Features
US lawmakers’ ignorance of civilian casualties in Lanka’s war on terrorism
by Daya Gamage
Foreign Service National Political Specialist (ret) US Department of State
Declaring that the government of Sri Lanka, while combating ‘Tamil Organizations’ which were fighting for a Tamil Homeland in the North-East, committed genocide against the Tamil people, a resolution was tabled in the US House of Representatives, on May 15, 2024, to coincide with the 15th anniversary of the conclusion of the LTTE’s terrorist war; it states, “Recognizing the hundreds of thousands of lives lost during Sri Lanka’s almost 30-year armed conflict, which ended 15 years ago on May 18, 2009, and ensuring nonrecurrence of past violence, including the Tamil Genocide, by supporting the right to self-determination of Eelam Tamil people and their call for an independence referendum for a lasting peaceful resolution”.
The Resolution also quotes the then State Department Assistant Secretary Richard Boucher, during a visit to wartime Sri Lanka on June 1, 2006 as having said, “There are legitimate issues that are raised by the Tamil community, and they have a very legitimate desire, as anybody would, to be able to control their own lives, to rule their own destinies and to govern themselves in their homeland; in the areas they’ve traditionally inhabited.”
Ill-conceived use of Boucher’s pronouncement
It is ill-conceived to use Boucher’s 2006 pronouncement in the year 2024 when Government of Sri Lanka’s ‘Census of Population and Housing’ even in the Year 2012 – well acknowledged by official reports of the World Bank – that of the 11.14 percent of Sri Lankan Tamils (excluding the near 5 percent Tamils of Indian Origin living in the plantation areas in the centre of the country) only 7.81 percent is living in the North-East (Tamil Homeland) and 3.34 percent domiciled in the rest of the country in the Sinhalese-majority districts with gainful employment, access to housing, education and economic opportunities away from the so-called Tamil Homeland in the North-East. In 2012, the percentage of Sri Lanka Tamils living outside the North and the East is 42.76 percent, and in the Year 2024 it is closer to 50 percent.
If someone explained these demographic data to Members of the U.S. House of Representatives wouldn’t they entertain a second thought as to in what manner 50 percent of Tamils could claim a ‘Tamil Homeland’ when another (close to) 50 percent is left out? Let’s bring to the attention of American lawmakers and policymakers cogent facts related to ‘genocide’ and ‘civilian casualties’ and also ‘encourage’ ‘others’ that have ‘legitimate and moral authority’ to use their ‘diplomatic overtures’ to educate Washington. Since the military battle between the Government of Sri Lanka (GSL) and the Tamil Tigers ended in May 2009, the issue of civilian casualties during the final months of the battle and the human shield associated with it emerged when Sri Lanka’s accountability and transparency were focused on the Office of Secretary-General of the United Nations, the US Department of State, the US Congress, global human rights organisations and in many Western administrations.
Human shields
Following the deaths of the Tamil Tigers, the issue of human shield – to which the non-state actor was solely responsible and well known to the international community – became a secondary issue while the civilian casualties were given much prominence. Insinuating that civilian casualties were largely due to GSL’s military offensive, accountability and transparency figured prominently in Resolutions adopted by the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva since 2012 and subsequently in 2015, 2016 and 2017; they called for a hybrid investigative mechanism to probe as to whether Sri Lanka violated international humanitarian law (IHL).
The prominence given to civilian casualty issue – leading to the allegation of genocide – eclipsed the issue of the use of human shields by the Tamil Tigers. The interconnection of both issues was ignored as they were not simultaneously discussed. It should be critically noted why those who demand accountability and transparency from Sri Lanka failed to include human shields used by the LTTE as a factor in the alleged excessive force analysis.
In a non-international armed conflict, it is appropriate to unearth the legal framework and mechanisms which are associated with the presence of civilians in a battlefield. Since the Eelam War IV (2006-2009) ended, Sri Lanka has been subjected to serious scrutiny of the manner in which it conducted the offensive during the final months. It is vital to note here in what form these allegations of international observers reached the UN and policy-framers/policy-makers of Western nations – in most cases Washington – leading to the accusation that Sri Lanka the IHL and committed war crimes leaving aside larger issues.
