Features

THE SRI LANKA PEACE PROCESS:

Published

2 months ago

2026/01/11

AN INSIDE VIEW

The brutal and prolonged ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka, which nearly tore apart this otherwise peaceful South Asian island state before it was brought to a bloody but decisive end in 2009, has been the subject of much commentary over the years. The past decade and a half have seen a particular focus on the so-called Peace Process which preceded the defeat of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE); experts from academia, the foreign policy establishment, and independent think tanks, both within and outside Sri Lanka, have sought to explain, assess, praise or excoriate the process and the actors involved in it. Against that backdrop comes a seminal book, which has the distinctive merit of being authored by someone who played a central role in piloting the process from the Sri Lankan government’s side as its chief negotiator.

It could be argued that any insider’s account of an enterprise as complex, controversial and fraught as bringing uncompromising enemies to the negotiating table, let alone persuading them to make the concessions necessary for a durable peace, cannot ever be truly objective. Even with that caveat, this book should be welcomed for at least two reasons: firstly, it is written with a degree of clarity and precision that is not only rare for politicians (especially from the Indian subcontinent) but also unsusceptible to prevarication if challenged on the facts; and, secondly, there is an overall fairness to the narration which adds credibility to the work. Among other things, Peiris does not flinch from offering critical, but measured, evaluations of some of the leading personalities involved in the peace process, including those with whom he worked closely.

He is particularly acute in his diagnosis of the weaknesses of the foundations on which the peace process rested. These were, in his view, compounded by human errors, including grave errors of judgement on the part of some of the actors involved, notably the Norwegian mediators whose had a looming presence over the entire process and who were perhaps allowed a greater measure of latitude in determining the course of events than was justified by the realities on the ground (the Norwegians were also not, as Peiris convincingly demonstrates, even-handed in their dealings with the two main parties to the conflict, showing a marked indulgence towards the LTTE). Peiris’s overall verdict on the peace process is that, despite the formidable impediments that lay in the way of everyone involved, the process was by no means “predestined to failure”. It could, he says, have “yielded a positive outcome” if some of the underlying issues were “handled differently”. He backs up this conclusion with examples of errors made or opportunities missed at various stages of the tortured negotiations.

There is much in the book which will be of interest to students of constitutional law. One crucial factor which scuppered the government’s ability to deal robustly and effectively with the LTTE’s machinations was what Peiris calls “the deep schism between rival centres of power within the government of Sri Lanka” and which Peiris explains at some length. This has to do with the ever-present scope for competition between the Executive President and the Prime Minister in the exercise of power – a state of affairs which has beset Sri Lanka ever since the constitutional arrangements there were radically restructured by President Junius Jayewardene in 1978. In the context of the peace process, those tensions ballooned into a veritable crisis when, as Peiris ruefully notes, there was a concerted attempt on the part of Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe to keep President Chandrika Kumaratunga “in the dark” about the even the most essential aspects of the deal that had been worked out by the former with the LTTE. This included denying the President sight of the Cease Fire Agreement (CFA) which the Prime Minister had signed with the leader of the LTTE on 22 February 2002 – a pivotal document which guided the destiny of the peace process.

This had serious consequences, including the marginalisation of the defence forces and the exclusion of meaningful contributions from them to the decision-making process on military matters concerning the implementation of the CFA. As Peiris points out:

The paradox was that, crucial though their input undoubtedly was, consultation with the military was precluded by the cold shouldering of the President under whose sole authority the Armed Forces functioned.

Intriguingly, Peiris also avers that “in terms of conviction and values, there was little difference between the attitudes of the President and those of the Prime Minister”. Both, he says, were “committed to a balanced and equitable constitutional system of devolution as the abiding solution to a problem which had long bedevilled Sri Lanka’s national life.” In which case, the only rational explanation for their failure to work collaboratively with each other seems to be a clash of personalities, perhaps egos.

