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The Wijeweera Legacy and Left Prospects Today

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by Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka

The Left in Sri Lanka is closer than it has ever been to leading the country. This is borne out by public opinion polling which consistently puts Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) the JVP-NPP leader ahead of the competition at a presidential election and his party or bloc, the NPP-JVP ahead of the competition at a parliamentary election.

The mystery is that AKD and the JVP-NPP aren’t doing everything it can, or even the minimum things it can, to increase its slim lead and get to the magic 50% mark. In every other situation everywhere in the world in which the Left has come within striking distance of electoral victory, or indeed victory of any sort, the natural reflex has been to seek to close the gap through tweaking its own policies and profile so as to elasticize its appeal while reaching out and building political partnerships, alliances, blocs, in a word, political relationships, that bring it home to victory.

This has been the lesson of Pink Tide one and two which has seen the democratic Left sweep Latin America twice in the past quarter century. It has also been the experience of the Marxist-Leninist left in Nepal.

That is precisely what the JVP-NPP is not doing. I was discussing this paradox with an incisive young friend who earned a postgraduate degree in international relations in a First World university before he became the business magnate he is. “If the JVP and the FSP united it would give rise to brilliant synergy, but the JVP believes in competitive advantage, not cooperative advantage. It would rather lose, persisting in comparative advantage than win, switching to cooperative advantage” he opined.

Political Genetics

Where did this self-limitation, this chronic inability to form inter-party/cross-party political relationships come from? Why is it persisted in even at the risk of losing the elections?

More puzzling, why is it indulged in even though it prevents the JVP-NPP’s ability to wrench an election from the reluctant Ranil Wickremesinghe?

Why is it adhered to even though it hamstrings, the JVP-NPP’s ability to protect its trade unions from the vicious labor legislation that is imminent, and/or the sell-off of the state sector of the economy which houses many of those unions?

The reason, the cause, lies in the genetic structure, the genetic code of the JVP. Those political-ideological genes are the source of the JVP’s strength and its weakness. To seek the real reason, one has to return to the JVP’s roots; its paternity.

Rohana Wijeweera was the most significant or consequential left leader this island ever produced. He grasped what Georg Lukacs, writing of Lenin, described as “the actuality of the revolution”. Though he had several contemporaries who had the same idea and strivings, without Wijeweera, revolution would never really have come on the agenda of Sri Lankan history. His real strength was a combination of two attributes. Firstly, the ability to apply and adapt—which in his case, tragically involved great distortion—Marxism-Leninism to the specifics of the Sri Lankan reality and the sociology of the underprivileged Lankan youth. Secondly, the ability to organize and instill in his followers the zeal to organize.

No Wijeweera, no JVP; no JVP, no real challenge to the Sri Lankan capitalist system and capitalist class. No Wijeweera, no real challenge to the Sri Lankan state. No JVP, no FSP offshoot, and no really effective Left on the island. No effective Left, no alternative or counterbalance to the capitalist politicians or the savage neoliberal cutbacks. No JVP and FSP and no counterforce, or even voice, for the disadvantaged masses, the youth from the poorer classes and generations educated in the state universities.

There is a flipside, or as they say, the matter needs a dialectical approach. If not for Wijeweera’s strengths, no JVP challenge to the System, but if not for Wijeweera’s weaknesses, those challenges would not have been so distorted as be successfully beaten down. Look at the track record. Two significant armed uprisings, both smashed militarily, punctuated and followed by desultory-to-modest electoral performance so far.

Compare and contrast that with Latin America where the Left either managed to use its military strength to force negotiations and the re-opening of the system which permitted electoral participation culminating in victory and re-election, or even in cases of utter military devastation, retained enough of a moral-ethical halo, to win Presidential elections.

What is the reason? While Wijeweera’s strength lent the JVP determination and resilience, his chronic weaknesses also imposed structural limits on its success. His paranoia made him see any competitor or dissenter as an enemy who had to be dealt with violently. This aborted any possibility of united fronts, alliances, and blocs, i.e., any partnership or more plainly, political relationships. It was a self-fulfilling prophecy. The enemies he and the JVP made on the Left through lethal violence, turned out to be the decisive factor in the JVP’s crushing military defeat in 1989.

