Features
The move to impeach President Premadasa
(Excerpted from Memories of 33 Years in Parliament, by Nihal Seneviratne)
It was a usual sunny morning in Sri Jayewardenepura – Kotte in August 1991 when Anil Moonesinghe, MP, walked into my room and sat down. He opened his conversation by saying “Nihal, you will be at the centre of a big controversy very soon.” I was quite puzzled by this remark and asked him “Why me of all people?” Anil smiled and said, “You will know soon” and walked out of my room.
I continued to be perplexed by his remark. Anil happened to be a cousin of mine and was in the habit of coming to my room for a chat off and on. I could not understand why he made this remark but soon forgot about it and continued my daily parliamentary routine.
That night around 10 p.m. when I was about to go to sleep, the phone rang. When I answered, I was surprised to hear President Premadasa’s voice. He asked,” “Nihal have you seen this impeachment motion?”. Taken aback, I replied “Which impeachment motion, Sir?” He replied saying Speaker M.H. Mohamed had informed him that he had entertained a Motion of Impeachment against the President.
I was quite categorical and said that I had not seen it at all, which was the truth. He shot back, “Is it not the duty of the Speaker to discuss the motion with you?” I had to safeguard the Speaker too and replied, “Normally he discusses these motions but on this occasion he hasn’t done so.” The President continued, “That means you have not seen this at all?” I promptly replied “Yes, Sir,” and he rang off. I realized that the Speaker had sent him the Motion but had not shown it to me.
The next morning, I found Parliament all agog with Members of the Government, streaming into the chambers of the Speaker. I was told that President Premadasa had arrived there and had summoned all 125 Government group members to meet him. I was also told that the President shook the hand of each MP individually having asked whether any of them had signed the motion. I learned that all had said “No” including possibly a few who had in fact signed. By noon, the MPs had left the Speaker’s chambers, but the Speaker did not tell me what this was all about.
After the Members left the Speaker’s chambers, Minister Lalith Athulathmudali walked into my room. I asked him “Lalith, why are you rocking the boat?” His instant reply Was “Don’t ask me that question? Address it to your Speaker.” I was surprised but remained silent.
Under provisions of the Constitution, Article 38(1) specifies that such an Impeachment Motion must be signed by not less than two thirds of the Members of the House. Article 70(1) C continues to specify that once such a Motion is received by the President, he shall not dissolve Parliament. Having been prevented from dissolving Parliament, the President used his right to prorogue Parliament, which was- his legal entitlement. On Augusts 30 he did so, re-summoning Parliament on Sept. 24.
I must say here that the circumstances relating to the preparation and drafting of the actual motion of impeachment was one of the most closely guarded secrets ever. That was what prevented Anil Moonesinghe from elaborating on what he was talking about when he came to my room and made that puzzling remark.
As far as I know, in all my 33 years of Parliamentary service, there has never been such a closely guarded secret. The closest such event was when 17 government MPs led by Mr. C.P. de Silva crossed over to The Opposition to topple the Sirima Bandaranaike Government by a single vote at the end of the Throne Speech debate on the press takeover attempt in 1964. It was believed that J.R. Jayewardene planned this move and kept it a secret as far as possible.
As for the impeachment motion, I have not to date seen the actual motion or even a copy of it, but it is believed that it was contained in two to three A4 pages and that several copies of it were made available to those Members who were entrusted with the task of getting the necessary signatures. Regrettably, our Parliament records do not even have a copy of it or the original. I was never given a copy of the motion so that I could have included it in the Order Book as is the normal practice.
In the meantime, Speaker (MH) Mohamed and few MPs had been invited by the Inter Parliamentary Union to attend a conference in Delhi, but we had not received permission from the President to leave the country. Soon after the President rang me and said to inform the Speaker and members of the delegation that he had given permission for the delegation to proceed to India which we did.
Just before learning I advised the Speaker not to answer any questions about the impeachment matter in India since the local and international press had given it wide publicity. I advised him to politely say “No Comment” whenever confronted with this question. This he did many times during our short stay in Delhi, whenever he was frequently quizzed by the local press.