Another constitutional issue which attracts considerable attention from Peiris is federalism, whose implications for the peace process cannot, of course, be overstated. Unsurprisingly, this superficially anodyne term can – and does – mean different things to different people, as was the case with the actors on the Sri Lankan stage. Peiris goes into a fascinating – and highly illuminating (but from the point of view of lay readers perhaps too technical) – discussion of federalism and related concepts such as self-determination, autonomy, self-government, secession etc., and makes the point at the end of that chapter that, contrary to popular perceptions, the “Oslo Declaration”, a by-product of the peace process which was, at one time, heralded as a ‘breakthrough’ in the matter of power-sharing across Sri Lanka, “simply did not possess the transformational potential which was unrealistically claimed for it”.

There are two chapters in the book – dealing, respectively, with the “internationalisation” of the ethnic conflict, and the post-conflict pressure that the Sri Lankan government faced over alleged human rights violations – which repay study. On internationalisation, few will disagree with Peiris about the complexity of the concept, involving as it does the management of multiple expectations. But one valuable lesson which should open the eyes of many is Peiris’s acknowledgment that there is a clear need for “a reassessment of the role of Norway as facilitator”. The significance of this observation will be better appreciated upon a close and careful reading of Peiris’s comments – interspersed throughout the book – on Norway’s conduct during the entire period of its involvement in the peace process. Peiris is also, of course, right in making a broader observation about internationalisation:

The “international community”, in relation to the Sri Lankan peace process, is a misnomer, in so far as the countries involved had varying agendas and divergent priorities, so that they were not capable of a collective contribution having a homogenous character, even at the basic level.

On the human rights issue, which occupied much of Peiris’s time as Minister of Foreign Affairs under the administration of President Mahinda Rajapaksa in 2010 and thereafter, he makes a cogent and reasonable case but one which, given the tetchy state of the global conversation on human rights, is unlikely to persuade everyone. His interactions with many of the international institutions and mechanisms in this ever-expanding area seems to have convinced him that even-handedness and objectivity are, generally speaking, in short supply, although he does relate some refreshing examples of principled behaviour. Specifically in relation to the Human Rights Council of the United Nations, his assessment is scathing:

Objectively viewed, the criticism that the Human Rights Council was unacceptably subjected to political manipulation, with serious erosion of credibility, was unanswerable. Sri Lanka was by no means alone in complaining about irrefutable evidence regarding the application of double standards, which irreparably damaged the statute and prestige of the Council.

The book also contains a wealth of information about how the human rights dimension was weaved into the peace process “without subjecting to avoidable strain the sequence of the process”. One singularly vexing issue which had to be negotiated in this context was the forced recruitment by the LTTE of children as combatants in the murderous war raging in the North and East of the country – which had to be dealt with sensitively but firmly.

There is much else besides in the book spanning matters of high principle as well as practical utility which cannot, for reasons of space, be covered in the present review. These include, in no particular order of importance: the treatment of the sizeable Muslim community in relation to the peace process; the gender dimension of the war; the challenges of enforcing agreed commitments; the humanitarian issues of resettlement and rehabilitation of war-affected people; management of public expectations of a “peace dividend”; the link between economic incentives and progress on political issues for those present at the negotiating table, and so on. Peiris also helpfully sets out, in an opening chapter, the historical context of the peace process going back to pre-independence Ceylon and a penultimate chapter which explains how expectations that the 2004 tsunami which devastated large sections of the Sri Lankan coastline may assist in reviving the failing peace process were cruelly dashed.

Can the experience of the Sri Lanka be replicated in other situations of ethnic conflict? The answer has to be a resounding ‘no’ because conditions on the ground, coupled with local political traditions and cultural attitudes, vary markedly from society to society. Even so, books such as these are invaluable because of the broad pointers they supply, not least for the avoidance of common mistakes. Peiris notes, with a candour that many will find refreshing, that when a peace process assumes a “quality of sustained prevarication”, coupled with complacency (“a Micawber-like expectation that the more challenging issues could be sorted out with relative ease”), the end is surely nigh.

by G.L. Peiris, ✍️
Vijitha Yapa Publications, Colombo,
2025, pp xiv + 425, LKR 7,500 (hardback), ISBN: 978-624-205-060-7.