This paranoia, though in a greatly reduced form, has been carried on to the next generation through the JVP’s DNA. It is mercifully, far more diluted in the breakaway FSP. However, the FSP, while much less sectarian, is not entirely immune either. In a Southern European or Latin American context, an FSP-type party would have united either with other left parties (that’s how Syriza and Podemos were formed) or worked within the SJB and/or FPC.

Tamil Question

Wijeweera had a chronic inability to formulate a Marxist solution to the Tamil National Question—that is, apart from writing a 350-page book (his report to the underground party Congress in 1985) which had more consecutive pages criticizing me by name than Velupillai Prabhakaran.

Though the JVP and FSP have abandoned his ‘social chauvinism’ – which Wimal Weerawansa is continuing – and are laudably anti-racist parties, they too have baulked at embracing the standard Marxist and Left formulation of ‘regional autonomy’. Instead, the JVP wobbles while the FSP still flirts occasionally with ‘self-determination’ – which Wijeweera was correct to reject and I was wrong not to. The result of this Wijeweera legacy has been a political paralysis of both the JVP and the FSP on the Tamil Question which prevents any kind of North-South political bridge-building or even an extended conversation.

Surplus Violence

Electorally, the biggest liability of the Wijeweera period is the character of the violence of the second uprising in the late 1980s. Both the JVP and the FSP have been unable to get beyond the old justificatory narrative of “the UNP framed us and banned us, so we had no choice but to fight back”. That narrative is often supplemented with “the Indians projected power onto our soil so we had to resist it arms in hand”.

Taken separately or together, the justificatory narrative fails to deal with the issue of barbarism as manifested in targeting. What does the UNP’s ban on the JVP or the Indian airdrop and the Accord have to do with the very first political assassination by the JVP in the 1980s, namely the slitting of the throat of Daya Pathirana, the leader of the radical left Independent Students Union, who had signed a petition in 1984 calling for the removal of the ban on the JVP, and was murdered on December 15, 1986, many months before the Indian intervention?

The problem is not with the JVP taking up arms but the use those arms were put to. Is there no way for the JVP and the breakaway FSP to reaffirm the legitimacy of its recourse to arms with a self-criticism of the lethal targeting of unarmed rivals and non-compliant civilians targeting which made bitter enemies of other radical leftists who then proved to be the critical variable in the JVP’s defeat? Why not a self-criticism of the needless and ultimately suicidal decision to continue or resume the civil war when a real chance had arisen to negotiate an honourable solution and even enter the government when the newly-elected, non-elite, populist President Premadasa invited it to do so?

The failure to make a public self-criticism about aspects of its armed struggle reduces the level of public trust that the JVP-NPP could otherwise count on because of the economic crisis. In some areas there are horrific memories of JVP violence and persecution of the people (snatching ID

cards, imposing curfews, strictures on funerals etc.). These votes could comprise the margin of victory or defeat and yet the JVP is unwilling to do its due diligence to secure them.

Erasing Theory

Finally, there is the perhaps the most important drawback of the Wijeweera legacy that the JVP and FSP share, and should cut clean away from if the Left is to win or even survive Ranil’s counter-revolutionary offensive.

After 1973 or perhaps 1976, Rohana Wijeweera sealed the JVP off from the rich, complex legacy, theoretical and strategic, of the post-Lenin international communist and revolutionary movement. It happened this way. After the defeat of the April 1971 insurrection the incarcerated JVP cadres and those underground and on the run began to read. The reading led to calls for self-criticism and efforts at self-criticism. These were met with violence directed at the dissenters by Wijeweera’s faithful in the jails.

Being the very smart guy he was, Wijeweera knew this was not enough. He then engaged in a massive diversion operation. He diverted attention to the support extended to the Bandaranaike government by the ruling Communist parties of Russia and more dramatically China and went on a huge binge against the international communist movement. His lawyer the celebrated Trotskyist Bala Tampoe was giving him considerable reading material, chiefly the writings of Ernest Mandel.

Ever the utilitarian, Wijeweera switched from his 1973 position of endorsing independent-minded Communist parties non-aligned between Russia and China, i.e., Cuba, Vietnam, North Korea, Japan, and the Communist Party of India-Marxist, to a complete rupture which took the Trotskyist position that international communism had been incorrupt only up to the first four Congresses of the Communist International (Comintern). In short, it pretty much had all gone wrong after Lenin, except for the positions of the ‘Left Opposition’ (Trotsky, Zinoviev, Radek, Preobrazhensky) against Stalin.