International observers rushing to judgment
In the case of Sri Lanka, the tendency of international observers to rush to judgment – and censure –is evident from the exaggerated civilian fatality figures cited extensively in their reports. The number of unarmed Tamils killed during the final stage of the war (January – May 2009) has been arbitrarily placed at 40,000. These deaths are blamed largely on the Sri Lankan military personnel who were accused of using excessive and indiscriminate force, and thereby committing war crimes.
The figure of 40,000 was arrived at by subtracting the number of internally displaced civilians from the UN’s estimate of the number of civilians caught up in the final offensive. According to a diplomatic cable from the US Embassy in April 2009 to the State Department, the UN had estimated that from January 20 to April 6, civilian fatalities numbered 4, 164 and 10,002 others were wounded.
An unpublished report by the United Nations country team in Sri Lanka stated that from August 2008 to May 13, 2009 (six days before the war ended), the number of civilians killed was 7,721. The International Committee of the Red Cross, the only outside agency, which was present in the war zone during the final phase, used various statistical indicators to conclude that the total number of noncombatants killed was around 7,000. On 09 March, the UN Country Team, for the first and only time, briefed diplomats in Colombo on the civilian casualty figures it had collected from the Humanitarian Convoy 11 (they were allowed in the battle zone).
According to this briefing, 2,683 civilians died between 20 January and 7 March, and 7,241 persons were injured. But the UN Country Team did not indicate to the diplomats that the vast majority of the civilian casualties were due to government shelling. (United Nations, “Report of the Secretary-General’s Internal Review Panel on UN Actions in Sri Lanka” 2012 Page 11). The British military attaché in Colombo reported that about a quarter of those killed were possibly Tamil Tigers who had discarded their uniforms. Despite all these contradictory fatality figures, a commission appointed by the UN Secretary General deemed the figure of 40,000 definitive, and all western governments have since accepted it unquestioningly.
Battlefield reality
Quite apart from the numbers killed and wounded is the question of Sri Lankan behaviour in prosecuting the offensive and how it is to be judged in terms of the law of war. Critics claim that the Sri Lankan forces used excessive force, and especially artillery, indiscriminately; some even claim that civilians were targeted intentionally. In fact, the reason that so many Tamil civilians were interspersed with Tiger combatants in the battle zone is that the latter forced large numbers of civilians to accompany them as they retreated towards the coast, and used them as human shields as government forces closed in.
There are well documented reports of Tigers shooting civilians who tried to save themselves by swimming away across the lagoon. Given the Tigers’ ruthless treatment of civilians throughout the war, there is even a prima facie case to be made that the LTTE leadership welcomed civilian fatalities as a way of galvanising foreign powers to bring Colombo under international pressure to declare a ceasefire.
The LTTE political commissar Puleedevan told some friends in Europe, “just as in Kosovo if enough civilians died the world would be forced to step in”, (Quoted in Frances Harrison’s Still Counting the Dead: Survivors of Sri Lanka’s Hidden War – London: Portobello, 2012)
International Humanitarian Law
International humanitarian law (IHL) provides the legal framework for those who are fighting for one of the parties to an armed conflict, and for those affected by the effects of hostilities. IHL aims to protect those who are not taking part in the hostilities. However, IHL acknowledges that civilians and civilian objects may legitimately be affected by warfare and the existence of collateral damage. Even though civilians and civilian objects may not be directly targeted, the IHL principle of proportionality allows civilian casualties and damage to civilian objects, under the restriction that these are not excessive to the military advantage anticipated.
The IHL principle of proportionality is commonly understood to be stipulated in article 51 (5) (b) of Additional Protocol I (1977) to the Geneva Conventions: “[Prohibited are attacks] … which may be expected to cause incidental loss of civilian life, injury to civilians, damage to civilian objects, or a combination thereof, which would be excessive in relation to the concrete and direct military advantage anticipated.”