[Reviewed by Dr Venkat Iyer, Barrister, Northern Ireland.]

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Features

A long-running identity conflict flares into full-blown war

Published

12 hours ago

2026/03/5

Sahan Weerasooriya

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei / President Donald Trump

It was Iran’s first spiritual head of state, the late Ayatollah Khomeini, who singled out and castigated the US as the ‘Great Satan’ in the revolutionary turmoil of the late seventies of the last century that ushered in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The core issue driving the long-running confrontation between Islamic Iran and the West has been religious identity and the seasoned observer cannot be faulted for seeing the explosive emergence of the current war in the Middle East as having the elements of a religious conflict.

The current crisis in the Middle East which was triggered off by the recent killing of Iranian spiritual head of state Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in a combined US-Israel military strike is multi-dimensional and highly complex in nature but when the history of relations between Islamic Iran and the West, read the US, is focused on the religious substratum in the conflict cannot be glossed over.

In fact it is not by accident that US President Donald Trump resorts to Biblical language when describing Iran in his denunciations of the latter. Iran, from Trump’s viewpoint, is a primordial source of ‘evil’ and if the Middle East has collapsed into a full-blown regional war today it is because of the ‘evil’ influence and doings of Iran; so runs Trump’s narrative. It is a language that stands on par with that used by the architects of the Iranian revolution in the crucial seventies decade.

In other words, it is a conflict between ‘good’ and ‘evil’ and who is ‘good’ and who is ‘evil’ in the confrontation is determined mainly by the observer’s partialities and loyalties which may not be entirely political in kind. It should not be forgotten that one of President Trump’s support bases is the Christian Right in the US and in the rest of the West and the Trump administration’s policy outlook and actions should not be divorced from the needs of this segment of supporters to be fully made sense of.

The reasons for the strong policy tie-up between Rightist administrations in the US in particular and Israel could be better comprehended when the above religious backdrop is taken into consideration. Israel is the principal actor in the ‘Old Testament’ of the Bible and is seen as ‘the Chosen People of God’ and this characterization of Israel ought to explain the partialities of the Republican Right in particular towards Israel. Among other things, this partiality accounts for the strong defence of Israel by the US.

For the purposes of clarity it needs to be mentioned here that the Bible consists of two parts, an ‘Old’ and ‘New Testament’ , and that the ‘New Testament’ or ‘Message’ embodies the teachings of Jesus Christ and the latter teachings are seen as completing and in a sense giving greater substance to the ‘Old Testament’. However, Judaism is based mainly on ‘Old Testament’ teachings and Judaism is distinct from Christianity.

To be sure, the above theological explanation does not exhaust all the reasons for the war in the Middle East but the observer will be allowing an important dimension to the war to slip past if its importance is underestimated.

It is not sufficiently realized that the Iranian Islamic Revolution of 1979 utterly changed international politics and re-wrote as it were the basic parameters that must be brought to bear in understanding it. So important is the Islamic factor in contemporary world politics that it helped define to a considerable degree the new international political order that came into existence with the collapsing of the Cold War and the disintegration of the USSR .

Since the latter developments ‘political Islam’ could be seen as a chief shaping influence of international politics. For example, it accounts considerably for the 9/11 calamity that led to the emergence of fresh polarities in world politics and ushered in political terrorism of a most destructive kind that is today disquietingly visible the world over.

It does not follow from the foregoing that Islam, correctly understood, inspires terrorism of any kind. Islam proclaims peace but some of its adherents with political aims interpret the religion in misleading, divisive ways that run contrary to the peaceful intents of the faith. This is a matter of the first importance that sincere adherents of the faith need to address.

