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The Wijeweera Legacy and Left Prospects Today

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by Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka

The Left in Sri Lanka is closer than it has ever been to leading the country. This is borne out by public opinion polling which consistently puts Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) the JVP-NPP leader ahead of the competition at a presidential election and his party or bloc, the NPP-JVP ahead of the competition at a parliamentary election.

The mystery is that AKD and the JVP-NPP aren’t doing everything it can, or even the minimum things it can, to increase its slim lead and get to the magic 50% mark. In every other situation everywhere in the world in which the Left has come within striking distance of electoral victory, or indeed victory of any sort, the natural reflex has been to seek to close the gap through tweaking its own policies and profile so as to elasticize its appeal while reaching out and building political partnerships, alliances, blocs, in a word, political relationships, that bring it home to victory.

This has been the lesson of Pink Tide one and two which has seen the democratic Left sweep Latin America twice in the past quarter century. It has also been the experience of the Marxist-Leninist left in Nepal.

That is precisely what the JVP-NPP is not doing. I was discussing this paradox with an incisive young friend who earned a postgraduate degree in international relations in a First World university before he became the business magnate he is. “If the JVP and the FSP united it would give rise to brilliant synergy, but the JVP believes in competitive advantage, not cooperative advantage. It would rather lose, persisting in comparative advantage than win, switching to cooperative advantage” he opined.

Political Genetics

Where did this self-limitation, this chronic inability to form inter-party/cross-party political relationships come from? Why is it persisted in even at the risk of losing the elections?

More puzzling, why is it indulged in even though it prevents the JVP-NPP’s ability to wrench an election from the reluctant Ranil Wickremesinghe?

Why is it adhered to even though it hamstrings, the JVP-NPP’s ability to protect its trade unions from the vicious labor legislation that is imminent, and/or the sell-off of the state sector of the economy which houses many of those unions?

The reason, the cause, lies in the genetic structure, the genetic code of the JVP. Those political-ideological genes are the source of the JVP’s strength and its weakness. To seek the real reason, one has to return to the JVP’s roots; its paternity.

Rohana Wijeweera was the most significant or consequential left leader this island ever produced. He grasped what Georg Lukacs, writing of Lenin, described as “the actuality of the revolution”. Though he had several contemporaries who had the same idea and strivings, without Wijeweera, revolution would never really have come on the agenda of Sri Lankan history. His real strength was a combination of two attributes. Firstly, the ability to apply and adapt—which in his case, tragically involved great distortion—Marxism-Leninism to the specifics of the Sri Lankan reality and the sociology of the underprivileged Lankan youth. Secondly, the ability to organize and instill in his followers the zeal to organize.

No Wijeweera, no JVP; no JVP, no real challenge to the Sri Lankan capitalist system and capitalist class. No Wijeweera, no real challenge to the Sri Lankan state. No JVP, no FSP offshoot, and no really effective Left on the island. No effective Left, no alternative or counterbalance to the capitalist politicians or the savage neoliberal cutbacks. No JVP and FSP and no counterforce, or even voice, for the disadvantaged masses, the youth from the poorer classes and generations educated in the state universities.

There is a flipside, or as they say, the matter needs a dialectical approach. If not for Wijeweera’s strengths, no JVP challenge to the System, but if not for Wijeweera’s weaknesses, those challenges would not have been so distorted as be successfully beaten down. Look at the track record. Two significant armed uprisings, both smashed militarily, punctuated and followed by desultory-to-modest electoral performance so far.

Compare and contrast that with Latin America where the Left either managed to use its military strength to force negotiations and the re-opening of the system which permitted electoral participation culminating in victory and re-election, or even in cases of utter military devastation, retained enough of a moral-ethical halo, to win Presidential elections.

What is the reason? While Wijeweera’s strength lent the JVP determination and resilience, his chronic weaknesses also imposed structural limits on its success. His paranoia made him see any competitor or dissenter as an enemy who had to be dealt with violently. This aborted any possibility of united fronts, alliances, and blocs, i.e., any partnership or more plainly, political relationships. It was a self-fulfilling prophecy. The enemies he and the JVP made on the Left through lethal violence, turned out to be the decisive factor in the JVP’s crushing military defeat in 1989.

