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The Colombo Aligned Summit

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In the latter half of the 20th century, the Non-Aligned Movement played an important role at a time when East-West tensions were running high. In August 1976, Sri Lanka hosted the 5th Non-Aligned Summit in Colombo. This was one of the high points in Sri Lanka’s international relations. Here, we publish an extract from Leelananda De Silva’s autobiographical volume – The Long Littleness of Life – his Memoir of Government, the United Nations, family and friends.

Sometime in 1973, Mrs. Bandaranaike, the Prime Minister, directed that I should be in charge of the economic side of the Non Aligned Summit (NAS), to be held in 1976 in Colombo. She was anxious to attach a high profile to economic issues in non aligned discussions. This was for two reasons. The first was that she wanted to make the NAS clearly more non-aligned, getting rid of the extreme anti western rhetoric of previous conferences, which was partly due to the focus on political issues. Talking economics, specially at a time when the North-South dialogue was a dominant feature in international relations made great sense. The second reason was that she felt that greater attention to international economic issues would better relate the Summit proceedings to Sri Lanka’s own economic interests. As I advised her, it was necessary to focus on relevant economic issues for Sri Lanka, instead of merely following earlier Non Aligned economic agendas where issues like transnational corporations and the New International Economic Order were focused upon. These issues were pushed by countries like Cuba and Algeria, as these were aimed at attacking the United States and other Western countries. Thereafter, my engagement with non aligned issues became my central task, during my Planning Ministry years. Between 1973 and 1977, 1 was working as much with the Foreign Ministry as with the Planning Ministry.

The Fifth Non Aligned Summitheldin 1976 was the culmination of a long process which started with the Fourth Summit in Algiers in 1973. The Prime Minister led the delegation to Algiers and the other members were Felix Dias Bandaranaike, Mrs. Lakshmi Dias Bandaranaike, Shirley Amarasinghe (Permanent Representative to the UN in New York), W.T. Jayainghe (Permanent Secretary of Foreign Affairs), Susantha De Alwis (Permanent Representative to the UN in Geneva) and myself. This delegation constituted many of the key persons who were responsible for the substantive preparations of the Colombo Summit. The other two persons who were not there were Arthur Basnayaka and Izeth Hussain. The Algiers Conference was a grand affair and was held in a newly constructed palatial conference hall. One of the things that struck me most was that the Conference was not organized well. During the week we were there, the conference sessions were held in the night, and during the day we had our rest. This made most of the delegates very tired. Mrs. Bandaranaike suggested to the delegation that we should observe the way in which the Conference was organized in Algiers. There was nothing much to learn from them.

I was looking after the Economic Committee and it was being chaired by Ambassador Hernan Santa Cruz of Chile, a leading personality of the time in international affairs. I remember working closely with the Ambassador from India, K.B. Lall, who was later to lose out to Gamani Corea, in the UNCTAD Secretary General stakes. The work of the Economic Committee was dominated by Algerian pressures to obtain support for the Opec oil price hike which had just occurred, raising the price of oil from US $4 to $13. This was a great shock to poorer developing countries. The Algerians and other oil suppliers manipulated the Summit to obtain a clear endorsement of the Opec position, although it was the poorer developing countries which paid a heavy price for the oil price hike. Opec promised that they would support schemes to obtain better prices for other commodities, but this- never happened, apart from unrealistic resolutions to change the world economic order. The Opec countries started to push for a New International Economic Order which was later adopted by the United Nations in 1974. Layachi Yaker, the Algerian Minister of Trade was the key figure organizing this Opec campaign in the non aligned context (he was later to be the head of the UN Economic Commission for Africa).

The great event of the Conference, in effect, took place outside Algiers. Salvador Allende, the President of Chile was overthrown and killed in a coup led by General Pinochet during the week of the Conference. Chile under Allende had emerged as an icon standing up to US hegemony in Latin America and generally in the third world. Many of the non aligned delegations were shocked by what happened in Chile. Hernan Santa Cruz, who was chairing the Economic Committee, was the living embodiment of the Chilean crisis and he was not to go back to his country fora long time. One unforgettable memory that I have of this Summit was our departure from Algiers airport. Waiting for our respective planes, along with Mrs. Bandaranaike, were Emperor Haile Selassie of Ethiopia and President Houari Boumedienne of Algeria was there to wish us goodbye.