However, there is no denying that the Islamic Revolution in Iran of 1979 has been over the past decades a great shaper of international politics and needs to be seen as such by those sections that are desirous of changing the course of the world for the better. The revolution’s importance is such that it led to US political scientist Dr. Samuel P. Huntingdon to formulate his historic thesis that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world currently.

If the above thesis is to be adopted in comprehending the principal trends in contemporary world politics it could be said that Islam, misleadingly interpreted by some, is pitting a good part of the Southern hemisphere against the West, which is also misleadingly seen by some, as homogeneously Christian in orientation. Whereas, the truth is otherwise. The West is not necessarily entirely synonymous with Christianity, correctly understood.

Right now, what is immediately needed in the Middle East is a ceasefire, followed up by a negotiated peace based on humanistic principles. Turning ‘Spears into Ploughshares’ is a long gestation project but the warring sides should pay considerable attention to former Iranian President Mohammad Khatami’s memorable thesis that the world needs to transition from a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ to a ‘Dialogue of Civilizations’. Hopefully, there would emerge from the main divides leaders who could courageously take up the latter challenge.

It ought to be plain to see that the current regional war in the Middle East is jeopardising the best interests of the totality of publics. Those Americans who are for peace need to not only stand up and be counted but bring pressure on the Trump administration to make peace and not continue on the present destructive course that will render the world a far more dangerous place than it is now.

In the Middle East region a durable peace could be ushered if only the just needs of all sides to the conflict are constructively considered. The Palestinians and Arabs have their needs, so does Israel. It cannot be stressed enough that unless and until the security needs of the latter are met there could be no enduring peace in the Middle East.

Features

The art and science of communicating with your little child

Published

12 hours ago

2026/03/5

Sahan Weerasooriya

The two input gateways of communication, sight and sound, are quite well developed at birth. In fact, the auditory system becomes functional around 24 weeks in the womb, and the normal newborn can hear quite well after birth. However, the newborn’s vision is a little blurry at birth, and the baby sees the world in shades of grey, while being able only to focus on things 20 to 30 cm (8–12 inches) away. Coincidentally, this is perhaps the exact distance to a mother’s face during breastfeeding. By 2-3 months, there are colour vision capabilities and the ability to track. By 5-8 months, there is depth perception, and by 12 months, there is adult clarity of vision.

By the time a child turns five, his or her brain has already reached 90% of its adult size. This astonishing physical growth is not just happening on its own; it is, to a certain extent, fuelled by experience, and the most vital experience a young child can have is communication with his or her parents.

Modern developmental neuroscience has shifted our understanding of how children learn. We used to think babies were passive sponges, slowly absorbing the world. We now know they are active characters from day one, constantly seeking interaction to build the architecture of their minds. This architecture is not built by apps, vocabulary flashcards, or educational television. It is built through simple, loving, back-and-forth interactions with anyone they come across, but mostly their parents.

The Foundation: Serve and Return (0–12 Months)

Communication with an infant from birth to one year of age begins long before they speak their first word. In the first year, the goal is to master a phenomenon called Serve and Return. This is a basic scenario picked up from the game of tennis. At the start of each game of a set in tennis, a player serves, and the opponent returns the serve. Just imagine a tennis match, where a baby “serves” by making a sound, making eye contact, reaching for a toy, or crying. The job of anyone in the vicinity, who very often are the parents of the baby, is to “return” the ball. If they babble, you babble back. If they point at a cat, you look and say, “Yes, that’s a furry cat!” This simple act does two things. The first is Brain Building, which creates and strengthens neural pathways in the language and emotional centres of the brain. The other is Emotional Security, a thing which teaches a baby that he or she has some help in the learning processes. The baby absorbs the notion that when he or she signals a need, his or her world will respond. This forms the basis of a secure attachment. Scientists have advocated that during this stage, people, especially the parents of a baby, should embrace what is called ‘parentese’. It is the use of a somewhat high-pitched, exaggerated voice. Research has shown that babies pay more attention to parentese than to regular adult speech, helping them to map the sounds of their native language more quickly.