Wijeweera being Wijeweera, he dumped this ‘ultra-internationalism’ when the party was unfairly banned by the UNP and went underground. He then switched to its opposite position, adopting ultra nationalism in his 1985 book, denouncing any and every form of political devolution down to the District Development Councils which the JVP had itself contested.

Original Sin

What is most pertinent to the situation today, is that in order to facilitate a free hand for himself to swing from one position to its opposite, Wijeweera maintained the cut-off point at Lenin and there too, suppressing his ‘Two Tactics’ (1905). This meant that decades of Marxist and revolutionary thought after Lenin was de-legitimized, denounced, or ignored; unavailable to and discouraged among JVP leaders and members. Wijeweera reserved for himself the right to toss in the names of Fidel, Che, Miguel Enriquez (founder of the Chilean MIR) et al, without ever quoting at length from them, still less discussing, debating and assimilating their ideas. It was simply name-dropping.

Mao, Gramsci, Dimitrov, Togliatti, Ho Chi Minh, Fidel Castro, Che Guevara, Amilcar Cabral, Carlos Fonseca, Joe Slovo. None of these were read at length or discussed in depth. The entire conceptualization of United Fronts and the Popular Front, in their many variations, was effaced.

This is the real reason that the JVP does not engage in united fronts with other political parties. This is the real reason the JVP will be mentally unable to do so until it exorcises this ghost of the negative side of Wijeweera’s political paternity.

The treasure house of Marxist thought was shut to the JVP by Wijeweera and never really reopened by him or his successors. The FSP is much more open but it is like the man who escaped Plato’s cave and is blinking in the sunlight. As Plato explained, in a reference to the fate of Socrates, when such an escapee goes back to his fellow prisoners and tries to explain the outside world to them, they are likely to kill him because all they know are the shadows flickering on the walls of the cave.

Meanwhile, the badly defeated Latin American left was deeply studying Gramsci, supplemented by Althusser and Poulantzas. That was the secret of its successful comeback. Though some of those parties had been founded after the JVP and defeated militarily, they were elected to the presidency in their countries well before the JVP found its political and electoral feet.

[Dayan Jayatilleka is author of ‘The Great Gramsci: Imagining an Alt-Left Project’, in On Public Imagination: A Political and Ethical Imperative, eds. Richard Falk et al, Routledge 2019]



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Women’s struggles and men’s unions

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by Dr. Anushka Kahandagamage

Last week began with the disturbing news of a brutal sexual assault on a female doctor at the Anuradhapura Hospital. From the moment of birth, women are taught to conform to societal expectations of how they should dress and behave, which shapes their sense of vulnerability. This feeling of being at risk knows no boundaries—whether it’s social status, wealth, or education, women experience it universally. It follows them everywhere, day and night. Even in the presence of men who consider themselves progressive, women still feel unsafe. Ideological beliefs or personal views don’t change this reality—women are constantly exposed to the threat of harm. Even when fully covered, from head to toe, they are not immune. In Western societies, which pride themselves on freedom and equality, women still face fear and danger. Vulnerability persists, even in their own homes or among those closest to them.

In a country like Sri Lanka, ravaged by decades of war, the pressure on women is even more intense. This is largely due to the celebration of military masculinities as the norm. In general, masculinity constantly tries to distance itself from femininity. These divisions are deepened by military models. To be seen as a ‘real man,’ one must embody military traits. This doesn’t necessarily mean being part of an official army or wearing a uniform; rather, any man who adopts characteristics like violence and physical risk-taking aligns with this military masculinity model. Nearly thirty years of war have normalised and solidified these military ideals, glorifying them more than ever. In such a society, women are subjected to and oppressed by these restrictive and harmful models of masculinity.

Men’s Unions

Referring back to the unfortunate incident involving the doctor, the Government Medical Officers’ Association (GMOA) organised a symbolic strike in protest. While it’s important to acknowledge their support for their female colleague, the issue is not solved by the strike itself or by the reactive nature of professional actions that only address problems after they have occurred. The GMOA has two presidents, four vice presidents, six assistant secretaries, a treasurer, an editor, two assistant editors, and thirty-five committee members, making a total of 51 office-bearers. Of these, only one committee member is a woman, meaning 50 of the board members are men. Meanwhile, the ratio of women to men in the medical community is roughly equal, and the number of female medical students is increasing, surpassing that of male students. In this context, the lack of female representation in the GMOA is deeply concerning.