By this time Members were quite perturbed and excited about the circumstances that led to the sudden prorogation and were in a confrontational mood. The opening of the new session of Parliament was fixed for Sept. 24. We escorted the President who was present on these occasions to the Robing Room of the House, and he stayed there until it was time to enter the chamber.
I recall telling him that since he was presiding over the sittings of the House, he must be cautious and careful in tackling the Members since I believed that many were planning to heckle him. I felt it was my duty to warn him of a possible uproar in the House and that we Secretaries at the Table were ready to advise him about any problem that might arise. He swiftly responded “Nihal don’t worry. I know how to tackle them.”
The sitting was brief and without incident and the President left the building after his opening address. In his address to Parliament he mentioned at the outset “Apart from the fact that an Impeachment Motion is sought to be brought against me, no misconduct on my part has been established. It is the practice in our country that a person is considered innocent until he is found guilty of any offence. We all know that no person is considered guilty of any offence merely because a charge has been leveled against him. It is therefore necessary that the accused has to be considered innocent till he is proved guilty. You all know that I have not been found guilty of any offence”.
It is believed that Ministers Lalith Athulathmudali, Gamini Dissanayake and the Speaker himself possessed copies of the motion for which they began collecting signatures starting with members of the Opposition and later persuading members of the Government to sign. It was rumored that one member signed the motion without n reading it, having been made to believe that he was signing a motion to get parliamentary pensions increased! Another is believed to have signed since he was unable to refuse a leading Minister who had lectured him at the Law College and whose student he had been.
The next day on September 25 the Speaker made the following statement at the commencement of proceedings. He said “I wish to inform the House that I have been given notice of a resolution under Art. 38 (2) of the Constitution. Having satisfied myself that the resolution is in order I decided to entertain it. Subsequently written and oral representations have been made to me questioning the validity of the signatures on the resolution. I am looking into this matter at present. My decision will be conveyed to the House soon”.
Time had passed and the President believing that it was the Speaker who had been one of the prime movers in bringing this motion took different steps to confront the Speaker. He is even believed to have advised a Royal dignitary in the Middle East to refrain from supporting some of projects the Speaker was sponsoring here. The Speaker’s family was also known to have owned a company importing motor cars from India. It was believed that the President had asked the Inland Revenue Department to check and scrutinize all documents pertaining to that business.
It was only much later that the Speaker summoned me to his Chambers and then sought to discuss the contentious motion with me. He told me then that he believed some of the signatures of Members were not genuine and were forgeries. I recall telling him that if he had consulted me at the time, he accepted the motion, I could have readily helped him to check the veracity of the signatures by comparing them with the signatures in the volume we maintained for Members to sign when they took their oaths.
The Speaker only smiled and then asked me to draft a letter to the President telling him that in these circumstances he was not entertaining the motion he had forwarded to the President earlier. We understood then that the motion lacked the 150 valid signatures of the MPs which is required by the provisions of the Constitution.
After the lapse of a month or so on October 8, 1991, at the start of the sitting of the House, the Speaker made the following statement: “Further to the announcement made by me to the House on September 25, 1991, regarding the notice of a resolution under Article 38(2) of the constitution, I wish to inform the House that having inquired into the matter, I am now of the view that the resolution does not have the required number of valid signatures, and therefore it cannot be proceeded with”. With these historic words, the saga of the impeachment motion came to an end.
Features
Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute
By Ifham Nizam
A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.
The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.
At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.
Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.
“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”
Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.
Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.
“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.
“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”
Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.
An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.
“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.
The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”
Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.
“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.
The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.
Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.
Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.
Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.
They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.
As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?
Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.
Features
‘Weaponizing’ religion in the pursuit of power
A picture of US President Donald Trump apparently being prayed for by supporters, appearing in sections of the international media, said it all loud and clear. That is, religion is being flagrantly leveraged or prostituted by politicians single-mindedly bent on furthering their power aspirations.
Although in the case of the US President the trend took on may be an exceptionally graphic or dramatic form, the ‘weaponizing’ of religion is nothing particularly new, nor is it confined to only religiously conservative sections of the West. For example, in South Asia it is an integral part of politics. The ‘South Asian Eight’ are notorious for it and it could be unreservedly stated that in Sri Lanka, the latter’s ethnic conflict would be more amenable to resolution if religion was not made a potent weapon by ambitious politicians of particularly the country’s South.
