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Trump in trouble, Boris bolts, Bunga Bunga era ends, King Ranil reigns

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by Rajan Philips

In America, a former President is facing serious federal criminal charges and is banking on a presidential re-election campaign to overcome his legal troubles. Both are unprecedented – both the arraignment of and the re-election effort by a former president, and true to form Donald Trump stands shameless in his lonely infamy. In the UK, a former Prime Minister has quit parliament to escape further scrutiny of and sanctions for his abhorrent behaviour, while wishfully keeping the door open to return as PM even much later. Former Prime Ministers returning to power is not unprecedented in the British parliamentary system, but no predecessor of Boris Johnson has defiled the high office in the way only he could have, and no successor would likely be able to plumb the same despicable depths. There is also no return path to Downing Street for Boris Johnson

Meanwhile in Italy the Bunga Bunga era in the country’s politics and culture came to an end last week with the death of its four-time former Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. It was Berlusconi who heralded the rise of perverse populism in western countries and was both a harbinger of and a prototype hybrid between the malignance of Donald Trump and the buffoonery of Boris Johnson. Trump in the US, Johnson in UK and the late Berlusconi in Italy provide a contemporary global backdrop to the unfolding of the Ranil Wickremesinghe presidency in Sri Lanka. While Trump is in trouble, Boris has bolted, and Berlusconi lies in wait for his grand requiem, Ranil Wickremesinghe is quietly morphing into King Ranil of Sri Lanka. He went for the coronation of King Charles, but King Ranil needs no crown to being far more powerful than King Charles.

Caretaker President

Ranil Wickremesinghe became President as a caretaker President, to take care of the economy. I have called him a parliamentary President, and given Sri Lanka’s longest constitutional spell as a hybrid presidential-parliamentary system, it is also appropriate to call him caretaker President. We have had caretaker prime ministers before, and they are so called to highlight their provisional status between the dissolution of an old parliament and the election of a new parliament. In the case of our caretaker President, he is taking care that no elections are held that may disturb his caretaker reign. Which elections will be held and when are entirely a matter of his presidential choosing. He has also extended the scope and tentacles of his caretaker role to go beyond the economy and reach every nook and cranny of the political terrain.

What seems central to King Ranil’s reign is what is being mistakenly called a ‘legal reform’, but actually a scheme to pass a spate of not merely bad but outrightly insidious laws. The list of these insidious laws, still bills, is now common knowledge, and they include – in ABCD order – Anti-Terrorism Bill, Anti-Corruption Bill, Broadcasting Regulatory Commission Bill, the Central Bank Bill, and other (Damn) bills for one or more labour laws. Every one of them is being criticized and condemned by those who are known champions of the “rule of law,” but not the King’s version of “rule by law.” But their concerns are likely to go nowhere because King Ranil has control over a majority parliament comprising all Rajapaksa MPs who are beholden to the King. They may squirm here and there, but throw a few cabinet posts and the Rajapaksa animal kingdom will faithfully follow King Ranil.

During the time of the United Front Government, the then Minister of Justice Felix Dias suddenly found forensic inspiration and directed his officials to review the possibility of doing away with the time honoured writ practice of habeas corpus. The Anglican Minister of Justice was apparently getting tired of the nation’s colonial vestiges. The alarmed officials ran to the Prime Minister, Mrs. Bandaranaike, who threw up her hands and said something to the effect, “What can I do? Go and see Colvin.” They went to Colvin, who threw up his arms and growled, “Leave it with me.” And that was the end of it. No one talked about habeas corpus again, except in courts.

Now, there is no Mrs. B to show the wisdom of leaving it to the experts, and there is no Colvin R. de Silva to bear down on impulsive and/or idiotic ministers. The King calls all the shots and by insider revelations (not that any is needed), there are plenty of idiots in the SLPP and the Cabinet to follow him like sheep. The King’s Minister of Justice is not as clever as Felix, but he seems all ready to enjoy the perks of office, but is not at all ready to take responsibility for all the drafting drivels that are circulated as bills. He laughs them off as mere “drafts,” or worse, “proposals.” The Supreme Court is routinely called upon to edit and correct the poorly drafted but insidiously intended bills. Well-meaning lawyers and commentators are crying foul from the sidelines, but nothing different happens. King Ranil pretends to stay above the fray, but sees to it that whatever he wills is done.