Some may argue that it is the fault of female doctors for not running for these positions, but the real reason women avoid trade union politics is that these spaces are often unwelcoming. Women’s voices are suppressed and ignored, and many women do not feel these environments are safe or inclusive. The overwhelming male presence discourages women from participating, which is why they remain underrepresented in these spaces.

As a result, the specific challenges, insecurities, and forms of marginalisation faced by female doctors are not addressed within the trade union politics of doctors. These issues are never recognised as professional concerns. The troubling incident in Anuradhapura is not an isolated case; it is part of a broader pattern of difficulties faced by female doctors, with these issues going unheard by higher authorities. Therefore, instead of reacting after an incident occurs, the GMOA—currently shaped by political agendas—should take steps to create long-term solutions to address the problems of female doctors and bring them to the attention of the government. One key step would be to create a space within the GMOA where women can contribute their ideas and share their concerns. Rather than maintaining trade unions dominated by male professionals, unions should be established that include women’s voices as well. A platform should be created where women can actively engage in politics and contribute to shaping the future of the profession.

Women’s Unions

Additionally, the female doctor has the opportunity to speak up for herself due to her professional status. But what about the women who come from humble backgrounds? Do they have a platform to raise their voices regarding their troubles? Women’s voices should never be defined by their social class, status, or profession. A woman picking tea leaves in a garden may face harassment from someone more powerful and influential, yet this common form of abuse often goes unnoticed by society.

She may choose silence to protect her job. Similarly, a woman working the night shift in a garment factory may have to endure harassment and abuse without a chance to speak out. Many women in this country lack the platform a high-ranking professional woman has to raise their voices when they experience such mistreatment. This doesn’t mean that the problems faced by high-ranking professional women should be dismissed. On the contrary, it highlights that all women are equally ensnared by the economic, political, and patriarchal systems that dominate society. We all, to varying degrees, participate in upholding these oppressive social, political, economic, and military patriarchal structures. The crucial task is to identify these oppressive models and create counter-narratives that can challenge and dismantle them.

Models and narratives that perpetuate gender inequality need to be challenged and dismantled, and women’s active participation in politics is crucial in this process. These models, which often portray women as passive or secondary, limit their agency and reinforce systemic discrimination. To break free from these constraints, it is essential to create counter-narratives that highlight women’s leadership, resilience, and power. These counter-narratives not only challenge existing stereotypes but also empower future generations to believe in their ability to shape society.

Women’s participation in politics is vital to this shift. However, political engagement goes far beyond traditional party politics. It involves advocating for one’s rights, raising a voice for the marginalised, and sharing personal and collective stories that highlight the struggles women face. This form of political engagement helps to create awareness, foster solidarity, and inspire action within broader society. For example, women’s involvement in activism and trade unions plays an equally crucial role in challenging the status quo. Activism allows women to directly confront and protest against systemic injustices, while trade unions provide a platform for collective bargaining and the fight for fair working conditions.

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United yet muffled against Prez T, an admirer speaks out

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Trump and Trudeau

Maybe Cassandra is small-minded venturing to the world stage to air her personal opinions. But opinions are allowed and speech and writing permitted in this island of ours now mercifully peaceful. So, she will air her views.

Opinions on the Trump-Zelensky confrontation

Cass cheers President Zelensky after his February 28 meeting with President Trump in a media crowded Oval Office. He was put down, nay, insulted by Trump and his Vice President. He admirably held his own and did not apologise even though he was shown the door.

Zelensky but were tactful. After all, good relations with one of the two largest, most powerful and economically elevated countries had to be maintained. They did not fault Zelensky, who offered no apology to the Prez of the US. After all, the insults heaped on him for his dress, his not being grateful to Trump, etc., he was shown the door. The outcome of negotiations between the US and Ukraine brokered by the Head of Saudi Arabia are still to be known.

Not so muted were the replies to Prez Trump (actually to Musk, who seems to be the puppeteer in the White House) regards his unreasonable tariffs, the latest on metal and steel products imported to the US.  PM Justin Trudeau was outspoken about the unfairness of the tariffs and replied Canada was also doing likewise and added the corollary that never would Canada be a state of the US. Even the likes of Cassandra were shocked at the audacity of Musk to even suggest such a monstrously absurd idea.