This paranoia, though in a greatly reduced form, has been carried on to the next generation through the JVP’s DNA. It is mercifully, far more diluted in the breakaway FSP. However, the FSP, while much less sectarian, is not entirely immune either. In a Southern European or Latin American context, an FSP-type party would have united either with other left parties (that’s how Syriza and Podemos were formed) or worked within the SJB and/or FPC.

Tamil Question

Wijeweera had a chronic inability to formulate a Marxist solution to the Tamil National Question—that is, apart from writing a 350-page book (his report to the underground party Congress in 1985) which had more consecutive pages criticizing me by name than Velupillai Prabhakaran.

Though the JVP and FSP have abandoned his ‘social chauvinism’ – which Wimal Weerawansa is continuing – and are laudably anti-racist parties, they too have baulked at embracing the standard Marxist and Left formulation of ‘regional autonomy’. Instead, the JVP wobbles while the FSP still flirts occasionally with ‘self-determination’ – which Wijeweera was correct to reject and I was wrong not to. The result of this Wijeweera legacy has been a political paralysis of both the JVP and the FSP on the Tamil Question which prevents any kind of North-South political bridge-building or even an extended conversation.

Surplus Violence

Electorally, the biggest liability of the Wijeweera period is the character of the violence of the second uprising in the late 1980s. Both the JVP and the FSP have been unable to get beyond the old justificatory narrative of “the UNP framed us and banned us, so we had no choice but to fight back”. That narrative is often supplemented with “the Indians projected power onto our soil so we had to resist it arms in hand”.

Taken separately or together, the justificatory narrative fails to deal with the issue of barbarism as manifested in targeting. What does the UNP’s ban on the JVP or the Indian airdrop and the Accord have to do with the very first political assassination by the JVP in the 1980s, namely the slitting of the throat of Daya Pathirana, the leader of the radical left Independent Students Union, who had signed a petition in 1984 calling for the removal of the ban on the JVP, and was murdered on December 15, 1986, many months before the Indian intervention?

The problem is not with the JVP taking up arms but the use those arms were put to. Is there no way for the JVP and the breakaway FSP to reaffirm the legitimacy of its recourse to arms with a self-criticism of the lethal targeting of unarmed rivals and non-compliant civilians targeting which made bitter enemies of other radical leftists who then proved to be the critical variable in the JVP’s defeat? Why not a self-criticism of the needless and ultimately suicidal decision to continue or resume the civil war when a real chance had arisen to negotiate an honourable solution and even enter the government when the newly-elected, non-elite, populist President Premadasa invited it to do so?

The failure to make a public self-criticism about aspects of its armed struggle reduces the level of public trust that the JVP-NPP could otherwise count on because of the economic crisis. In some areas there are horrific memories of JVP violence and persecution of the people (snatching ID

cards, imposing curfews, strictures on funerals etc.). These votes could comprise the margin of victory or defeat and yet the JVP is unwilling to do its due diligence to secure them.

Erasing Theory

Finally, there is the perhaps the most important drawback of the Wijeweera legacy that the JVP and FSP share, and should cut clean away from if the Left is to win or even survive Ranil’s counter-revolutionary offensive.

After 1973 or perhaps 1976, Rohana Wijeweera sealed the JVP off from the rich, complex legacy, theoretical and strategic, of the post-Lenin international communist and revolutionary movement. It happened this way. After the defeat of the April 1971 insurrection the incarcerated JVP cadres and those underground and on the run began to read. The reading led to calls for self-criticism and efforts at self-criticism. These were met with violence directed at the dissenters by Wijeweera’s faithful in the jails.

Being the very smart guy he was, Wijeweera knew this was not enough. He then engaged in a massive diversion operation. He diverted attention to the support extended to the Bandaranaike government by the ruling Communist parties of Russia and more dramatically China and went on a huge binge against the international communist movement. His lawyer the celebrated Trotskyist Bala Tampoe was giving him considerable reading material, chiefly the writings of Ernest Mandel.