The Language Explosion: Toddlers (1–3 Years)

When a child starts speaking words, the game changes considerably and quite profoundly. This period is defined by a rapid increase in his or her vocabulary and the beginning of grammar. It is very important to narrate everything. The people around, especially the parents, need to become kind of sports commentators for your life. While dressing them, one could say, “First we put on the red sock. After that, we put the other red sock on your left foot.” What we are doing by this is to give them the labels for the world they see.

It is also important to expand, but not truly correct, whatever the child says. If a toddler points to a car and says “Car!”, don’t just say “Yes.” Expand on it: “Yes, that is a big, fast, red car!” You are adding a new vocabulary and grammatical structure through a natural process. If the child says “Me go,” respond with, “Yes, you are going!” rather than correcting and saying “No…, you should say ‘I am going’.”

Toddlers love reading the same book, even one hundred times. While it may be tedious for those around the baby, it is important to realise that such repetition is vital for their learning. They are predicting what comes next, which is a core cognitive skill.

The Preschooler: Building Stories and Logic (3–5 Years)

By age three, the focus shifts from “what” to “why.” Preschoolers are beginning to understand complex emotions, time, and causality. This is the age at which it is best to ask questions which require thought and understanding. Such indirect open-ended questions would sound like “What was the best part of the park today?” or “How do you think that character in the story is feeling?“

A preschooler’s world is full of “big feelings” they cannot yet manage. When they are upset because they cannot have a cookie, avoid saying “Don’t cry over nothing.” Instead, name the emotion: “Don’t cry, you can have a cookie after dinner“. This teaches them emotional literacy. Parents and others around in the home could share stories about when they were little, or make up fantasy tales together. Storytelling teaches sequential logic (beginning, middle, end) and strengthens their imagination.

The Absolute Master Class: Learning Through Play

If communication is the fuel for brain development, play is the engine. For a child under five, play is not a break from learning; play is learning. It is how they explore physics (stacking blocks), mathematics (sorting shapes), social dynamics (sharing toys), and language (pretend play). We can boost their development exponentially by weaving communication into their play.

When a child is playing with blocks, dough, or puzzles, they are building fine motor skills and spatial awareness. It is also useful to use three-dimensional words: “Can you put the blue block on top of the red one?” “The puzzle piece is next to your knee.” One could also ask them to describe the texture: “Is the dough soft or hard?“

Pretend play, such as acting as a doctor, an engineer, a chef, or a superhero, is one of the most cognitively demanding things a child can do. It requires them to understand symbolic thought and to take on another person’s perspective. Join their world as a supporting character, not the director. If they are the doctor, ask, “Doctor, my teddy bear’s tummy hurts. What should I do?” This encourages them to use vocabulary relevant to the scenario and practice complex social problem-solving.

Playing with water, sand, slime, or safe food products allows children to process sensory information. This is the perfect time for descriptive vocabulary. Use contrasting words: wet/dry, hot/cold, sticky/smooth, loud/quiet.

A few special words for parents. You do not need an expensive degree or specialised toys to build your child’s brain. The most powerful tool you have is your own responsiveness. Modern science tells us that the basic recipe for a thriving child is simple: Look at them when they signal you. Respond with warmth and words. Narrate their world and Join their play.

You are not just talking to your child; you are building his or her future, even via just one conversation at a time. So, go on talking to your child and even make him or her a real-life chatterbox.

Dr B. J. C. Perera

MBBS(Cey), DCH(Cey), DCH(Eng), MD(Paediatrics), MRCP(UK), FRCP(Edin), FRCP(Lond), FRCPCH(UK), FSLCPaed, FCCP, Hony. FRCPCH(UK), Hony. FCGP(SL)

Specialist Consultant Paediatrician and Honorary Senior Fellow, Postgraduate Institute of Medicine, University of Colombo, Sri Lanka.