During the final phases of the Eelam War IV – February through May 2009 – the GSL military had gained the upper hand, and the retreating Tigers in a desperate bid to prevent the Army from advancing, stepped up the forcible conscription and used civilians as human shields. The American lawmakers who tabled the Resolution this month either turned a blind eye to these facts or the pro-LTTE groups pulled the wool over their eyes.
The LTTE political commissar Puleedevan outlined his outfit’s strategy when he stated “just as in Kosovo if enough civilians died the world would be forced to step in”. The LTTE wanted a pause in fighting for its top leadership to flee to the North African state of Eritrea. According to the 15 December 2006 US Senate Foreign Relations Committee investigative report the African nation was providing military assistance to the LTTE.
The GSL was under severe pressure during this final state from the International Community (IC) to agree to a ceasefire to protect the civilians shield as harm to civilians could be interpreted as proof of the use of force excessive relative to the anticipated military advantage and thus disproportionate and prohibited under IHL.
Parity of status for LTTE
It may be recalled that IC, through the Norwegian facilitators, gave parity of status to the LTTE by bringing it to the negotiating table (2002-2004) with the GSL in 2002-2004 although the LTTE had been designated a terrorist organisation in many EU countries and the US. As Ambassador Robert Blake noted in a diplomatic cable “(the) Army has a generally good track record of taking care to minimize civilian casualties during its advances…”, if the GSL military forces, which were under legal constraints, had not refrained from attacking there would have been many more thousands of civilian casualties at the time of the conclusion of the war, as remarked by the ICRC Asia Head to a State Department official. These legal and moral constraints exercised by the GSL military were highlighted by Jacques de Maio, the ICRC’ Head of Operation for South Asia when he met US Ambassador-at-Large for War Crimes Issue – John Clint Williamson for a classified briefing – on July 9, 2009 along with several INGO heads in Geneva, Switzerland. The ICRC was the only international organization the GSL allowed in the northern battle field for humanitarian work.
The diplomatic cable sent by Ambassador Williamson to Washington – https://wikileaks.org/plusd/cables/09GENEVA584_a.html on the issue of potential violations of IHL, quoted Maio as saying that “the Sri Lankan military was somewhat responsive to accusations of violations of International Humanitarian Law (IHL) and was open to adapting its actions to reduce casualties […] He could cite examples of where the Army had stopped shelling when ICRC informed them it was killing civilians. In fact, the Army could have won the military battle faster with higher civilian casualties, yet chose a slower approach which led to a greater number of Sri Lankan military deaths ….”
Continued tomorrow
Features
Disaster-proofing paradise: Sri Lanka’s new path to global resilience
iyadasa Advisor to the Ministry of Science & Technology and a Board of Directors of Sri Lanka Atomic Energy Regulatory Council A value chain management consultant to www.vivonta.lk
As climate shocks multiply worldwide from unseasonal droughts and flash floods to cyclones that now carry unpredictable fury Sri Lanka, long known for its lush biodiversity and heritage, stands at a crossroads. We can either remain locked in a reactive cycle of warnings and recovery, or boldly transform into the world’s first disaster-proof tropical nation — a secure haven for citizens and a trusted destination for global travelers.
The Presidential declaration to transition within one year from a limited, rainfall-and-cyclone-dependent warning system to a full-spectrum, science-enabled resilience model is not only historic — it’s urgent. This policy shift marks the beginning of a new era: one where nature, technology, ancient wisdom, and community preparedness work in harmony to protect every Sri Lankan village and every visiting tourist.
The Current System’s Fatal Gaps
Today, Sri Lanka’s disaster management system is dangerously underpowered for the accelerating climate era. Our primary reliance is on monsoon rainfall tracking and cyclone alerts — helpful, but inadequate in the face of multi-hazard threats such as flash floods, landslides, droughts, lightning storms, and urban inundation.