The most important objective for Sri Lanka at Algiers was to get the Summit to endorse Colombo as its next venue. Whether this would be done was not at all certain. To the great delight of Mrs. Bandaranaike, the Algiers Summit confirmed Colombo as the venue for the Fifth Summit. This was the start of the preparatory process. Mrs. Bandaranaike was anxious that economic issues, particularly in a North- South context, should be equally placed with political issues on the NAS agenda. This was my task in the next four years, and those preparations were pursued largely in UN multilateral forums, which were then brought into convergence at the NAS. The story of my involvement with these North- South issues will be related in another chapter. Here, I will confine myself to non aligned forums.

After the Algiers Summit and prior to the Summit in Colombo, I attended three non aligned meetings held in Dakar (Senegal), Lima (Peru) and Algiers. The Dakar and Lima meetings were at Foreign Ministers level. Apart from myself, others on the delegations were Felix Dias Bandaranaike, Shirley Amarasinghe, and Arthur Basnayaka. The Dakar meeting was held outside the main city in a newly built conference hall, in the middle of nowhere. One night, Shirley Amarasinghe, Arthur Basnayake and I had to go in a car assigned to us by the government fora late night meeting. The relations with our driver was pretty bad as he was using the official vehicle assigned to us for his own purposes. This night, on our way to the conference hall, he stopped the car in the middle of a jungle saying there was no petrol and that he was going to leave us and go to collect some petrol. This was a frightening experience. We had to forget our status and had to plead with the driver offering him some goodies to take us to the conference hall somehow. About half an hour later, he said that he had some petrol in the car and that he would use it. Anyway, we got to the conference hall and we did not see the driver again.

I was to work closely with Shirley Amarasinghe on Non Aligned issues, although he was in New York and I was in Colombo. We travelled together for many meetings and met often in New York and in Colombo. I enjoyed working with Shirley Amarasinghe. Shirley had held the highest offices of government, being appointed as Secretary to the Treasury at the age of 47. One day in Dakar he told me that when Felix Dias Bandaranaike had to leave the Finance Ministry in 1962, he also had to leave his post of Treasury Secretary. He had thought of retiring from the public service and his brother Clarence who ran the leading motor firm Car Mart had asked him to come and take over the running of the company. He was seriously considering moving to the private sector. At this point, Mrs. Bandaranaike and N.Q. Dias who was the Secretary of the Ministry of Defence and Foreign Affairs had asked him whether he would like to move into the diplomatic service and proceed to New Delhi as High Commissioner. His whole life changed with that decision to go to New Delhi at the age of 50. For the next 17 years until his death, he was a leading figure in UN circles and latterly as Chairman of the Law of the Sea Conference.

I remember another amusing incident. Over the weekend in Dakar, Arthur Basnayake, whose academic background was geography, wished to go to the interior of Senegal by train. He wanted to go alone, and there was a train going to that place. So I accompanied Arthur to the railway station. The Dakar main railway station was totally deserted and there was no train in sight. We walked down the long platform and there was a man seated at the end of it, smoking a cigar. We asked him whether we could see the station master. He said he was the station master. We asked him about the train, which was scheduled to leave that morning. He told us that was a good question, as yesterday’s train had not yet left. He suggested to us that we take the bus outside the station to our destination, as that will get us there sooner. The bus was run by the station master’s son, and to get business for the bus, it was in the interest of father and son to see that the trains were delayed.

The meeting at Lima, Peru had the usual agendas and the usual speeches. What was more interesting was the coup that took place while we were in Lima. On the Monday morning of the conference, it was ceremonially opened by General Morales, the Military Dictator of Peru. On the Wednesday morning, as we were leaving for the conference, we were informed that we should stay in the hotel as a coup had taken place and there was a curfew. The conference met again the day after and it was wound up on the weekend. When it was wound up, the new military ruler came to declare the conference closed. The host Government Peru insisted that the former dictator Morales’s name should not be mentioned in the communique and he should not be thanked for opening the conference. This was non aligned politics at its best.

The mechanism for pursuing non aligned agendas was the Coordinating Bureau of the Non Aligned Countries Meeting at Foreign Minister’s level. I attended a meeting in Algiers of the Bureau in early 1976. The task of the Sri Lankan delegation was to keep the Bureau informed of our preparations in Colombo. I remember this meeting for one poignant reason. Although Chile had a military government now, the Non Aligned Bureau, still recognized the Allende government of Chile. Its Foreign Minister Orlando Letelier, suave, elegant and the perfect diplomat, was there in Algiers. I had a cup of tea with him and discussed the forthcoming Conference in Colombo, which he expected to attend. About a month later, he was gunned down in the streets of Washington D.C. in broad daylight, a murder which had ramifications the world over.