The more enlightened sections of Christian believers in the US may not have been able to contain their consternation at the sight of the US President apparently being ‘blessed’ by pastors claiming adherence to Christianity. Any human is entitled to be blessed but not if he is leading his country to war without exhausting all the options at his disposal to end the relevant conflict by peaceful means.
More compounded would be his problem if his directives lead to the death of civilians in the hundreds. In the latter case he is stringently accountable for the spilling of civilian blood, that is, the committing of war crimes.
However, the US along with Israel did just that in the recent bombings of Iran, for instance. The majority of the lives lost were those of civilians. If the US President is endowed with a Christian conscience he would have paused to consider that he is guilty of ordering the taking of the life of another human which is forbidden in the teachings of Jesus Christ.
Moreover, the ‘pastors’ praying over the US President should have thought on the above lines as well. May be they were in an effort to curry the President’s favour which is as blame-worthy as legitimizing in some form the taking of civilian lives. Apparently, the realisation is not dawning on all Christian conservatives of the US that some of these ‘pastors’ could very well be the proverbial false prophets and the latter are almost everywhere, even in far distant Sri Lanka.
However, the political reality ‘on the ground’ is that the Christian Right is a stable support base of the Republican Right in the US. Considering this it should not come as a surprise to the seasoned political watcher if the Christian Right, read Christian fundamentalists, are hand-in-glove, so to speak, with President Trump. But it is a scathing indictment on these rightist sections that they are all for perpetrating war and destruction and not for the fostering of peace and reconciliation. Ideally, they should have impressed on their President the dire need to make peace.
That said, political commentators should consider it incumbent on themselves to point out that religion is being ‘weaponized’ in Iran as well. Theocratic rule in Iran has been essentially all about perpetuating the power of the clerical class. The reasons that led to the Islamic Revolution in Iran are complex and the indiscreet Westernization of Iran under the Shah dynasty is one of these but one would have expected Iran to develop from then on into a multi-party, pluralistic democratic state where people would be enjoying their fundamental rights, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example.
Moreover, Iran should have taken it upon itself to be a champion of world peace, in keeping with its Islamic credentials. But some past regimes in Iran had vowed to virtually bomb Israel out of existence and such regional policy trajectories could only bring perpetual conflict and war. Considering the current state of the Middle East it could be said that the unfettered playing out of these animosities is leading the region and the world to ‘reap the whirlwind’, having recklessly ‘sowed the wind’.
However, religious fundamentalism-inspired conflict and war has spread well beyond the Middle East into almost every region since 1979, the year of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. So much so, knowledgeable opinion now points out that religious identity has come to replace nationalism as a principal shaper of international politics or “geopolitics”, as quite a few sections misleadingly and incorrectly term it.
Elaborating on the decisive influence of religious identity, the well known and far traveled Western journalist Patrick Cockburn says in his authoritative and comprehensive book titled, ‘The Age of Jihad – Islamic State and the Great War for the Middle East’ at page 428 in connection with the war in Chechnya ; ‘If nationalism was not entirely dead, it no longer provided the ideological glue necessary to hold together and motivate people who were fighting a war. Unlike the Islamic faith, it was no longer a belief or a badge of identity for which people would fight very hard.’ (The book in reference was published by VERSO, London and New York).
In his wide coverage of Jihadist Wars the world over Cockburn goes on to state that today a call from a cleric could motivate his followers to lay down no less than their lives for a cause championed by the former. The 9/11 catastrophe alone should convince the observer that this is indeed true.
However, as often pointed out in this column, there is no alternative but to foster peace and reconciliation if a world free of bloodshed and strife is what is being sought. Fortunately we are not short of illustrious persons from the East and West who have shone a light on how best to get to a degree of peace. Besides Mahatma Gandhi of India, who was the subject of this column last week, we have former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami, who made a case for a ‘Dialogue of Civilizations’ rather than a ‘Clash of Civilizations’.
The time is more than ripe to take a leaf from these illustrious personalities, for, the current state of war in the Middle East has raised the possibility of a war that could transcend regional boundaries. The antagonists are obliged to exhaust all the peaceful options with the assistance of the UN system. Besides, war cannot ever have the blessings of the sane.