Ever the utilitarian, Wijeweera switched from his 1973 position of endorsing independent-minded Communist parties non-aligned between Russia and China, i.e., Cuba, Vietnam, North Korea, Japan, and the Communist Party of India-Marxist, to a complete rupture which took the Trotskyist position that international communism had been incorrupt only up to the first four Congresses of the Communist International (Comintern). In short, it pretty much had all gone wrong after Lenin, except for the positions of the ‘Left Opposition’ (Trotsky, Zinoviev, Radek, Preobrazhensky) against Stalin.

Wijeweera being Wijeweera, he dumped this ‘ultra-internationalism’ when the party was unfairly banned by the UNP and went underground. He then switched to its opposite position, adopting ultra nationalism in his 1985 book, denouncing any and every form of political devolution down to the District Development Councils which the JVP had itself contested.

Original Sin

What is most pertinent to the situation today, is that in order to facilitate a free hand for himself to swing from one position to its opposite, Wijeweera maintained the cut-off point at Lenin and there too, suppressing his ‘Two Tactics’ (1905). This meant that decades of Marxist and revolutionary thought after Lenin was de-legitimized, denounced, or ignored; unavailable to and discouraged among JVP leaders and members. Wijeweera reserved for himself the right to toss in the names of Fidel, Che, Miguel Enriquez (founder of the Chilean MIR) et al, without ever quoting at length from them, still less discussing, debating and assimilating their ideas. It was simply name-dropping.

Mao, Gramsci, Dimitrov, Togliatti, Ho Chi Minh, Fidel Castro, Che Guevara, Amilcar Cabral, Carlos Fonseca, Joe Slovo. None of these were read at length or discussed in depth. The entire conceptualization of United Fronts and the Popular Front, in their many variations, was effaced.

This is the real reason that the JVP does not engage in united fronts with other political parties. This is the real reason the JVP will be mentally unable to do so until it exorcises this ghost of the negative side of Wijeweera’s political paternity.

The treasure house of Marxist thought was shut to the JVP by Wijeweera and never really reopened by him or his successors. The FSP is much more open but it is like the man who escaped Plato’s cave and is blinking in the sunlight. As Plato explained, in a reference to the fate of Socrates, when such an escapee goes back to his fellow prisoners and tries to explain the outside world to them, they are likely to kill him because all they know are the shadows flickering on the walls of the cave.

Meanwhile, the badly defeated Latin American left was deeply studying Gramsci, supplemented by Althusser and Poulantzas. That was the secret of its successful comeback. Though some of those parties had been founded after the JVP and defeated militarily, they were elected to the presidency in their countries well before the JVP found its political and electoral feet.

[Dayan Jayatilleka is author of ‘The Great Gramsci: Imagining an Alt-Left Project’, in On Public Imagination: A Political and Ethical Imperative, eds. Richard Falk et al, Routledge 2019]



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NPP govt. and its take on foreign relations

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by Neville Ladduwahetty

Following President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s visit, first to India and then to China, Foreign Policy analysts and Commentators of repute have cautioned the NPP government the need to exercise BALANCE particularly in respect of its relations with India and China. The question is how balancing could be the guiding policy in Sri Lanka’s relations with India and China, when balancing is only a strategy? For instance, is the prospect of a 200,000 barrels a day refinery by China in Hambantota to be balanced by a prospective refinery by India in Trincomalee even if it is not in Sri Lanka’s best interests? Is this what some commentators call “pragmatic balancing”?

Sri Lanka’s policy regarding relations with other countries is stated at times as Non-Aligned and neutral at other times depending on the occasion and the forum. In the Joint Statement with China, the Policy is Non-Aligned. During a press conference, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath made comments that undoubtedly amounted to “reaffirmation of Neutrality” according to a report in the Daily FT (Oct. 9, 2024). Such inconsistencies are not in the best interest of relations with India or China or with any other country. It is therefore imperative that the NPP government adopts a Policy and conducts its affairs in a manner that abides by the stated Policy if its credibility is to be respected

OBJECTIVES to PRECEEDE POLICY

However, whatever policy the NPP government adopts, what needs to be understood is the fundamental premise that prior to developing a Policy there has to be a clear and unambiguous Objective. For instance, the Foreign policy of India is often expressed as “Neighbourhood First”, and Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR). Such a policy would entitle India to realise its objective of being accepted as a Regional Power in South Asia and therefore recognised as a global power where its currency is internationally recognised, a place in the UN Security Council, etc., and other symbols of a global power. On the other hand, China’s objective is to become first among equals among global powers. The Policy to achieve such an objective is its Belt and Road Initiative.