Let me now briefly set out my observations of the NAS in Colombo. I was appointed by the Prime Minister to be Secretary of the Economic Committee of the Conference. By virtue of my position, I chaired an inter-ministerial committee on economic issues for the NAS in Colombo. We met a few times but it was not productive in shaping an economic agenda from Sri Lanka’s point of view. This had to be done by the Planning Ministry. One of the first things I had to do was to provide an input into the Prime Minister’s speech for the Conference. After discussing with the Prime Minister and with Felix Dias Bandaranaike, I submitted two proposals- one for a Countervailing Third World Currency and the other for the establishment of a Third World Commercial and Merchant Bank. The first proposal for a third world currency was a political one, to please radicals like Cuba. The second proposal was one I had developed and discussed with the Prime Minister. She liked the proposal which was pragmatic, and this was included in her speech. The Summit adopted the proposal and was later to be followed up by UNCTAD. I was asked by UNCTAD to come over to Geneva to prepare a paper on this proposal which I did in May 1977.

I am proud of this proposal, with which Mrs. Bandaranaike agreed. She wanted a high profile for economic issues, as they related to her own domestic concerns. People could relate to food and agriculture and pharmaceuticals in a way that they do not relate to Arab- Israel or East West political confrontations. The proposal fora Bank, which had merchaht banking functions, was modelled on the experience of the Crown Agents in London. Most developing countries at the time did not have the expertise and the skills to get the best terms from exporting and importing transactions. It was found at that time that Sri Lanka was purchasing commodities like oil, rice and wheat, when prices were high in a volatile world market; and full of stocks locally when the prices were low in world markets (at a time when we should be buying). A central facility for developing countries would enable them to obtain large gains through combined purchasing and other means. The bank could also handle many financial transactions of borrowing and obtaining export credits. An institution of this kind is still relevant in today’s world for many of the smaller developing countries.

Prof. Senaka Bibile had made his mark through his proposals for rationalization of pharmaceutical supplies and the purchase of non- branded, generic products for national health services. Such arrangements reduced the costs of medical supplies. Senaka Bibile was known to Mrs. Bandaranaike. She suggested to me that I should have him on the delegation to work with me in the Economic Committee to develop his ideas through a resolution which would then be applicable to the developing countries in general. Senaka Bibile worked with me at the Conference to get the resolution drafted, and we had to do some lobbying among the delegations. I found that most countries welcomed the proposals on pharmaceuticals and there was no problem in getting a strong resolution adopted. This is a resolution which had clear implications for health policies in countries like Sri Lanka. It was a delight to have worked with Senaka Bibile.

The NAS was a historic event and it should be remiss of me if I did not mention the others who were associated closely with the NAS, as I had personal knowledge of the event. In organizing an NAS on this scale, Sri Lanka was punching above its weight in international relations. Mrs. Sirimavo Bandaranaike, the Prime Minister, was primarily responsible for the success of the Summit. She personally supervised many of its key aspects. Felix Dias Bandaranaike and Shirley Amarasinghe were actively engaged in most of the preparatory work between 1973 and 1976. They were persons of international standing and were highly respected, and with Mrs. Bandaranaike, were responsible for a highly acclaimed Summit. W.T Jayasinghe , the Foreign Secretary, Arthur Basnayake, Director General of the Foreign Ministry and Izeth Hussein, Director of the Non Aligned desk at the Foreign Ministry were key figures in the preparations on the political side. Susanta De Alwis who was our ambassador in Geneva, was the secretary of the political committee, and he and I being secretaries of the two committees had to interact closely to avoid possible conflicts in conference proceedings and resolution drafting. Neville Kanakarathne can be added to this list. Izeth Hussein made a distinctive contribution in drafting what was considered an outstanding Political Declaration which captured the essence of Non-Alignment.