In favour of Trump

A Sri Lankan, now a US citizen, mentioned how many ex-Sri Lankans, now Americans, are of the Republican Party and so must be approving of Trump as Prez. They are, she added, the rich ex-Sri Lankans, mostly doctors who have done very well in the US.

Of course, everyone and anyone is free in their choices. Dr Upul Wijayawardhana in his article What not to do in The Island of Wednesday March 12 writes: “I must say that I quite like Trump and admire him as a straight-talking politician. He keeps to his words however atrocious they sound! Unfortunately, most critics overlook the fact that what Trump is doing is exactly what he pledged during his election campaign …”

As Cassandra wrote earlier, all are free to make choices. Dr W is brave to declare his admiration for a politico who is being disapproved of universally. What Cass does not agree with is Dr W, while saying “the behaviour of Trump and VP Vance were hardly praiseworthy”, he   censors the smaller nation Ukrainian: “but Zelensky did what exactly he should not do. After all, he was on a begging mission and beggars can’t be choosers! He behaves like professional beggars in Colombo who throw money back when you give a small amount!”  Cass disagrees with Dr W. Zelensky was on a visit to sign an agreement for the US to exploit Ukraine’s mineral deposits; tied up with aid and arms to war against Russia but not on a begging mission per se. And they were both Presidents so there cannot be superiority at such a meeting.

 Banker to Prime Minister

Looks very much like Canada is girding up its loins to fight an aggressive USA or rather the combination of Donald Trump and Elon Musk. Justin Trudeau has given notice he wishes to relinquish his premiership to spend more time with his family. And, his and the Liberal Party’s choice to vote as leader of the Party and thus PM designate is an ex-banker. No intelligence is needed to guess why this choice. To counter the trade and tariff wars instigated by Trump.

The Liberal Party of Canada, founded in 1867, is the longest serving and oldest active federal political party and had dominated federal politics in Canada for much of its history, holding power for almost 70 years in the last century. Pierre Trudeau’s name stands out as Party Leader and PM from 1968 to 79 and 1980 to 84.  Son Justin held power from 2015. From March 14, 2025, Mark Carney will hold the fort, mostly against the economically conquering and property eyeing Trump.

Born in 1965 in Fort Smith, Northwest Territories, Carney was raised in Edmonton, Alberta. He graduated in economics from Harvard University in 1988 and earned a Master’s degree and doctorate from the University of Oxford in 1993 and ‘95.  After holding various positions at Goldman Sachs, he joined the Bank of Canada as Deputy Governor in 2003.  The next year he was named senior associate deputy minister for the Department of Finance Canada. He was head of the Canadian Central Bank until 2013, after which he was appointed Governor of the Bank of England, leading it through Brexit and the Covid lockdown. He left in 2020.

Listening to a couple of videos of his acceptance speech as Leader, Liberal Party, he appeared to be of statesman quality. He is married to Diana Fox, an economist he met in London. They have four daughters, the eldest an ardent environmentalist.

Farewell of Trudeau

Cass listened to a video recording of Justin Trudeau’s farewell address to the Liberal Party. It was noteworthy. His teenage daughter introduced him and said he had given his life to the Liberal Party and Canada and it was now important that he spend undivided time with his family of wife and three children

Justin Pierre James Trudeau was born in 1971 in Ottawa, the eldest son of Prime Minister Pierre Trudeau. Holds a BA degree in English from McGill University and a BEd from the University of British Columbia.  He taught in secondary school until in 2008 he was elected an MP and in 2013 as leader of the Liberal Party and Prime Minister in 2015, the second youngest PM in Canadian history.

As Cass mentioned, his farewell speech was excellent, speaking alternatively in French and English with French portions translated to English. He recalled all that Canada had achieved: true democracy and people’s rights, including women’s right to choose what they wanted in their lives. He said Canada could and would meet challenges, even fight for its sovereignty as Canadians, even the indigenous, united.

In conclusion, Cass surmises the world is still in uproar, in contrast to Sri Lanka. No, that is not true. Doctors are on strike as she writes, extending their one day of stoppage of work, demanding greater protection for women medical personnel. Good demand but bad to strike.

And the Batalanda problem surfaces itself.

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Why I attend Kachchativu feast every year

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Sub Lieutenant Technical Course, India: The writer is on extreme left, and immediately next to him is Vice admiral (then Sub Lieutenant) Ibok-Ete Ekwe Ibas of the Nigerian Navy, former Chief of the Nigerian Navy (2015–2021). He is currently the Nigerian High Commissioner to Ghana.