Institutions are fragmented; responsibilities crisscross between agencies, often with unclear mandates and slow decision cycles. Community-level preparedness is minimal — nearly half of households lack basic knowledge on what to do when a disaster strikes. Infrastructure in key regions is outdated, with urban drains, tank sluices, and bunds built for rainfall patterns of the 1960s, not today’s intense cloudbursts or sea-level rise.
Critically, Sri Lanka is not yet integrated with global planetary systems — solar winds, El Niño cycles, Indian Ocean Dipole shifts — despite clear evidence that these invisible climate forces shape our rainfall, storm intensity, and drought rhythms. Worse, we have lost touch with our ancestral systems of environmental management — from tank cascades to forest sanctuaries — that sustained this island for over two millennia.
This system, in short, is outdated, siloed, and reactive. And it must change.
A New Vision for Disaster-Proof Sri Lanka
Under the new policy shift, Sri Lanka will adopt a complete resilience architecture that transforms climate disaster prevention into a national development strategy. This system rests on five interlinked pillars:
Science and Predictive Intelligence
We will move beyond surface-level forecasting. A new national climate intelligence platform will integrate:
AI-driven pattern recognition of rainfall and flood events
Global data from solar activity, ocean oscillations (ENSO, MJO, IOD)
High-resolution digital twins of floodplains and cities
Real-time satellite feeds on cyclone trajectory and ocean heat
The adverse impacts of global warming—such as sea-level rise, the proliferation of pests and diseases affecting human health and food production, and the change of functionality of chlorophyll—must be systematically captured, rigorously analysed, and addressed through proactive, advance decision-making.
This fusion of local and global data will allow days to weeks of anticipatory action, rather than hours of late alerts.
Advanced Technology and Early Warning Infrastructure
Cell-broadcast alerts in all three national languages, expanded weather radar, flood-sensing drones, and tsunami-resilient siren networks will be deployed. Community-level sensors in key river basins and tanks will monitor and report in real-time. Infrastructure projects will now embed climate-risk metrics — from cyclone-proof buildings to sea-level-ready roads.
Governance Overhaul
A new centralised authority — Sri Lanka Climate & Earth Systems Resilience Authority — will consolidate environmental, meteorological, Geological, hydrological, and disaster functions. It will report directly to the Cabinet with a real-time national dashboard. District Disaster Units will be upgraded with GN-level digital coordination. Climate literacy will be declared a national priority.
People Power and Community Preparedness
We will train 25,000 village-level disaster wardens and first responders. Schools will run annual drills for floods, cyclones, tsunamis and landslides. Every community will map its local hazard zones and co-create its own resilience plan. A national climate citizenship programme will reward youth and civil organisations contributing to early warning systems, reforestation (riverbank, slopy land and catchment areas) , or tech solutions.
Reviving Ancient Ecological Wisdom
Sri Lanka’s ancestors engineered tank cascades that regulated floods, stored water, and cooled microclimates. Forest belts protected valleys; sacred groves were biodiversity reservoirs. This policy revives those systems:
Restoring 10,000 hectares of tank ecosystems
Conserving coastal mangroves and reintroducing stone spillways
Integrating traditional seasonal calendars with AI forecasts
Recognising Vedda knowledge of climate shifts as part of national risk strategy
Our past and future must align, or both will be lost.
A Global Destination for Resilient Tourism
Climate-conscious travelers increasingly seek safe, secure, and sustainable destinations. Under this policy, Sri Lanka will position itself as the world’s first “climate-safe sanctuary island” — a place where:
Resorts are cyclone- and tsunami-resilient
Tourists receive live hazard updates via mobile apps
World Heritage Sites are protected by environmental buffers
Visitors can witness tank restoration, ancient climate engineering, and modern AI in action
Sri Lanka will invite scientists, startups, and resilience investors to join our innovation ecosystem — building eco-tourism that’s disaster-proof by design.
Resilience as a National Identity
This shift is not just about floods or cyclones. It is about redefining our identity. To be Sri Lankan must mean to live in harmony with nature and to be ready for its changes. Our ancestors did it. The science now supports it. The time has come.