Dr. Mackie Ratwatte, was the man in charge of the organizational side of the Conference. He was assisted by several Foreign Office officials, specially Ben Fonseka. Manel Abeysekara managed a flawless protocol operation with finesse and flair. This aspect of the Summit was crucial, as delegations with Heads of Governments and State are sensitive to their treatment by the host country. Vernon Mendis, who was then the High Commissioner in London, was brought to Colombo to act as Secretary General of the Conference, as W. T Jayasinghe and Arthur Basnayake declined to undertake that role, Vernon’s role was to assist the Prime Minister during the Conference proceedings. Dharmasiri Peiris, Secretary to the Prime Minister, worked behind the scenes over this entire four year period and was guide and adviser to the Prime Minister on many NAM issues, and ran her office at the Conference, where many questions had to be addressed on an urgent basis. He was associated with Nihal Jayawickrama, Secretary to the Ministry of Justice and Sam Sanmuganathan, Secretary to the Ministry of Constitutional Affairs On the economic side I received much assistance from Wilfred Nanayakkara, Deputy Director of the Economic Affairs Division in the Ministry of Planning. Lakdasa Hulugalle, an outstanding economist working with UNCTAD and an authority on North South issues was in regular contact, and was a great source of advice during the Summit. Havelock Brewster, a well known Caribbean economist from UNCTAD worked with the Economic Committee, at my request. He was actively involved in the drafting of the large number of economic resolutions which came up at the Conference.

Let me divert here to record my recollections of two episodes connected with the Summit as they are instructive and should not be forgotten. First was Mrs. Bandaranayaike’s decision to vacate ” Temple Trees” so that Mrs. Gandhi, the Prime Minister of India could occupy it during her visit to Colombo. At this time, Indo- Sri Lanka relations were at a low ebb, due to Sri Lanka’s assistance to Pakistan during the Bangladesh crisis. Mrs. Bandaranaike wanted to signal her closeness to India and also her personal regard for Mrs. Gandhi by this gesture. That was a master stroke in bilateral relations. The second was with regard to Kurt Waldheim, the Secretary General of the UN. He was in Colombo accompanied by Dr. Gemini Corea, who was Secretary General of UNCTAD. He expected to address the Non Aligned Summit, of Heads of Government. There were many who were opposed to Waldheim addressing the Summit and preferred him to address the Foreign Minister’s Conference the previous week. It is my recollection that Waldheim in the end addressed the Summit. In 1976, the Secretary General of the UN was not regarded as an equal to Heads of Government.

The Colombo Summit was attended by over 60 Heads of Government and I remember seeing most of them either in the Conference hall or outside. There were Anwar Sadat of Egypt, Gadaffi of Libya, and Marshall Tito of Yugoslavia. Yugoslavia was one of the key countries in Non Aligned and Third World organizations, and it is astonishing that 20 years later Yugoslavia is no more. I remember standing next to Tito as the national anthem was being sung to bring the Summit to an end. He had gone out of the hall and had just come in and I happened to be standing next to him. Apart from the Heads of Government, there were many other Foreign Ministers and high officials I came in contact with in the course of my work on the Economic Committee. It is a long time and I forget their names.

After the Summit, in early 1977, Felix Dias Bandaranaike, Sherley Amarasinghe, Arthur Basnayake, Izeth Hussein and I were the delegation to the Non Aligned Foreign Ministers meeting in New Delhi. Mrs. Gandhi had lost the election and there was a new BJP government. Mrs. Bandaranaike had asked the Sri Lanka delegation to meet with Mrs. Gandhi, informally at her residence. This was not at all appreciated by the new Indian Government. That was the last time I was to see Mrs. Gandhi, having seen her on many occasions in the last 6 years. This was also my last non aligned meeting, as Mrs. Bandaranaike lost the election later in the year and a new government came in.



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Door close to shutting on trying out Soft Power initiatives

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Prime Minister Narendra Modi with President Xi Jinping.IMAGE SOURCE : PTI/FILE

With the hopes of establishing a ceasefire in the Gaza now almost diminished and with Russia saying ‘No’ to an ‘immediate and full ceasefire’ in the Ukraine, the world now faces the spectre of stepped-up international disorder and lawlessness. It ought to be clear that, as matters stand, the exercising of Soft Power in international politics would prove exceptionally difficult.

In some respects the world is back to the power realities of the beginning of the 20th century that paved the way for the breaking out of the cataclysmic First World War. To state it briefly, uncurbed power aspirations accompanied by paranoid distrust and fear among the most powerful of states at the time precipitated the ‘great war’ that led to the perishing of countless lives.