Similarly, the US Declaration of Independence sets out its objective as being: “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights governments are instituted among men ….”

It is therefore clear that the Objective of a Nation is a declaration of the goals the Peoples of a Nation craft for themselves. Therefore, Sri Lanka has to define unambiguously its Objectives. To state that Sri Lanka’s Objective should be based on Self-Interests is to state the obvious because Self-Interest is what drives Foreign Relations. Foreign Policy of a Nation is how it conducts itself in its relations with other Nations in the process of pursuing its Objectives. For instance, the Objective of the NPP Government is to create “A thriving Nation and a beautiful life”. Thus, having declared its Objective, the NPP government has to decide whether a Foreign Policy of Non-Alignment, Neutrality or any other would enable it to realise its stated Objective of a thriving Nation and a beautiful life.

On the other hand, balancing is not an objective nor is it a policy. It is only a Strategy that could be resorted to within the context of Non-Aligned or Neutral Policies. Thus, its application is limited in scope to specific countries such as India and China and to infrastructure projects as part of Balancing interests of geopolitical rivals at a cost to Sri Lanka’s national interests.

NON-ALIGNMENT v. NEUTRALITY in PRACTICE

From a security perspective, non-alignment does not guarantee territorial inviolability. On the other hand, a neutral state is protected by international law. Therefore, neutrality offers greater guarantees in respect of territorial inviolability. Furthermore, since Neutrality defines duties and responsibilities of a Neutral State, other Nations are forewarned of what to expect from Sri Lanka – in short there are no surprises nor is there a need to go out of its way to ensure the security of India or any other State. This fosters trust and credibility among nations. However, if any country decides to violate Sri Lanka’s territory for whatever reason, as it was when India violated Sri Lanka’s air space, Sri Lanka has to accept the fact that no one would be coming to its defence other than the protection of International Law.

The real test between Non-Alignment and neutrality is when it comes to infrastructure projects. Furthermore, under a Policy of Non-Alignment, infrastructure projects invariably become part of balancing and therefore end up with unsolicited proposals, as in the past. Attempts to balance the refinery in Hambantota by China that was reported to have been based on expressions of interest called for by Sri Lanka, with a possible Refinery in Trincomalee for India would be unsolicited and to different standards. A variation to the theme of unsolicited projects is to tempt Sri Lanka by funding projects that serve the interests of the funding agency and not that of Sri Lanka.

On the other hand, a policy of neutrality requires that strict and open procedures are followed in order to ensure that all are treated as equals. This makes it imperative for Sri Lanka to first define the scale and scope of the project and call for Expressions of Interest (EOI) from parties for evaluation in a transparent and open manner. Thus, practices that require a Neutral State to adopt fosters Credibility and Trust in the eyes of other Nations; characteristics critically needed to create a Thriving Sri Lanka. These characteristics together with reliance on International Law become the combined armory of a Neutral State such as Sri Lanka that is relatively small, but strategically located for aspiring Global Powers to go out of their way to foster abiding relations.

CONCLUSION

The foreign policy options explored and commented on by analysts, think tanks and during panel discussions are; Non-Alignment, Neutrality, Balancing and Self- Interest, etc., not realising that some proposed Policies, such as Balancing, are not Policies but Strategies. These explorations fail to define the objective that determines which policy to adopt as in the case of India, China and the USA cited above. Additionally, the context in which the Policy works, becomes a factor that shapes and Influences Policy. In the particular context of Sri Lanka, its strategic location that is akin to a key stone in the arch of Indian Ocean Rim countries in the geopolitical equation has molded Sri Lanka as a Nation State over Millennia to an extent that its geographical size has become a secondary factor.

In such a context, its security, and the goal set by the NPP government of a “Thriving Nation and a beautiful life” is best served by international law and the Soft Power of a neutral state that requires it to conduct its International Relations in an open and Transparent manner that ensures equality among Nations in a manner that fosters Trust and Credibility. The dividends from such an approach would foster a “Thriving Nation”.