Global Comparisons

What is there in common between King Ranil, on the one hand, and the perverse populists like Donald Trump, Boris Johnson and the late Silvio Berlusconi? To the trio, you may want to add the likes of India’s Narendra Modi, Brazil’s ex Jair Bolsonaro, Turkey’s Erdogan and Russia’s Vladimir Putin, as members of a global club of populist autocrats. Modi is better and worse than the rest of them in his own and different ways. But that is for another day. For now, what is there in common between Ranil Wickremesinghe and the global figures I am referencing? The answer is nothing. It is the differences that are interesting.

At a personal and ethical level, Ranil Wickremesinghe has nothing in common with them. Every one of them, with the doubtful exception Modi, is unethical. They are all scoundrels in more ways than one. It is the same with political corruption, and again Modi is only a doubtful exception. Modi’s and the BJP’s connections to upstart billionaire Gautam Shantilal Adani are universally known and so are allegations of cronyism. The Advani group has been accused of stock market manipulation, and the accusations have not only shrunk the Advani family fortunes, but they have also besmirched Modi’s reputation.

As for Mr. Wickremesinghe, while he is personally honest and may not be a direct beneficiary of political corruption, he is not at all insulated from political corruption. On the contrary, he not merely allows but might even encourage political corruption by those around him. For this, he has had to pay a heavy political price at every turn, but does not seem to have learnt anything from the experience. The 2002 peace process was a direct victim of political corruption, and the mother of all corrupt deals came with the January 2015 Central Bank Bond Scam that proved to be the grave digger that buried the whole yahapalanaya project.

But there has been no show of remorse or recalibration of political action. As I argued some time ago, there is no point in achieving national reconciliation (arbitrarily arresting Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam, the grandson of GG Ponnambalam, is a sure way of botching it) or economic prosperity, while allowing the stables of corruption to continue and without doing anything to apprehend the perpetrators of too many “emblematic” murders.

To get back to the comparator group, Trump, Johnson, Berlusconi and Bolsonaro have no serious political genealogy or commitment to any serious agenda. Their involvement in politics is mainly to satisfy their gigantic egos and serve whatever interests they have that might benefit from state resources. Erdogan and Modi are different. Both have entrenched political agendas predicated on religious fundamentalism and driven by market philosophies. Erdogan’s goal is to transform Kemal Ataturk’s secular Turkey into a religious state, while Modi’s mission is to upend the Nehruvian secularism and make India a Hindutva state where Muslims will not have a significant place. Putin is an outlier and a queer mixture of Tsarist nostalgia and Bolshevik apparatus, although his primary linkage to Bolshevism is mostly biological in that his grandfather was Lenin’s cook. While his foray into Ukraine has terribly backfired, he has been consequentially successful in isolating the West from much of the Global South.

King Ranil’s Political Makeup

Intellectually and politically, Mr. Wickremesinghe has no feel for the Global South. Practically, he wants to curry favour with every country, north or south, and every leader who matter and who might be at odds with one another. That is unavoidable given Sri Lanka’s debt load and economic precarity. The President certainly does not subscribe to the traditional UNP philosophy (under DS at first, and under JR 30 years later) of “Anglo mania and India phobia,” as NM Perera called it at the outset; but what is key to the President becoming King is his domestic philosophy.

His political philosophy, if we might call it so, is mostly family moss gathered over a lifetime. It is not a set of political ideas that are the result of self-reflection and peer-contestation in a political party or organization, and ultimately vetted and validated in praxis. The fact that the UNP has mostly been a one-man band ever since Ranil Wickremesinghe became its leader is one of the main reasons for his current makeup. He is both the cause and the consequence of the corrosion of the UNP.

The UNP and UNP cabinets were not always like this, certainly not under DS Senanayake or under Dudley Senanayake. Even JRJ’s cabinet was a formidable one, but cabinet government (as Jennings explained it) was undone by the presidential system and the rivalries it invariably created among presidentially aspiring ministers. That set the tone for every presidential cabinet that came thereafter. Although it was set up to ensure political stability and facilitate efficiency, the presidential system has produced only chronic instability and dysfunctional chaos.