Some of the principal states in the arena of world politics at the time were the Central Powers, comprising in the main, Germany, Austria- Hungary and the Ottoman Empire, while France, Russia and Great Britain constituted the Allies, or the principal states in the opposing camp. The US entered the war during the latter stages of the conflict on the side of the Allied powers that were essentially opposed to Germany’s perceived power expansion designs.

Briefly, aggravating mistrust and fear between the above camps led to the war’s outbreak. Some historians describe the war as a ‘tragedy of miscalculations’. The fear of the opposing camp was so great among these adversaries that they allowed themselves to be driven by emotion rather than reason. By misjudging each other’s motives and actions they triggered the war. Dialogue and Soft Power were to no avail.

While it is not this columnist’s contention that another World War is at hand, the inference is inescapable, given current developments in international politics, that the world could be perilously close to a situation where political leaders would be allowing themselves to be driven by emotion rather than reason.

For instance, the tremendous loss of civilian lives in the Gaza in particular and the Middle East in general is not preventing the US under President Donald Trump from fanatically backing the Netanyahu regime in the furtherance of its power ambitions. The relevant leaders on both sides of the Middle East divide could be described as having taken leave of their consciences, considering their indifference to the continuing bloodletting in the region.

The same goes for the Putin regime’s actions in the Ukraine. The continuing bloodshed on both sides of the divide in the latter theatre is apparently a matter of indifference to the leaders concerned. Once again, power and territorial ambitions are silencing consciences. Accordingly, in both situations under discussion unchecked emotion could sooner or later lead to large scale hostilities that could cut across regions.

The haplessness of the world in the face of the current disorder is compounded by the fact that the UN’s authority is going largely unrecognized by the relevant aggressor states. A question to be posed is whether the present international situation is parallel to that which presented itself in the run-up to World War Two, when the League of Nations proved totally incapable of reining-in the international hostilities that triggered the outbreak of war. If so, there is an urgent need for peace-loving sections the world over, including civilian publics, to urgently come together to address the grave risks confronting the world. The most pressing requirement is to give Soft Power or value-based politics a strong chance. Put simply, dialogue needs to be prized above discord.

Besides, it is important for those powers that could think and act with a measure of impartiality to come together to prevent the world from being further imperiled. Fortunately, India and China have decided to give cordial relations a try and this is a very promising development from the viewpoint of regional and global peace.

For example, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi in recent interviews with the international media has been quite elaborate on the need to ‘mend fences’ with China and introduce amity and harmony into Sino-Indian ties. Modi is on record that dialogue should be favoured over discord in China-India ties and that stronger inter-state cooperation is in the interests of the two neighbours and those of the international community.

It is interesting to note in this connection that Prime Minister Modi looked at China-India relations from a broad historical perspective as well. He said, among other things: ‘It has always been about learning from each other and understanding one another. At one time, Buddhism had a profound influence in China and that philosophy originated in India.’

This is the language of Soft Power or value-based politics that focuses on things that bring countries together rather than those which separate them. At the current juncture when discord is the state of the world, the language of Soft Power, or a focusing on values and ideals that cement ties among states, is what matters most.

Needless to say, we are today confronted with a dangerously polarized West. The US is on what could be called a hazardous foreign policy trajectory and Europe and Canada are closing ranks against it. There could be an increasing tendency among European states to emulate Germany and increase their defense spending, given that there is no possibility currently of bringing even a measure of peace to Ukraine, considering Russia’s recent decision to reject the US peace initiative. Accordingly, the West in particular would need to brace for times of stepped-up tension and discord.

India and China are two countries that the international community just could not ignore. Their heft in a multiplicity of fields is such that their persistent voices would be responded to positively by the rest of the world. A proactive engagement by these major Asian states in promoting global stability could induce the US and Russia, for instance, to quicken closures to the Ukraine and Middle East conflicts. Hopefully, China and India would be guided, going forward, by the greater good of the world community.

As for the rest of the global South, it too should explore the possibility of coming together once again for the sake of international amity and understanding. If the South is reading ‘the writing on the wall’ correctly it would perceive that it cannot neglect the obligation to join with major democracies, such as India, and dynamically champion the cause of world peace. Soft Power needs to be revived and kept going.

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Gamini Dissanayake’s Cricketing Vision: The Foundation that Built Champions and the work that must continue

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Gamini

By Navin Dissanayake

Cricket has long been Sri Lanka’s greatest unifier. It is the sport that makes the world see us as more than just a small island—it makes them respect us, remember us, and recognise our strength.