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Appropriate scaled-down celebration; probable statesman; misinterpretation

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Independence Day parade

This year the scaled-down Independence Day celebrations were just right. There was pageantry but no pomp. We must celebrate Independence Day and fortunately it was done. Every item was commendable: the mixed in race and gender choirs rendering so well the National Anthem, the Jayamangala Gatha and chant of blessing, directed at the President. Cass’ thought that after a long time he really deserved these chants of blessing, and good fortune for the country too. The National Anthem was sung in Tamil too by students. The President’s address was excellent in substance and delivery. The cultural event was superb. The best was that no armed vehicles drove past.

Statesman

A niece sent Cassandra a video clip of Prez AKD being mobbed – joyfully, admiringly, affectionately – on a recent visit to Velvataturai. He just got into the crowd, shook hands, patted little ones and posed for innumerable selfies, all smilingly with not a trace of self-promotion. He was just one of them. To have Tamils, Muslims, Catholic priests and nuns, Hindu dignitaries greeting him gladly brought tears to Cass’ eyes – tears of joy and the fact of reconciliation being evidently shown by the Tamil people. Accompanying the video Cass’ niece wrote: “Never in my wildest dreams would I have ever thought a Sinhala leader would be made so welcome in the North. They seemed to love him. He definitely has qualities of a leader.” And then she adds: “But I seriously fear for his safety, the way he is running around.” Agreed but not with crowds in the North, now that the suicide bombers are no more (or so we hope).

Judging the President and his manner of presenting himself (behaviour for short) locally and overseas in India and China within one hundred and something days of becoming Prez of the country, Cassandra declares she at last sees a potential statesman in him.

The only statesman we have had so far – D S Senanayake was a person of the people by his actions, notwithstanding his exclusive ancestry. He came from a land and plumbago mine owning, well to do family, but felt sincerely for the common people and hence his foremost policy being agriculture, since food is one of the three requirements for basic life. Air is free, and unpolluted then; water is/was plentiful through rain or containment in wewas, the largest of which he got constructed in Gal Oya, Ampara. DS seemed happiest when surrounded by villagers.

AKD was born to a simple family – but of integrity and worth – and thus he remains honest, simple, sincere, with very high ideals and love for Sri Lanka and its people, determined to do well by them. His head has definitely not been turned or swollen by the obvious adulation shown by our people and the VVIP welcome received in the two countries that dominate the world now. That is almost a humanely impossible achievement but he has succeeded in keeping his head while most other leaders before him lost theirs. That was principally because leaders of the past, starting from SWRD, had themselves and their political success in mind, later added to by greed of enrichment.

These qualities so far are missing in AKD and thus Cassandra’s prophecy – he will reach statesmanship because he has the qualities inherent in him and he gives the promise of not changing to be self-gratifying through imbibing greed for riches, greed for continued power, greed for the strength it gives a person to grab material wealth for himself and his family and cohorts.

Revenge

MTV 1 on Saturday February 1, carried the news of MP Rohitha Abeygunawardena visiting Mahinda Rajapaksa in his government-paid-for palatial home in Colombo 7 just to see to his well-being, as the MP said.

Now, the gist of what Rohitha A said, seated in his luxury car as he drove out of the ex Prez’s premises; “It is very wrong of the government to ask this great man to vacate the state-owned residence. Then he made this typical below par, oft used political accusation that government leaders were taking revenge on Ex Prez Mahinda R. Revenge for what act of the Ex Prez’s, pray? Cassandra cannot bear to hear the two words ‘jealousy’ and ‘revenge’. These two accusations are often made on political platforms by defeated leaders and lesser politicians.

Considering the case of ex-presidents being asked to vacate the huge houses bequeathed them by previous governments, started by JRJ, is a travesty of justice. Many of the past Prez’s contributed by the policies they followed and personal acts to the downfall of the country. A second reason: why should they live in absolute comfort and luxury, guarded by hordes of security personnel, when a large proportion of the population of the country have no decent housing nor adequate food to eat. In MR’s case particularly, he has many mansions in his name and his sons’ names. How about that Malvana grand house that finally had no owner?