By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP& Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defense Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan

(Extract from book “THOSE WERE THE DAY”)

It was in 1984, 41 years ago, that I returned to Sri Lanka, from India, after completing my Sub Lieutenant Technical course. My new appointment was at the Northern Naval Command and I was based in SLNS Elara shore establishment, in Karainagar.

Six batchmates of mine were also transferred to the North. It was in mid-1984. I now feel that transferring seven batchmates—boisterous Sub Lieutenants—was a very big mistake on the part of the Navy. We had just completed three and a half years in service. Whatever the situation, our parties went on till late at night. Thanks to the Indian food, which we ate for nine months, all of us were very thin.

It is believed that if you want to gain weight you have to drink toddy from the same palm, every day, before lunch. So, we owned one palm each at the Karainagar base. Our toddy tapper, Kandaiah, was paid 30 rupees every month (one rupee per day per one bottle). Kandaiah will mark our bottles and hand them over to the Officers Mess steward to keep them in the refrigerator. (The Navy Officers Mess is called the Ward Room in the Navy parlance). The Naval base in Karinagar, followed the “summer routine” due to the very hot weather in Jaffna. The working hours were from 07.30 hrs to 13.30 hrs. We gathered for lunch around 14.30 hrs, after all the senior officers had left. First, the bottle of fresh chilled Thal toddy, then delicious Navy lunch with sea food or mutton, followed by fruit salad or caramel pudding.

After our heavy lunch, we will rest for one hour in very warm weather and then go to the basketball or tennis courts by 16.00 hrs. Games would go on till sunset. Whether we gained weight that way is a moot question. Soon our ‘Christmas’ came to an end. We were detailed to ‘Mothership-daughter craft operation’. Seven sub-Lieutenants were in Command of seven boats, fiberglass dinghies (FGDs) fitted with 40 HP Out Board Motors. (OBMs). They move faster than fishing boats and our mission was to be attached to bigger ships (Gunboat, OPV or to trawler A521 ) and chase away any Indian bottom trawlers poaching in Sri Lankan waters and catch any smuggling or terrorist boat coming from India. Terrorists camps were situated in the Tamilnadu coast at that time. On 1 July 1984, (Sunday), my crew consisting of three junior sailors were due to proceed to sea. Senior most among my sailors was Leading Seaman Hibutugoda with eight years’ experience in the Navy. Able Seaman Buddhakorale, Marine Engineering Mechanic Bandara and I had been in service for less than four years. I was leading this young boat crew to action. During the daily briefing, I was told our boat was to join SLNS Jayasagara. (Offshore Patrol Vessel) anchored off Kachchativu on the Indo-Sri Lanka International Maritime Boundary Line (IMBL) by afternoon.

It was a fairly long sea journey for an FGB fitted with 40HP OBM. But that is how we started fighting terrorists out at sea in 1984!

 We left the Karainagar base soon after breakfast at 07.00 hrs and reached Nainativu (Nagadeepa temple) pier by 09.30 hrs. I met Podi Hamudruwo, (a young priest) who was my close friend and worshipped the place, which the Buddha visited. Then we had tea at our Naval Detachment and proceeded back to sea. It was the height of the South West monsoon and usually sea South of Delft Island was very rough during this period. The funnel effect of Delft channel further made the sea even more furious. Leading Seaman . suggested that we turn back and return to base due to rough seas. I was not in agreement. Young and enthusiastic, I was determined to intercept terrorist craft or a smuggling boat in my first patrol on a FGD. So, we continued at a slower speed heading towards SLNS Jayasagara. Our only Navigational aid was a boat magnetic compass. The sea was very rough. As per my calculations, we should reach Mothership (SLNS Jayasagara) by noon.

We packed all our weapons and radio set in polythene covers and kept them safely under the bow- locker of the boat. We were riding the head sea, which tossed our boat up and down like a rubber ball. By 13.00 hrs, I knew something was wrong. Mother ship was not in sight, which was unbelievable. Our efforts to contact mother ship by our 10 Watts radio Communication set was unsuccessful. When we sighted the tall radio mast of Danuskodi (India), we realised that we had come too far away from the Mothership. (Later, we learnt the Mothership had moved to the North of Delft Island due to rough seas and the Naval base at Karainagar had failed to inform them of our departure). We were in Indian waters! We immediately turned back to our reciprocal course and headed towards Nainativu, none of these Islands were within our sight. All our calculations were done on the basis of our speed, boat compass directions and a photocopy of the Northern area sea chart.