For all this, Mr. Wickremesinghe has never been a popular politician and has always been a serial loser in elections. In terms of political popularity and electoral success he is nowhere near the rest of the global comparators that I am referencing in this article. Trump won once and lost the second time, but he has solidly behind him an agitated mob of 30 to 50 million Americans. No other American leader in history has had such a loyal and rabid support among the people. Johnson won massively in 2019, and was forced to quit, but he has pockets of support throughout England.

Berlusconi has divided Italy in death just as he had in life.

In a somewhat tongue-in-cheek funeral eulogy at the Duomo, Milan’s Archbishop Mario Delpini spoke of Berlusconi as a notoriety seeking personality who had admirers and detractors, “those who applaud him and those who detest him.” They were both there, supporting and shouting at Berlusconi’s funeral. Erdogan and Modi have had consistently impressive electoral success. Bolsonaro surprised everyone with a strong showing in a close defeat to Lula da Silva in Brazil’s October 2022 presidential election. Putin needs no election, but Wickremesinghe cannot avoid them indefinitely.

Even so, and there is no other way to make this point, none of the other comparators have been able to muster the power and the facility to pass laws, impose regulations, and deploy security forces to thwart protesters, the way Ranil Wickremesinghe is enabling himself to do in Sri Lanka. It is this power and facility that he is unobtrusively exercising that is making me call him King Ranil. Add to them his periodical pronouncements that selectively ridicule opponents and assert the use of state power only in the way that he deems right. Donald Trump could not have passed legislation the way King Ranil is passing them. Boris Johnson won a historic majority in the 2019 election, but now he is gone. Ranil Wickremesinghe lost everything in the 2020 election, but now he is able to do anything and everything that no Sri Lankan President before him has been able to do.

None of the comparator leaders could have delayed or deflected elections the way only King Ranil seems able to do. Putin has power at home but he has powerful forces against him abroad. King Ranil has power at home and influential support abroad, almost of all of which he benefits from because of the economic plight of the Sri Lankan People. Narendra Modi is a powerful Prime Minister but he is constantly circumscribed by State governments that have clout and they are led by non-BJP regional parties. In Sri Lanka, the President, now King Ranil, can play with provincial elections to boost his political position, and he can run the provinces through Governors whom he handpicks.

Only Tayyip Erdogan has been actually able to expand his power base at the state level and within government. He was first elected as Prime Minister and then turned himself into President, similar to, but much later than, what JRJ did in Sri Lanka. Erdogan is not leaving any time soon, but JRJ retired after one and a half terms, half unelected and one elected but only after politically handcuffing Mrs. Bandaranaike. To his credit JRJ retired from office, power and politics, the only Sri Lankan leader to voluntarily forsake power and leave office. By a quirk of circumstances, Ranil Wickremesinghe has become President and seems to be bent on continuing from where JRJ has left. Everyone who came and went in between are not part of the real history of Sri Lanka, a subject about which no Sri Lankan can know more than what the King knows. That is the word according to the King.

In fairness to President Wickremesinghe, my caricaturing him as King should not be taken to mean that he really he means to be a King. Rather, his actions and the ease with which he seems to be getting everything he wants done, objectively make those actions seem to be those of a King. In politics, it is not the subjective intentions of political leaders that matter, but the objective results that flow from their actions. It might be quite the case that President Wickremesinghe thinks that his actions and the laws and regulations that he wants passed will be justified by the economic turnaround that he is anticipating and his forecast of economic prosperity by 2048.

The dreadful prospect, however, is that the economic recovery may not be as swift and as far reaching as the President is expecting, and that the consequences of his political actions may result in bad governments becoming routine and entrenched. Ranil Wickremesinghe could easily avoid all of this by focusing on the economy and not rushing ahead with quite unnecessary legal and political changes that are causing worries not only among his critics but also among those who want him to succeed on the economic front.



Features

Arctic link discovered: Lankan scientists trace 8,000 km seabird migration route

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By Ifham Nizam

Sri Lankan scientists have uncovered a remarkable long-distance migration route used by seabirds, linking the island’s shores with the Arctic—an achievement that is expected to reshape global understanding of bird movement and highlight Sri Lanka’s importance in the natural world.