Yes, what Rohitha A threatened could easily happen. Give a gang of ne’er-do-wells a large tot of kasippu, a bath packet and a monetary inducement and they will rise up with deadly rampaging anger anywhere and against anyone. Did we not see this happen against the Aragalaya protesters and rampage of Gotagogama on May 9, 2022, by an inebriated but ferocious horde that poured out of Temple Trees when Mahinda R was PM and in residence in this house?

A ray of sunshine

Along with a daily presentation of how money was wantonly wasted by previous governments in starting expensive projects in different parts of the country and then abandoning them, named What happened to the Village, MTV Channel One in its news presentation includes feel good happenings in the country named Happy Headlines. It’s so good to view a happy happening, a successful person, sports event, occurrence in nature within the daily dose of dismal news. It is a merciful occurrence for which the present government is thanked that news is no longer so dismal and we in Sri Lanka are fortunate to be living in a reviving country unlike Gaza, Sudan, Ukraine, even Pakistan and the US of America which has a daily new edict proclaimed by President Trump, which sends shivers down American backs unless they are the white Supremacists who believe this proven to be dishonest businessman is set to Make America Great Again.

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Mangroves in Sri Lanka : Guardians of the Coast Facing Uncertain Future

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Vulnerable Mangrove Palm Nypa Fruticans

By Ifham Nizam

Mangroves, often referred to as the “rainforests of the sea,” play a crucial role in maintaining coastal ecosystems. These salt-tolerant trees and shrubs thrive in the intertidal zones of tropical and subtropical regions, forming a unique and highly productive ecosystem.

In Sri Lanka, mangroves contribute significantly to biodiversity, fisheries, coastal protection, and climate resilience. However, despite their immense ecological and economic value, these forests are under severe threat due to human activities and climate change.

“Mangroves are among the most productive and valuable ecosystems on the planet. They not only support marine biodiversity but also act as a natural buffer against coastal erosion and extreme weather events,”

says Dr. Nilanthi Rajapakse, a scientist on Plant Taxonomy.

As the world observed World Wetlands Day on February 2, 2025, Sri Lanka faces a critical moment in its efforts to protect and restore these vital ecosystems.

The Importance of Mangroves in Sri Lanka

Mangroves provide a wide range of ecological, economic, and social benefits. Sri Lanka is home to more than 20 species of mangroves, which are mainly found along the western, southern, and eastern coastlines. Notable mangrove-rich areas include the Puttalam Lagoon, Maadu Ganga Estuary, Negombo, Batticaloa, Mannar, Trincomalee, and Jaffna.

Wetlands: biodiversity

Biodiversity Hotspots

Mangrove forests support an array of wildlife, including fish, crustaceans, mollusks, birds, reptiles, and marine mammals. Their dense root systems create breeding and nursery grounds for many commercially valuable fish species.

“Without mangroves, Sri Lanka’s fisheries industry would be severely impacted. These ecosystems serve as nurseries for juvenile fish, ensuring a steady supply for local fishermen,”

explains Wildlife Guard, Nuwan Jayawardena.

Mangroves also provide habitat for endangered and migratory birds, as well as reptiles like saltwater crocodiles and various marine mammals. Some species, such as Avicennia marina (Grey Mangrove) and Rhizophora mucronata (Red Mangrove), have unique adaptations like pneumatophores (aerial roots) and salt glands to survive in extreme coastal environments.

Coastal Protection and Climate Resilience

One of the most critical roles of mangroves is coastal defense. Their extensive root systems stabilize shorelines, preventing erosion and reducing the impact of tsunamis and storm surges.

“During the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, coastal areas with dense mangrove cover suffered less damage compared to those without. This underscores their importance as natural barriers,”

says Dr. Rajapakse.

Additionally, mangroves are powerful carbon sinks, absorbing and storing large amounts of carbon dioxide. Studies show that mangrove forests store up to four times more carbon per hectare than tropical rainforests, making them crucial in the fight against climate change.