The situation took a turn for the worse. After we started heading towards Sri Lankan waters, the wind and the sea coming from the stern of the boat made the handling of the vessel on a steady course extremely difficult. After a few minutes, waves broke on to boat, which started sinking. We jumped off. Marine Engineering Mechanic Bandara held on to a lifejacket. Others were swimming in various directions. The boat disappeared in deep waters within a few minutes. Wooden floorboards of the boat were floating. I grabbed one wooden floorboard and gathered others around it.

Now we were all together. Bandara was a non-swimmer and he wore a life jacket. Others were in a state of shock, even though they could swim. What they saw around them was only the sea with no land in sight.

 What about me? I am a good swimmer thanks to Late Master Chief Petty Officer (PTI) PPR Silva, who was our swimming instructor during our cadet time. Further, my training at Britannia Royal Naval College (BRNC), Dartmouth, UK, where Royal Navy takes ‘survival at sea’ training very seriously. They put you in a life raft and keep you out at river Dart for a whole night during winter. Midshipmen from Asian and African countries who did the     International Midshipman Course at BRNC with me cursed the Royal Navy instructors the whole night for keeping us exposed to very cold weather in river Dart. I realised the importance of that training in BRNC. However, the situation there was different. We were on a liferaft in River Dart, and not floating in water. Due to the cold weather in the UK during winter, if you fall into water, you will survive only a few minutes. You will die of hypothermia. The situation here in warm Sri Lankan/Indian waters is different. We would survive a longer period, maybe 24 hours.

I ordered all the sailors to stay together by holding on to the floor board and reassured them that help would be forthcoming even though I knew it would take hours to both CO SLNS Jayasagara, my CO SLNS Elara and Commander Northern Naval Area to realise our boat was lost at sea and to initiate Search and Rescue (SAR) mission. Then, I ensured that Bandara was comfortable with his life jacket. I instructed my sailors to just hang on to the wooden floorboard, not to expend energy by trying to swim. My instructions and reassurance had a calming effect on the sailors. We were riding waves, holding onto the floorboards. I told my sailors that a rescue team would come searching for us before sunset. Time as per my waterproof watch was 14.00 hrs.

I had one fear. After returning from India a few weeks back, I watched Steven Spielberg’s award-winning film ‘Jaws’, on man-eating great white sharks. The film is based on Peter Benchley’s 1974 novel JAWS. I thought such a shark would appear and swallow one of us whole. Further I knew for sure that there were no man-eating Sharks in our waters, but silently prayed that sunset would come fast in the hope that sharks would not see us in the dark.

Thankfully, at sun set, we saw an SLAF Aircraft on the horizon. It was patrolling along the India-Sri Lanka IMBL. We were in the Indian waters. Our morale went down to the lowest  with sunset. No search would be conducted at night because aircraft and ships/boats could not sight us. We had to keep going. I told the sailors, “The aircraft must have seen us, but as you know, help would not come at night. We should somehow survive till next morning July 2, 1984)”. Something told me I was hoping for the impossible.

I prayed that it would not be the last sunset I was watching. I thought of my parents, my brothers and sisters, especially my sister closest to me, Lalani. who would die in an accident in Russia two years later. She was so close to me and I was her hero in uniform. I was determined to live and keep my sailors alive till morning.

As soon as the sun set, the new moon rose. The new moon was in the waxing crescent phase with only 7% illumination. That meant we were heading for a very dark night. I started singing, joined by my sailors. Leading Seaman Hibutugoda grabbed the ‘mike’ from me. He is a very good singer. I regretted having disregarded his advice that we turn back at Nainativu. A wonderful sailor, he mentioned it again. I respect him even today for his discipline. They were “old school” sailors who believed that”officers were always right”. The new moon started dipping down by the time Hibutugoda stopped singing. I wished if I had my hip flask was filled with rum. If I had been able to give him a tot, Hibutugoda would have gone on singing till dawn.

It became one of the darkest nights after the moon set at 9.00 pm. It was so dark that we could barely see each other. During my training at BRNC, I learnt that our body temperature was in water for a long time and body fluids transferred to sea water by natural osmosis; we would get dehydrated, feel drowsy and then drown. I was worried about my sailors, specially of Bandara, who started shivering. I told the sailors to keep talking and if anyone felt drowsy to inform others without falling asleep. I had the worst fear that one of them would feel drowsy and drown. To keep them alert, I showed them how to find North by reading stars and how to trace the star- conciliation of ‘Orion’.