But Sri Lanka’s rise in world cricket did not happen by accident. It was built on foundations laid decades ago, by leaders who saw the potential in our game long before we had the trophies to prove it.

One of those leaders was my father, Gamini Dissanayake.

On March 20th, we mark his birth anniversary, and as I reflect on his life, I realise that his greatest contribution to cricket was not just securing Sri Lanka’s Test status—it was creating the systems, infrastructure, and vision that allowed us to win the 1996 World Cup and stand tall on the international stage.

And now, as the Chairperson of the Sri Lanka Cricket Foundation, it is my responsibility to ensure that his vision is not just remembered, but carried forward.

Gamini Dissanayake: The Architect of Sri Lanka’s Cricketing Future

Many people know that my father fought for Sri Lanka’s Test status in 1981, but few realise that he also built the physical and structural foundations of our cricketing success.

✔ Sri Lanka Cricket Headquarters at SSC – When Sri Lanka gained Test status, we did not even have an administrative home for the sport. My father took the lead in establishing the Sri Lanka Cricket Board headquarters at the Sinhalese Sports Club (SSC) premises, ensuring that Sri Lanka’s cricket administration had a proper base from which to operate.

✔ Asgiriya Stadium Transformation – He believed that cricket should not be limited to Colombo. Under his leadership, the Asgiriya Stadium in Kandy was upgraded to international standards, becoming one of the most picturesque Test venues in the world and bringing world-class cricket to a new part of the country.

✔ Creating the Pathway for Future Champions – Infrastructure is not just about buildings; it’s about creating opportunities. He personally ensured that cricketing talent from all over Sri Lanka was recognised, leading to a more inclusive national team that truly represented the country.

His belief was simple—Sri Lanka should never be just another cricket-playing nation. We should be a force to be reckoned with.

The 1996 World Cup: A Dream That Started with His Vision

The greatest vindication of his efforts came fifteen years after he won Sri Lanka’s Test status—on March 17, 1996, when we defeated Australia to win the Cricket World Cup.

The players, the strategy, the talent, and the execution belonged to Arjuna Ranatunga and his team. But the foundation for that victory was laid long before.

✔ The experience of playing Test cricket for 15 years before 1996 gave us the mental toughness to win.

✔ The confidence to take on the world’s best was born from the fight for Test recognition.

✔ The belief that Sri Lanka could win on the global stage was a lesson my father instilled in everyone who worked with him.

Without that long-term vision, Sri Lanka may have still been waiting for its moment of cricketing glory.

That is what great leadership does—it creates opportunities that allow future generations to succeed.

My Role in Continuing His Legacy Through the Sri Lanka Cricket Foundation

Today, Sri Lankan cricket stands at another crossroads.

We are a country that has lifted the World Cup, produced some of the greatest cricketers in the world, and built a reputation for playing brave, fearless cricket.

But we are also a cricketing nation struggling with inconsistency, administrative challenges, and lost opportunities.

That is why, as Chairperson of the Sri Lanka Cricket Foundation, I feel an immense responsibility—not just to honour my father’s work, but to continue it in ways that will shape the next era of Sri Lankan cricket.

Here’s what we are focusing on at the Sri Lanka Cricket Foundation:

✔ Developing Young Talent Nationwide – My father believed that talent is everywhere, but opportunity is not. Through the Cricket Foundation, we are working to strengthen school cricket programmes, identify hidden talent across rural areas, and support the next generation of Sri Lankan cricketers.

✔ Improving Cricketing Infrastructure – While our international stadiums are recognised worldwide, our grassroots cricket facilities need urgent investment. We are working to equip schools and clubs with better training facilities so that young players can develop under proper conditions.

✔ Restoring Professionalism & Transparency in Administration – Cricket should always be led by those who genuinely care for the game, not by those looking for personal gain. Through the Cricket Foundation, we are promoting stronger governance, better planning, and a long-term approach to cricket development.

✔ Bringing Back the Sri Lankan Cricket Identity – We were once known as the most unpredictable, fearless, and entertaining cricket team in the world. That identity must be rebuilt from the grassroots up.

The game gave us our proudest moments as a nation—it must never be allowed to decline.

Looking Ahead: A Legacy That Still Guides Us

Thirty years after his passing, my father’s vision still lives on in Sri Lanka’s cricketing institutions, in our stadiums, in our players, and in our history.

