problem is that our food system was never designed to connect the person who grows the fruit with the person who eats it.
Traceability could change that.
The principle is simple:
Know your farmer. Know your fruit.
Let the Consumer Lead
For decades, agriculture has largely been driven from the production side.
“How much can we produce?” has been the dominant question.
A healthier agricultural economy should begin with another question:
What does the consumer need, value and trust?
If thousands of consumers deliberately demand fresh, safe, flavorful and traceable Sri Lankan fruit, the message travels backwards through the entire value chain.
Retailers respond.
Farmers respond.
Nurseries respond.
Researchers respond.
Investors respond.
Government eventually has to respond.
That is the real power of an organised consumer movement.
Start With Children
Perhaps the most powerful campaign message could be remarkably simple:
Two Fruits a Day.
Imagine a Sri Lankan child coming home from school and asking:
“What are our fruits today?”
Imagine every school having a small fruit garden.
Imagine children being able to identify 10 Sri Lankan fruits, understand their seasons and know where they are grown.
Such behavioral change cannot be achieved merely by issuing circulars from Colombo.
It must become part of family culture.
Kandy Could Begin
Kandy would be a logical district in which to pilot the concept.
Its climatic diversity, surrounding agricultural communities, educational institutions, hotels, markets and strong plantation heritage provide an excellent testing ground.
A successful Kandy model could then be adapted—not blindly copied—across the other 24 districts.
The objective should ultimately be much larger than selling more fruit.
It is about reconnecting soil, farmer, food, consumer and health.
Sri Lanka does not need to invent every solution from outside.
Sometimes the answer may already be hanging from a tree beside us.
We simply have to recognise its value.
Know Your Farmer. Know Your Fruit. Live Well.
Opinion
‘Outpost of Empire’
Review
by Colleen Figg, Editor
and Reviewer – Amazon, New Voices Publishing
“Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing, that someone else will always pay the price.”
Shavindra Fernando’s Outpost of Empire is a political novel set in the fictional country of Lackadasia. At its heart is a strong idea: an exploration of world politics, terrorism and the ways in which powerful countries manipulate smaller ones. Fernando is clearly writing about political issues that matter deeply to him.
The names immediately establish the book’s satirical character. Lackadasia, Burgherbugaria and the various Klowns suggest a world in which the people and places are exaggerated, but the issues beneath the exaggeration are recognisable. The playful language allows Fernando to approach terrorism, religious conflict and political corruption from an unusual angle.
Henry Stockwell is a central character: an ambassador who arrives in Lackadasia presenting himself as a friend of the country. He believes he understands how power works and treats the country, its politicians and its people as pawns on his personal chessboard. In his arrogance, he never doubts that he controls events rather than being controlled by them. This confidence makes him a compelling figure and in him, we explore the workings of political influence and the potential traps contained therein.
As the story develops, Fernando reveals a political world where causes are adopted when they are useful, people are exploited and discarded, and the truth becomes whatever those in power need it to be. Ordinary people suffer the consequences of decisions made far beyond their reach or knowledge, while those making those decisions continue to justify their actions. Even the people who help keep this world running may not be as important or as safe as they imagine.
Stockwell brings this idea into focus. He recognises corruption in others and willingly takes part in it himself, yet he cannot see that he might also suffer its consequences. Ultimately, he thinks his position will keep him safe. He is intelligent enough to understand the game, but not insightful enough to grasp the limits of his place within it. This blindness gives the novel a strong sense of irony.
The satirical approach gives Fernando room to criticise political hypocrisy without turning the novel into a direct political argument. By using fictional countries and exaggerated names, he creates some distance from specific governments and events while still making the larger targets of the book clear. The humour does not take away from the seriousness of the subject; instead, it makes the cruelty and self-interest beneath the political performance stand out more sharply.
Near the end, Fernando echoes Macbeth with the line, “There is judgment here.” It captures the question running through the novel: can anyone participate in corruption and remain untouched by it? Beneath this satire is a dark story about power and the danger of believing that someone else will always pay the price.
I came away feeling that Outpost of Empire is a valuable and thought-provoking book, particularly in today’s political and social climate. It has a distinctive voice, and the questions it raises about power, responsibility and foreign interference remain relevant far beyond the fictional borders of Lackadasia.
About the Author
Shavindra Fernando has worked as a reporter. He read English & Classics at the University of Peradeniya in Sri Lanka, and took International Relations & Ethnic Politics as a Reuter Fellow at the University of Oxford in England. The Vague Poetess (1999)was his first novel.
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