Let us turn Sri Lanka into the world’s first climate-resilient heritage island — where ancient wisdom meets cutting-edge science, and every citizen stands protected under one shield: a disaster-proof nation.
Features
The minstrel monk and Rafiki the old mandrill in The Lion King – I
Why is national identity so important for a people? AI provides us with an answer worth understanding critically (Caveat: Even AI wisdom should be subjected to the Buddha’s advice to the young Kalamas):
‘A strong sense of identity is crucial for a people as it fosters belonging, builds self-worth, guides behaviour, and provides resilience, allowing individuals to feel connected, make meaningful choices aligned with their values, and maintain mental well-being even amidst societal changes or challenges, acting as a foundation for individual and collective strength. It defines “who we are” culturally and personally, driving shared narratives, pride, political action, and healthier relationships by grounding people in common values, traditions, and a sense of purpose.’
Ethnic Sinhalese who form about 75% of the Sri Lankan population have such a unique identity secured by the binding medium of their Buddhist faith. It is significant that 93% of them still remain Buddhist (according to 2024 statistics/wikipedia), professing Theravada Buddhism, after four and a half centuries of coercive Christianising European occupation that ended in 1948. The Sinhalese are a unique ancient island people with a 2500 year long recorded history, their own language and country, and their deeply evolved Buddhist cultural identity.
Buddhism can be defined, rather paradoxically, as a non-religious religion, an eminently practical ethical-philosophy based on mind cultivation, wisdom and universal compassion. It is an ethico-spiritual value system that prioritises human reason and unaided (i.e., unassisted by any divine or supernatural intervention) escape from suffering through self-realisation. Sri Lanka’s benignly dominant Buddhist socio-cultural background naturally allows unrestricted freedom of religion, belief or non-belief for all its citizens, and makes the country a safe spiritual haven for them. The island’s Buddha Sasana (Dispensation of the Buddha) is the inalienable civilisational treasure that our ancestors of two and a half millennia have bequeathed to us. It is this enduring basis of our identity as a nation which bestows on us the personal and societal benefits of inestimable value mentioned in the AI summary given at the beginning of this essay.
It was this inherent national identity that the Sri Lankan contestant at the 72nd Miss World 2025 pageant held in Hyderabad, India, in May last year, Anudi Gunasekera, proudly showcased before the world, during her initial self-introduction. She started off with a verse from the Dhammapada (a Pali Buddhist text), which she explained as meaning “Refrain from all evil and cultivate good”. She declared, “And I believe that’s my purpose in life”. Anudi also mentioned that Sri Lanka had gone through a lot “from conflicts to natural disasters, pandemics, economic crises….”, adding, “and yet, my people remain hopeful, strong, and resilient….”.
“Ayubowan! I am Anudi Gunasekera from Sri Lanka. It is with immense pride that I represent my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka.
“I come from Anuradhapura, Sri Lanka’s first capital, and UNESCO World Heritage site, with its history and its legacy of sacred monuments and stupas…….”.
The “inspiring words” that Anudi quoted are from the Dhammapada (Verse 183), which runs, in English translation: “To avoid all evil/To cultivate good/and to cleanse one’s mind -/this is the teaching of the Buddhas”. That verse is so significant because it defines the basic ‘teaching of the Buddhas’ (i.e., Buddha Sasana; this is how Walpole Rahula Thera defines Buddha Sasana in his celebrated introduction to Buddhism ‘What the Buddha Taught’ first published in1959).
Twenty-five year old Anudi Gunasekera is an alumna of the University of Kelaniya, where she earned a bachelor’s degree in International Studies. She is planning to do a Master’s in the same field. Her ambition is to join the foreign service in Sri Lanka. Gen Z’er Anudi is already actively engaged in social service. The Saheli Foundation is her own initiative launched to address period poverty (i.e., lack of access to proper sanitation facilities, hygiene and health education, etc.) especially among women and post-puberty girls of low-income classes in rural and urban Sri Lanka.