The discovery, led by Professor Sampath S. Seneviratne of the University of Colombo, shows that Heuglin’s Gulls travel nearly 8,000 kilometres from Sri Lanka to breeding grounds in northern Russia, following a carefully chosen path that combines coastal travel with long inland journeys.

Prof. Seneviratne told The Island that the finding challenges the long-standing belief that seabirds depend mainly on ocean routes.

“For a long time, we assumed seabirds would stay close to the sea throughout their migration. What we are seeing here is very different. These birds are moving across land as well, using a route that connects Sri Lanka directly with the Arctic,” he said.

Brown headed gull- migrating from Himalayas to Mannar

The birds begin their journey from the northwestern coast of Sri Lanka, especially around Mannar—an area known for its rich birdlife and coastal habitats. From there, they cross over to India and move along the western coastline before turning inland.

Their journey then takes them through Pakistan and Afghanistan, across parts of Central Asia, and onwards to the Arctic region, where they breed during the northern summer.

What has drawn particular attention from scientists is the route chosen by the birds.

Instead of attempting to cross the world’s highest mountain ranges, or taking a much longer path over the open ocean, the gulls appear to follow a middle course that allows them to avoid harsh conditions while still maintaining a steady journey.

Map 1 &2 birds moving through the continent to reach the Artctic

“They are not simply taking the shortest distance,” Prof. Seneviratne explained. “They are choosing a route that gives them the best chance of survival. Along this path, they are able to find food, rest, and avoid extreme environments.”

The birds travel long distances each day, covering hundreds of kilometres, but they do not do it all in one stretch. Their journey depends heavily on stopovers—places where they pause to rest and rebuild energy.

“These stopovers are critical,” Prof. Seneviratne said. “If the birds cannot find suitable places to feed and recover, they will not be able to complete the journey.”

Co-researcher Dr. Gayomini Panagoda said the discovery sheds light on a route that had remained largely hidden until now.

“We always knew these birds were leaving Sri Lanka during certain times of the year, but we did not fully understand where they were going or how they got there,” she said. “Now we have a much clearer picture of their journey.”

Awareness among schoolchildren

She added that the findings show how closely connected different parts of the world are through nature.

“A bird that spends part of its life in Sri Lanka ends up in the Arctic. That tells us how linked these ecosystems really are,” she said.

The findings also underline the importance of Sri Lanka’s coastal areas, which serve as vital feeding and resting grounds for migratory birds before they begin their long journey north.

Veteran ornithologist , Professor Emeritus Sarath Kotagama said these habitats are of international importance and must be protected.

“These coastal regions, especially places like Mannar, provide the food and shelter these birds need before migration. If those areas are damaged, it will affect bird populations far beyond Sri Lanka,” he said.

Professor Seneviratne with Dr. Gayomini Panagoda

Kotagama warned that increasing pressure on coastal ecosystems—from development, pollution, and climate change—could pose serious risks.

“We are already seeing changes in many of these birds. If we are not careful, we could lose habitats that are essential not just for local wildlife, but for species that travel across continents,” he said.

The discovery also draws attention to the wider network of migration routes that connect countries across Asia and beyond. Birds do not recognise national borders, and their survival depends on conditions in many different places along their journey.

Prof. Seneviratne stressed that protecting these birds will require cooperation between countries.

“These birds travel across several regions, and each of those regions plays a role in their survival. Conservation cannot be done by one country alone,” he said.

A GPS tagged Crab Plover

He added that more work is needed to understand how other species use similar routes and how changes in climate and land use may affect migration patterns in the future.

“There is still much we do not know. This is just one piece of a much larger picture,” he said.

Environmentalists say the findings should encourage stronger action to protect wetlands and coastal ecosystems in Sri Lanka, many of which are under increasing threat.

“These areas are not just important for birds,” Dr. Panagoda said. “They support fisheries, protect coastlines, and are part of our natural heritage. Protecting them benefits both people and wildlife.”

She noted that conserving these habitats will also help ensure that future generations can continue to witness the arrival and departure of migratory birds.