Then, I asked them to count stars, and anyone whose count was the same as mine, would get a bottle of rum from me when we reached the base. They kept counting and recounting stars!It was the longest night in my life. The sunrise of 2nd July 1984 was the most beautiful one I have seen. I suddenly realized 1st July was Sunday and Indian trawlers would not go fishing on Sundays.

Morale, however, was up with the sunrise. I saw a few smiles. We did something unbelievable. We survived one whole night in water! We had broken all previous records by the Sri Lanka Navy on survival.

I saw Kachchativu Island on the horizon, where a small church was built by a fisherman, who was a survivor of a storm, and dedicated it to St. Anthonys. We were too weak to swim towards the island. I told my sailors that help would come soon. I am a Buddhist and firm believer in God Skanda (God Kataragama) and St. Anthony. When we get a sea appointment, we go to St. Anthony Church, Kochikade and light a candle because St. Anthony is the Saint who looks after seafarers like us. Our ships in the Colombo harbour, before proceeding to the sea on patrol first, turn towards St. Antony’s Church to invoke its blessings. Before taking over my sea appointment in the North, I lit a candle there. I prayed to St. Antony.

A book written by the late

W. T. Jayasinghe, the former External Affairs  and Defence Secretary, titled, Kachchativu: And the Maritime Boundary of Sri Lanka, says: “The sea surrounding Kachchativu are

fertile fishing grounds and fishermen from Sri Lanka have from time immemorial been venturing into these waters. It is recorded that fishermen of Point Pedro went as far as Kachchativu to catch turtles during particular seasons.

The Portuguese administered Kachchativu  as part of Jaffna and Sri Lanka has been exercising sovereignty and jurisdiction over Kachchativu and its adjacent waters without interruption.” (Page 18)

 We were very weak by morning. Around 9.00 hrs / July 2, 1984, we saw a fishing trawler at a distance. They saw us floating and came towards us. I silently prayed again that it should not be an Indian trawler. We the SLN are not the best friends of Indian trawlers poaching in our waters.

 It was a Sri Lankan trawler which came from Gurunagar. They took us on board. I looked at my waterproof watch. Time was 10.20 hrs. We had been floating for 20 hours and 20 minutes. All of us survived. The Tamil fishermen were very kind to us. They gave us water to drink, which tasted very sweet. We had not taken any water or food for almost 24 hrs. Most of us were shivering from the cold and had signs of dehydration. The fishermen gave us sugar and bread. This was the breakfast of these humble people. I ate a piece of bread with sugar with tears in my eyes.

 I thanked St Antony for being kind to us. I was determined to come back to the small St Antony’s Church in Kachchativu soon to light a candle. Soon we were spotted by a SLN ship. The happy news communicated to the Naval Base, Karainagar “Ravi and his boys are safe. We are bringing them home”. A reception at the Naval base was unbelievable, led by my senior batch Lieutenant Parakrama Samaraweera (Pol Samare or Nalaka who died in Mullaitivu in 1996) and six of my batch mates. All these happened when I was a 21-year old, way back in 1984. Thank god for allowing me to live. Thanks St. Anthony

My mother was 82-years old and she broke her hip in 2017, when I was Navy Commander. She gave me most of the valuable documents she was keeping with her. One of those documents was my horoscope, written by a world-famous astrologer who was a very close friend of my late father. My horoscope was written only up to 1st July 1984, and the astrologer had said the remaining part of it would be completed some other day. My late father or mother did not know why the astrologer had postponed writing the second part. Now, I know why he did so. However, I survived on July 1, 1984.

When I was the Navy Commander, I was given the opportunity by His Lordship, Rt Rev Dr Justin Ganapragasam, Roman Catholic Bishop of Jaffna to build a new St Anthony’s Church at Kachchativu. I was more than happy to do so. Former Navy Commander, Admiral Piyal De Silva was the Northern Naval Commander at the time. I grabbed this golden opportunity with both my hands. Piyal did a wonderful job and built a beautiful church for St. Anthony in six months. I do not miss attending the yearly feast, which attracts thousands of Indian and Sri Lankan devotees. On 1st of July, I remember how lucky we were to survive in the sea.

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