Young Anudi is primarily inspired by her patriotic devotion to ‘my Motherland, a nation of resilience, timeless beauty, and a proud history, Sri Lanka’. In post-independence Sri Lanka, thousands of young men and women of her age have constantly dedicated themselves, oftentimes making the supreme sacrifice, motivated by a sense of national identity, by the thought ‘This is our beloved Motherland, these are our beloved people’.
The rescue and recovery of Sri Lanka from the evil aftermath of a decade of subversive ‘Aragalaya’ mayhem is waiting to be achieved, in every sphere of national engagement, including, for example, economics, communications, culture and politics, by the enlightened Anudi Gunasekeras and their male counterparts of the Gen Z, but not by the demented old stragglers lingering in the political arena listening to the unnerving rattle of “Time’s winged chariot hurrying near”, nor by the baila blaring monks at propaganda rallies.
Politically active monks (Buddhist bhikkhus) are only a handful out of the Maha Sangha (the general body of Buddhist bhikkhus) in Sri Lanka, who numbered just over 42,000 in 2024. The vast majority of monks spend their time quietly attending to their monastic duties. Buddhism upholds social and emotional virtues such as universal compassion, empathy, tolerance and forgiveness that protect a society from the evils of tribalism, religious bigotry and death-dealing religious piety.
Not all monks who express or promote political opinions should be censured. I choose to condemn only those few monks who abuse the yellow robe as a shield in their narrow partisan politics. I cannot bring myself to disapprove of the many socially active monks, who are articulating the genuine problems that the Buddha Sasana is facing today. The two bhikkhus who are the most despised monks in the commercial media these days are Galaboda-aththe Gnanasara and Ampitiye Sumanaratana Theras. They have a problem with their mood swings. They have long been whistleblowers trying to raise awareness respectively, about spreading religious fundamentalism, especially, violent Islamic Jihadism, in the country and about the vandalising of the Buddhist archaeological heritage sites of the north and east provinces. The two middle-aged monks (Gnanasara and Sumanaratana) belong to this respectable category. Though they are relentlessly attacked in the social media or hardly given any positive coverage of the service they are doing, they do nothing more than try to persuade the rulers to take appropriate action to resolve those problems while not trespassing on the rights of people of other faiths.
These monks have to rely on lay political leaders to do the needful, without themselves taking part in sectarian politics in the manner of ordinary members of the secular society. Their generally demonised social image is due, in my opinion, to three main reasons among others: 1) spreading misinformation and disinformation about them by those who do not like what they are saying and doing, 2) their own lack of verbal restraint, and 3) their being virtually abandoned to the wolves by the temporal and spiritual authorities.
(To be continued)
By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️
Features
US’ drastic aid cut to UN poses moral challenge to world
‘Adapt, shrink or die’ – thus runs the warning issued by the Trump administration to UN humanitarian agencies with brute insensitivity in the wake of its recent decision to drastically reduce to $2bn its humanitarian aid to the UN system. This is a substantial climb down from the $17bn the US usually provided to the UN for its humanitarian operations.
Considering that the US has hitherto been the UN’s biggest aid provider, it need hardly be said that the US decision would pose a daunting challenge to the UN’s humanitarian operations around the world. This would indeed mean that, among other things, people living in poverty and stifling material hardships, in particularly the Southern hemisphere, could dramatically increase. Coming on top of the US decision to bring to an end USAID operations, the poor of the world could be said to have been left to their devices as a consequence of these morally insensitive policy rethinks of the Trump administration.
Earlier, the UN had warned that it would be compelled to reduce its aid programs in the face of ‘the deepest funding cuts ever.’ In fact the UN is on record as requesting the world for $23bn for its 2026 aid operations.
If this UN appeal happens to go unheeded, the possibilities are that the UN would not be in a position to uphold the status it has hitherto held as the world’s foremost humanitarian aid provider. It would not be incorrect to state that a substantial part of the rationale for the UN’s existence could come in for questioning if its humanitarian identity is thus eroded.