For Sri Lanka, the discovery is both a moment of pride and a reminder of responsibility.

It highlights the role the island plays in supporting wildlife that travels across vast distances and connects different parts of the world.

It also shows that even a small country can have a big impact when it comes to global biodiversity.

As Prof. Seneviratne put it, “What happens in Sri Lanka does not stay in Sri Lanka. These birds carry that connection across continents.”

The discovery is expected to encourage further research into bird migration in the region, as scientists continue to explore how different species move across landscapes and adapt to changing conditions.

It also reinforces the need to protect the natural environments that make such journeys possible.

In the end, the story of these birds is not just about distance. It is about survival, connection, and the delicate balance of nature.

From the shores of Sri Lanka to the frozen Arctic, their journey is a powerful reminder that the natural world is far more connected than we often realise—and that protecting one part of it helps protect the whole.

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Why the promotion of drone warfare is unconscionable

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A drone strike on an oil facility in the Middle East in the current war.

For the morally-conscious, the tendency among some sections in Sri Lanka to promote the production of drones for national defence purposes could be deeply worrying. Besides, this proposition flies in the face of common sense and disregards the relentlessly increasing harsh economic realities coming in the wake of the current wars that could push many a southern country into beggary. In fact even the West is facing an economic recession.

To begin with the latter issues, it is a proved reality that the majority of Southern countries are descending further into poverty at present. The FAO has the ‘bleeding statistics’ . For instance, food insecurity in Asia is of such disquieting proportions that the region accounts for ‘ approximately half of the world’s 370.7 million undernourished people’.

It is against such a bleak economic backdrop that countries of the South are being called on to pump money into the production or importing of drones. Pointed reference needs to be made here to the South because drones are peddled as cutting-edge defence systems that are comparatively economical to acquire and relatively easy to operate. It is even voiced that with time drones could enable even smaller countries of the South to acquire ‘strategic parity’ with the major powers of the North and middle level powers.

Meanwhile, no thought is spared for the poor of the South who would sink steadily into poverty and powerlessness. Because more defence spending by southern countries only entrenches the ruling classes of those countries, and in some cases their military high commands, further in the systems of governance and repression.

This has essentially been the experience of the majority of post-colonial states. As aptly phrased by economic and political analyst Susan George in the seventies, it has always been a case of ‘The Other Half Dying’.

Accordingly, it cannot be perceived as to how more defence spending by the South on drones could help alleviate the latter’s principal problem of deepening poverty. As for the perceived escalating insecurities of the South, these problems are of such complexity that drones could never be seen as offering a quick fix for them. They need patient, multi-pronged managing, mainly at the negotiating table with the powers that matter. These are long- gestation projects that need to be compulsorily undertaken in view of the fact that the alternative could be indefinite conflict and war.

Since Sri Lanka too is mentioned as one of those countries that needs to look at the drone proposition with some seriousness, it is relevant to underscore that Sri Lanka is second in a list of countries that are described as facing acute material hardships at present in the wake of the economic instability bred by the Hormuz crisis. The source of such information is no less than the respected Kiel Institute for the World Economy. The first 10 such gravely affected countries are: Zambia, Sri Lanka, Taiwan, Pakistan, Equatorial Guinea, Kenya, Bangladesh, Vietnam, the Philippines and Thailand.

It is thought-provoking that among the above countries are not only those that have been traditionally seen as experiencing severe underdevelopment but also up-and-coming middle income countries that have been hitherto described as being on a fast track to development. The interesting mix proves that no country at present could consider itself immune to current economic shocks originating mainly in the Middle East that could plunge it dramatically into acute poverty virtually overnight.

We are left to conclude that ‘Bread’ or the economic well being of people could in no way be sacrificed for ‘Drones’ in democratic countries whose governments are obliged to be accountable to the people. Considering the phenomenal hardships that could be waiting to happen worldwide, the world could very well do without more ‘Guns’ or ‘Drones’.

However, if southern governments in particular opt for ‘Drones’ or an accumulation of ‘Guns’, the chances are that there could be overwhelming tides of social discontent in their countries, bred by economic want, that could then ignite indefinite war and repression. That is, a ‘No-Win’ situation for all concerned.