The Wetland Newsletter of the Department of Wildlife Conservation (DWC) was first published in 2012 to share valuable information about wetlands. It is released twice a year and distributed among school children, undergraduates, government officials, naturalists, and wildlife enthusiasts. The advisory committee consists of M.G.C. Sooriyabandara, Director General of the DWC; Ranjan Marasinghe, Director (Operations) and Manjula Amararatne, Director (Protected Area Management) and edited by Dr. Nilanthi Rajapakse. The first volume of each year is launched on February 2nd in celebration of World Wetlands Day, while the second volume is released on October 1st to commemorate the founding anniversary of the DWC. This year, the official launch took place on Monday at the Ministry of Environment Auditorium during the national ceremony, where it was presented to the Chief Guest, Dr. Dhammika Patabendi, Minister of Environment. The event was also graced by Anton Jayakodi, Deputy Minister of Environment; Rohitha Uduwawala, Secretary of the Ministry of Environment; M.G.C. Sooriyabandara, Director General of the DWC; and Tilak Hevawasam, Chairman of the Central Environmental Authority.

Threats to Mangrove Ecosystems

Despite their significance, Sri Lanka’s mangroves are facing an existential crisis due to:

Human Activities

· Deforestation: Mangrove forests are being cleared for shrimp farming, agriculture, and urban expansion. The destruction of mangroves for economic gain often leads to long-term environmental and economic losses.

· Pollution

: Industrial waste, agricultural runoff, and plastic pollution degrade mangrove habitats, affecting water quality and marine life.

· Unregulated Development

: Coastal infrastructure projects, such as hotels and resorts, encroach on mangrove areas, disrupting their delicate balance.

Climate Change

· Rising sea levels threaten the very existence of mangroves by increasing salinity levels beyond their tolerance.

Stronger storms and extreme weather events

lead to physical damage and habitat loss.

· Temperature fluctuations

affect the reproductive cycles and growth of mangrove species.

“If we do not act now, Sri Lanka could lose a significant portion of its mangrove forests within the next few decades,”

warns Dr. Rajapakse.

Conservation Efforts and Restoration Projects

Government and International Initiatives

Sri Lanka has taken several steps to protect and restore mangroves. The country is a signatory to the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, which emphasises the conservation of wetland ecosystems.

The establishment of protected areas and national parks has helped safeguard some mangrove habitats.

However, enforcement of environmental laws remains a challenge. Conservationists argue that stronger policies, stricter regulations, and better coordination between government agencies are necessary to curb illegal activities.

Community-Based Conservation

Engaging local communities in mangrove conservation has proven to be one of the most effective strategies. Several NGOs and local organisations are working to:

· Educate coastal communities about the importance of mangroves.

· Promote sustainable fishing and aquaculture practices.

· Conduct mangrove restoration projects, where degraded areas are replanted with native mangrove species.

“When local communities understand that their livelihoods depend on healthy mangroves, they become active participants in conservation efforts,”

explains Dr. Rajapakse.

Successful Restoration Projects

Several mangrove restoration projects have yielded positive results. In some areas, mangrove saplings have been replanted in degraded zones, leading to the regeneration of native species. International organisations have also collaborated with Sri Lankan researchers to monitor mangrove health and develop strategies for long-term sustainability.

The Road Ahead: A Call to Action

While progress has been made, conservationists emphasise that more action is needed to protect Sri Lanka’s mangroves. The following key steps are crucial for ensuring the long-term survival of these ecosystems:

Strengthening Environmental Laws

– Enforcing stricter regulations against illegal deforestation and pollution.

Expanding Protected Areas

– Designating more mangrove forests as protected zones.

Promoting Eco-Tourism

– Developing sustainable tourism models that benefit both conservation and local communities.

Investing in Research

– Supporting scientific studies to better understand the impact of climate change on mangroves.

Empowering Coastal Communities

– Providing training and financial incentives for sustainable livelihoods.

“Protecting mangroves is not just an environmental issue—it’s an economic and social necessity,”

says Dr. Rajapakse

Sri Lanka’s mangroves are priceless assets, offering countless benefits to people and nature alike. Yet, without urgent and sustained conservation efforts, these ecosystems could disappear, leaving coastal communities vulnerable and biodiversity at risk.

As the world celebrated World Wetlands Day 2025, the call for immediate action has never been clearer. Governments, conservationists, and local communities must work together to protect and restore Sri Lanka’s mangrove forests. The choices made today will determine whether these vital ecosystems thrive or vanish in the years to come.

Mangroves are not just trees—they are lifelines.

Preserving them is essential for a sustainable and resilient future for Sri Lanka and the planet.

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