Features
Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year green mission and national Namal Uyana
It was 35 years ago, on March 28, 1991, that Venerable Rahula Thera, then a young monk, embarked on a journey to the Na forest in Ulpathagama, Palagama, in the Anuradhapura District. Today, three and a half decades later, this mission stands as living proof of the enduring bond between Buddhist philosophy and the natural world.
Marking the 35th year of this green mission, Rahula Thera’s relentless dedication has transformed the National Namal Uyana into an environmental landmark admired not only across Sri Lanka but around the globe, as well.
When studying the life of Venerable Rahula Thera, one cannot ignore the profound connection between Buddhism and the environment. Buddhism is a philosophy deeply attuned to nature. The historical use of the sacred “Na Ruka” by all four Buddhas: Mangala Buddha, Sumana Buddha, Revata Buddha, and Sobhita Buddha — for enlightenment —demonstrates that from time immemorial, Buddhism has maintained a sacred bond with the Na tree. From the birth of Siddhartha to his enlightenment, the propagation of the Dharma, and even the great Parinirvana, all of these milestones unfolded in verdant, living landscapes.
Venerable Rahula Thera did not embark on the Namal Uyana mission seeking government support or personal gain. His commitment sprang from a deep devotion to the Buddha’s teachings on grove cultivation. A grove cultivator is one who spreads compassion for nature. As the Vanaropa Sutta teaches:
Venerable Rahula Thera reclaimed Namal Uyana which was then under the control of timber smugglers and treasure hunters. The term “Wanawasi” does not merely mean living in a forest; it signifies finding rest and enlightenment through nature, free from the destructive roots of greed, sin, and delusion.
Another defining aspect of Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year mission is the purification of the human mind. He has consistently taught the thousands who visit Namal Uyana that a person who loves a tree will never harm another human being. As the Dhamma proclaims:
It is important to remember that Venerable Rahula Thera devoted his life, without fear, speaking the truth and taking necessary action, tirelessly advancing the national mission he began. From 1991 to the present, he has worked with every government elected by the people, maintaining impartiality and independence from political ideology. Yet, he never hesitated to raise his voice fearlessly against any individual, of any rank or party, who committed wrongdoing.
Religious and Social Mission
The National Namal Uyana is not merely a forest; it is a magnificent heritage site, dating back to ancient times. Scattered across the landscape are boundary walls, the remains of ancient monastery complexes, and stone carvings believed to date back to the reign of King Devanampiyatissa. In earlier centuries, this sacred land had served as a meditation sanctuary for hundreds of monks. The name “National Namal Uyana,” by which this ecological and archaeological treasure is known today, was introduced by Venerable Rahula Thera in 1991. The government’s later recognition of the site as the National Namal Uyana stands as a significant achievement for both religion and national heritage.
Venerable Rahula Thera is a monk who has lived a life of renunciation. A striking example of this is his decision not to assume the position of Chief Incumbent of the National Namal Uyana Viharaya, instead entrusting the temple to the Ramanna Nikaya and its trustees. In doing so, he set a precedent for the contemporary Sangha. The Thera himself stated that he was merely the trustee of Namal Uyana, not its owner.
Legacy and Continuing Inspiration
The 35th anniversary of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera’s arrival at Namal Uyana is not merely the commemoration of a period of time; it is a message of nature to future generations. Through his work, the Thera revived the ancient Hela tradition of loving trees and venerating the environment as something sacred. This religious and environmental mission remains unforgettable.
The revival experienced by Namal Uyana, after the arrival of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera, is beyond simple description. Some of the major accomplishments achieved under his leadership include:
* Securing and protecting the largest Rose Quartz (Rosa Thirivana) reserve in South Asia.
* Restoring the Na forest spread across hundreds of acres, providing shelter to numerous rare plants and animal species.
* Transforming the area into a living centre for environmental education, offering practical learning experiences for thousands of schoolchildren and university students.
* Drawing the attention of world leaders and international environmentalists to Sri Lanka’s unique environmental heritage.
In recognition of his immense contribution to environmental conservation, Venerable Rahula Thera was honoured with the Presidential Environment Award and the Green Award in 2004—a significant moment in his life. Yet the Thera himself has always remained devoted to the work rather than the recognition it brings, making such appreciation even more meaningful.
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