But his work is not finished.

As we honour him on his birth anniversary, my hope is not just to celebrate his achievements, but to continue his mission.

He fought to put Sri Lanka on the map of world cricket.

Now, it is our turn to fight to keep it there.

Because Sri Lanka’s place in world cricket was never handed to us on a platter—it was earned. And we must always be ready to earn it again.

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Research: Understanding basics and getting started – Part II

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(Part I of this article appeared yesterday)

Identification of a Research Problem

A well-defined research problem is the foundation of any meaningful research. It serves as the driving force that shapes the research process, distinguishing it from a general essay, where a research problem is not necessarily required. In an essay, one may present an argument or analysis without systematically addressing an unresolved question. However, in research, identifying a research problem is essential because it establishes the purpose and direction of the study.

A research problem arises in situations where a) The answer is entirely unknown, b) There are multiple, often conflicting answers.) Existing answers are inadequate or unsatisfactory.

A strong research problem should ideally be theoretical and analytical rather than merely descriptive. This means that the issue under investigation should contribute to a broader body of knowledge and be applicable beyond a single case. A well-formulated research problem allows for systematic inquiry, critical engagement with existing literature, and the development of new insights that can be tested, debated, and applied in different contexts.

Effective research problems often emerge from gaps in existing knowledge, inconsistencies in theoretical perspectives, or unresolved debates within a particular field. Researchers must critically assess prior studies, identify limitations, and frame their research problem in a way that advances scholarly understanding.

How to begin a research?

Research begins with the identification of a problem. A well-defined problem is the foundation upon which the entire study is built. Without a clear and focused problem, the research lacks direction. Once the problem is identified, the next step is to define it in specific terms, ensuring that the scope is manageable and relevant.

The process of research starts with recognising a gap in existing knowledge or a real-world issue that requires exploration. This problem could arise from theoretical questions, societal needs, or unresolved practical challenges. Once identified, the problem must be clearly defined to guide the research process and ensure that the results are meaningful and applicable.

Once the research problem is clearly defined, the next step is to form hypotheses. Hypotheses are educated guesses or assumptions based on initial observations of the problem. They provide a tentative explanation or prediction that can be tested through research. Hypotheses guide the direction of the study, suggesting what the researcher expects to find or how the problem might be addressed.

Hypotheses are used to gather data. Researchers design methods, such as experiments, surveys, interviews, or observations, to collect information that either supports or challenges the hypotheses. The type of data collected will depend on the nature of the problem and the hypotheses being tested.

The validity of hypotheses is tested through experimentation, further observations, and surveys. Researchers analyze the data to determine whether the hypotheses are supported or refuted. If the data aligns with the hypothesis, it can be considered as supporting evidence. Conversely, if the data contradicts the hypothesis, it must be refuted, prompting a reevaluation of the research approach or the formulation of new hypotheses.

Observations and Surveys: Two Key Components of the Research Process

Observation is a systematic and focused approach to perceiving and understanding something. It is the initial step in the research process that involves actively perceiving a phenomenon, recording what is seen, and seeking to derive meaning from the observed data.Observation often serves as the foundation for testing a theory or hypothesis. By observing the world, researchers gather real-world data that either supports or challenges established theories or hypotheses.The insights derived from observation provide the initial data necessary for deeper analysis. They allow researchers to identify variables and relationships that will be examined in subsequent steps of the research.While observation is critical, it is not sufficient on its own for acquiring deeper knowledge. It offers descriptive data but requires further investigation and interpretation to draw conclusions about underlying causes or implications.

A survey is a methodical process for collecting and analysing data through direct examination of facts, measurements, and other variables. Surveys are typically structured to gather quantitative data, offering a broad understanding of the subject under study.Surveys often involve the measurement of specific variables, whether through numerical data or other measurable factors, to understand their magnitude or distribution.Surveys involve systematically recording factors and variables that could influence or explain the research phenomenon. These records often serve as a comprehensive database for analysis.The data collected through surveys is often categorized into relevant groups, which helps in identifying trends, correlations, and potential insights that can further inform the research process.In sum, both observation and survey are integral to the research process.

Collection and Examination of Data

The collection of data is a fundamental and initial step in any research. Data is raw, unprocessed information—experience without interpretation. It is akin to a signal that provides useful information but without context or meaning.