Inherent in these developments is a challenge for those sections of the international community that wish to stand up and be counted as humanists and the ‘Conscience of the World.’ A responsibility is cast on them to not only keep the UN system going but to also ensure its increased efficiency as a humanitarian aid provider to particularly the poorest of the poor.
It is unfortunate that the US is increasingly opting for a position of international isolation. Such a policy position was adopted by it in the decades leading to World War Two and the consequences for the world as a result of this policy posture were most disquieting. For instance, it opened the door to the flourishing of dictatorial regimes in the West, such as that led by Adolph Hitler in Germany, which nearly paved the way for the subjugation of a good part of Europe by the Nazis.
If the US had not intervened militarily in the war on the side of the Allies, the West would have faced the distressing prospect of coming under the sway of the Nazis and as a result earned indefinite political and military repression. By entering World War Two the US helped to ward off these bleak outcomes and indeed helped the major democracies of Western Europe to hold their own and thrive against fascism and dictatorial rule.
Republican administrations in the US in particular have not proved the greatest defenders of democratic rule the world over, but by helping to keep the international power balance in favour of democracy and fundamental human rights they could keep under a tight leash fascism and linked anti-democratic forces even in contemporary times. Russia’s invasion and continued occupation of parts of Ukraine reminds us starkly that the democracy versus fascism battle is far from over.
Right now, the US needs to remain on the side of the rest of the West very firmly, lest fascism enjoys another unfettered lease of life through the absence of countervailing and substantial military and political power.
However, by reducing its financial support for the UN and backing away from sustaining its humanitarian programs the world over the US could be laying the ground work for an aggravation of poverty in the South in particular and its accompaniments, such as, political repression, runaway social discontent and anarchy.
What should not go unnoticed by the US is the fact that peace and social stability in the South and the flourishing of the same conditions in the global North are symbiotically linked, although not so apparent at first blush. For instance, if illegal migration from the South to the US is a major problem for the US today, it is because poor countries are not receiving development assistance from the UN system to the required degree. Such deprivation on the part of the South leads to aggravating social discontent in the latter and consequences such as illegal migratory movements from South to North.
Accordingly, it will be in the North’s best interests to ensure that the South is not deprived of sustained development assistance since the latter is an essential condition for social contentment and stable governance, which factors in turn would guard against the emergence of phenomena such as illegal migration.
Meanwhile, democratic sections of the rest of the world in particular need to consider it a matter of conscience to ensure the sustenance and flourishing of the UN system. To be sure, the UN system is considerably flawed but at present it could be called the most equitable and fair among international development organizations and the most far-flung one. Without it world poverty would have proved unmanageable along with the ills that come along with it.
Dehumanizing poverty is an indictment on humanity. It stands to reason that the world community should rally round the UN and ensure its survival lest the abomination which is poverty flourishes. In this undertaking the world needs to stand united. Ambiguities on this score could be self-defeating for the world community.
For example, all groupings of countries that could demonstrate economic muscle need to figure prominently in this initiative. One such grouping is BRICS. Inasmuch as the US and the West should shrug aside Realpolitik considerations in this enterprise, the same goes for organizations such as BRICS.
The arrival at the above international consensus would be greatly facilitated by stepped up dialogue among states on the continued importance of the UN system. Fresh efforts to speed-up UN reform would prove major catalysts in bringing about these positive changes as well. Also requiring to be shunned is the blind pursuit of narrow national interests.
-
Sports5 days agoGurusinha’s Boxing Day hundred celebrated in Melbourne
-
News3 days agoLeading the Nation’s Connectivity Recovery Amid Unprecedented Challenges
-
Sports6 days agoTime to close the Dickwella chapter
-
Features4 days agoIt’s all over for Maxi Rozairo
-
News6 days agoEnvironmentalists warn Sri Lanka’s ecological safeguards are failing
-
News4 days agoDr. Bellana: “I was removed as NHSL Deputy Director for exposing Rs. 900 mn fraud”
-
News3 days agoDons on warpath over alleged undue interference in university governance
-
Features6 days agoDigambaram draws a broad brush canvas of SL’s existing political situation