Ukraine has been spiritedly and admirably taking the fight back to the invading Russian forces over the past few years but its skillful use of sophisticated drones of its own making has in no way decreased the human costs the war has been incurring for itself. Ukraine has no choice but to continue with all the weaponry at its command to beat back the Russian invader but sooner rather than later it would need to take into account the immense suffering the war has been inflicting on its people and focus on the fact that the Russians are not backing down but using equally lethal weaponry against it.

The above are some of the dilemmas of the present wars that call for urgent resolution. Warring countries are obliged to address on a priority basis the misery and destruction their actions incur for their publics and consider deploying diplomacy, preferably under the aegis of the UN, to work out peaceful solutions to their enmities and differences. Considering the futility of their war Russia and Ukraine are obliged to think on these lines.

No less a power than the US should be considering deeply right now the advisability of continuing with its military interventions in the South in particular to achieve its self interests. The rising loss of American lives and the economic costs of war in the Middle East will be weighing heavily with the Trump administration and it shouldn’t come as a surprise if negotiations are given a serious try, going ahead. Ground realities in the region moreover indicate that the US ‘has bitten off more than it could chew’ and that Iran is remaining hostile and unyielding despite being bloodied.

For both sides to the war what should be inescapable is the harsh reality of continuing human suffering on a chilling scale. Sophisticated and increasingly destructive weaponry such as drones and missiles are being used but they have not brought either side any closer to victory. Instead human misery is being perpetrated mindlessly with a steady deadening of consciences and a flagrant abandoning of reason.

Accordingly, what perceived legitimate aims could drone warfare, for instance, help achieve? It is quite some time since sections of the world community came to realize the futility of violence and war. There is no choice but for humans to recognize and revere the principle of the sacredness of life. A return to fundamentals is imperative.

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Unforgettable experience …

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The committee members of the Ananda Balika Vidyalaya OGA – UK, who made Funky ’70s Bash Dinner Dance a total success (Photographs by: Praneeth Hettiarachchi)

Singer Rajiv Sebastian has the unique ability to woo an audience and he did just that on his recent trip to London, performing at the Funky ’70s Bash Dinner Dance.

This particular event of music, nostalgia, and celebration, was organised by the Ananda Balika Vidyalaya Old Girls’ Association – UK, and held at the DoubleTree by Hilton London Elstree, in Borehamwood, on 28th February.

They say the success of the evening was made possible through the dedication and hard work of President Devika Arrawwalage and the committed committee members of the Ananda Balika Vidyalaya OGA – UK.

Rajiv Sebastian was in top form, delivering an engaging performance that took the audience on a nostalgic musical journey through the iconic sounds of the’70s.

Doing the first set in full suit, with a fan joining in the action

He did three sets, appearing in three different outfits – suit, the normal shirt and trouser, and the sarong – and the crowd loved it.

Adding to the energy of the event, I’m told, was the music provided by the band Hasthi, made up of Sri Lankan musicians based in the UK.

At the end of a truly enjoyable and memorable event, the organisers had this to say about Rajiv Sebastian’s performance:

“On behalf of the entire team, I want to extend our heartfelt thanks to you for travelling all the way from Sri Lanka to perform at our first ever ABV dinner dance in the UK.

“Your performance was truly the highlight of the night. You have a superb talent for captivating an audience; from the moment you took the stage, your vibrant energy and incredible vocal range completely transformed the atmosphere.

“It was wonderful to see how effortlessly you engaged the crowd, keeping the dance floor packed and everyone in high spirits throughout the evening. You have graced the stage as a guest artiste on three separate occasions, delivering exceptional performances that set you apart from your peers.

“We feel incredibly privileged to have had an artiste of your calibre and charisma join us. You didn’t just provide music; you created an unforgettable experience that people are still talking about.

Surprises for his fans in Sri Lanka, as well

“Thank you for sharing your immense gift with us. Hope to see you back on a UK stage very soon!”

Yes, and it’s happening soon; Rajiv says he is off to London again, in mid-April, and will be performing at four different venues.

He also mentioned that he has some surprises for his fans in Sri Lanka, when he and his band, The Clan, present their 35th Anniversary concert … in June, this year.

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