Features

Promoting our beauty and culture to the world

Published

12 hours ago

2026/03/5

Sahan Weerasooriya

Tourism is very much in the news these days and it’s certainly a good sign to see lots of foreigners checking out Sri Lanka.

With this in mind, Ruki’s Model Academy & Agency recently had a spectacular event to select Mrs. Tourism Sri Lanka in order to promote Sri Lanka in the international scene.

Nimesha Premachandra was crowned Mrs. Tourism Sri Lanka 2026.

She says she owes her success to Ruki (Rukmal Senanayake), the National Director and model trainer, and personality and advocacy trainer Tharaka Gurukanda.

Nimesha is a school teacher by profession, an actress and TV presenter by passion, and an entrepreneur by spirit.

She believes in balancing grace with purpose, and using her platform to inspire women, while promoting the beauty and culture of Sri Lanka to the world. And this is how our Chit-Chat went:

Nimesha Premachandra: Mrs. Tourism Sri Lanka 2026

01. How would you describe yourself?

I am a passionate, disciplined, and people-oriented person. I love learning, performing, and guiding others, especially young minds, through education.

02. If you could change one thing about yourself, what would it be?

I would probably try to be less self-critical and allow myself to celebrate achievements more often.

03. If you could change one thing about your family, what would it be?

Nothing major. I am grateful for my family’s love and support, which has shaped who I am today.

04. Is Mrs. Tourism Sri Lanka your very first pageant?

No. I have been part of pageants before, but Mrs. Tourism Sri Lanka is very special because it represents purpose, culture, and global representation.

05. What made you take part in this contest?

I wanted to represent Sri Lanka internationally and use this platform to promote tourism, culture, and women’s empowerment.

06. Obviously, you must be excited about participating in the grand finale, in Vietnam; any special plans for this big event?

Yes, I am extremely excited. My focus is to showcase Sri Lankan elegance, hospitality, and authenticity, while building meaningful connections with participants from around the world.

07. How do you intend promoting tourism, in Sri Lanka, during your rein?

I plan to highlight Sri Lanka’s diverse experiences in culture, heritage, wellness, nature, and local hospitality through media appearances, digital storytelling, and tourism collaborations.

08. School?

Kaluthara Balika. School life played a big role in shaping me. I actively participated in sports and performing arts, which later helped me build confidence as an actress and presenter.

09. Happiest moment?

Being crowned Mrs. Tourism Sri Lanka 2026 and seeing the pride in my family’s eyes – definitely one of my happiest moments.

10. What is your idea of perfect happiness?

Peace of mind, good health, and being surrounded by the people I love while doing work that has meaning.

11. Which living person do you most admire?

I most admire Angelina Jolie because she beautifully balances her work as an actress with meaningful humanitarian efforts. She uses her global platform to support refugees, advocate for human rights, and inspire women to be strong, compassionate, and independent.

12. Which is your most treasured possession?

My memories and experiences because they remind me how far I’ve come, and keep me grounded.

13. Your most embarrassing moment?

Like everyone, I’ve had small on-stage mishaps, but they always taught me to laugh at myself and move forward confidently.

14. Done anything daring?

Participating in pageants while balancing teaching, media work, and family life has been one of the boldest and most rewarding decisions I’ve made.

Keen to use her title to promote Sri Lanka globally

15. Your ideal vacation?

A peaceful destination surrounded by nature; somewhere I can relax, reconnect, and experience local culture.

16. What kind of music are you into?

I enjoy soft, soulful music because it helps me relax and stay inspired.

17. Favourite radio station:

I enjoy stations that blend good music with meaningful conversation and positive energy.

18. Favourite TV station:

Sri Lanka Rupavahini Corporation. It’s where it all began for me. It played a significant role in my journey as a TV presenter and helped shape my confidence and passion for media.

19 What would you like to be born as in your next life?

Someone who continues to inspire others because making a positive impact is what matters most.

20. Any major plans for the future?

I hope to expand my work in media and entrepreneurship while continuing my role as an educator and using my title to promote Sri Lanka globally.