One of the fundamental principles of data collection is the distinction between objectivity and subjectivity. Objectivity ensures that data is gathered free from personal bias or interpretation, maintaining neutrality and factual accuracyIncontrast, subjectivity, personal perspectives, prejudices and experiences, can distort data and lead to inaccurate conclusions. This distinction underscores the principle that facts are sacred; opinions are free—facts should remain unaltered by personal bias, while opinions are inherently subjective and open to interpretation.

Once collected, data must be systematically categorised to facilitate analysis and interpretation. Traditionally, it has been classified as primary or secondary, but this distinction is increasingly seen as outdated, as the boundaries between these categories have blurred. Contemporary research prioritises a more nuanced approach that considers data sources, context, and potential biases.

There is no one-size-fits-all approach to data collection in research. The choice of methods depends on the field of study and the specific research questions. Broadly speaking, research methods are categorized into qualitative and quantitative approaches. Qualitative methods, such as interviews, focus groups, and ethnography, aim to explore underlying themes, perceptions, and experiences. The data collected is often non-numerical and lends itself to in-depth analysis within natural contexts. In contrast, quantitative methods involve the collection of numerical data through surveys, experiments, or statistical analysis. These methods are typically used to test hypotheses, identify patterns, and generate statistical insights.

Beyond these methods, advancements in data science and emerging technologies have revolutionised data collection and analysis. From big data analytics to AI-driven tools, modern research methods are expanding how data is gathered, categorized, and interpreted.

Critical examination of data is an essential element in research, as it ensures the validity and reliability of findings. A commonly used method for examining data is through analysis and synthesis. Analysis involves a detailed and systematic examination of data by breaking it down into parts, features, and qualitieswhile synthesis allows them to integrate and combine information from different sources to form a comprehensive understanding. This requires thoughtful consideration and reasoning to uncover patterns, relationships, and underlying structures.

Main steps in the research process

Identification of Research Problem: The first step in any research process is to clearly define the problem you want to explore. This involves understanding the issue at hand, reviewing existing literature to see what has been researched before, and pinpointing gaps in knowledge. A well-defined research problem sets the stage for the entire project and guides the subsequent steps.

Hypothesis Formation: Once the problem is identified, the next step is to form a hypothesis or a tentative statement that predicts the outcome of the research. A hypothesis should be based on existing theory or observations. It acts as the foundation for guiding the research design.

Making Observations: This step involves gathering preliminary information through direct observation, literature review, or secondary data collection. Observations help refine the research questions further and build an understanding of the context. It’s essential to document the information you observe systematically to identify patterns or insights.

Conducting Surveys: Surveys, interviews, or experiments are commonly used tools to gather primary data. Depending on the nature of the research, surveys help collect data from participants to support or challenge the hypothesis. It’s crucial to design surveys carefully, ensuring they are valid, reliable, and ethical, while aligning with the research objectives.

Building Concepts: After gathering data, the next step is to analyze and organise the information. This may involve creating new concepts or refining existing ones, categorising the data, and identifying relationships between variables. Building concepts helps transform raw data into meaningful insights that are necessary for drawing conclusions.

Arriving at Judgments: At this stage, researchers evaluate the data and test the hypothesis. They assess whether the findings align with the initial hypothesis or if new interpretations are needed. This is the point where critical thinking and analysis come into play to determine the significance and implications of the findings.

Making Conclusions: The final step in the research process is drawing conclusions based on the evidence gathered throughout the study. This includes interpreting the results, explaining how they address the research problem, and offering recommendations for future research or practical applications. It’s also important to acknowledge limitations and suggest ways in which the research can be expanded.

Unpacking Scientific
Research Method

Since the 1970s, the Linguistic Turn in Western philosophy has critically re-examined the assumptions underlying the traditional scientific research approach. This intellectual shift, influenced by thinkers such as Friedrich Nietzsche, Wilhelm Dilthey, and Martin Heidegger, challenged the idea that knowledge could be purely objective and independent of language. Their work laid the groundwork for later scholars who argued that language, interpretation, and human experience fundamentally shape our understanding of truth and reality.

The Linguistic Turn prompted a reconsideration of several foundational premises of the scientific method, particularly its claims to neutrality and universality. Below are key aspects of this intellectual movement and its impact on the philosophy of knowledge and science:

The Truth or Truths:

Traditional scientific thought holds a singular, objective truth that is discoverable through empirical research. However, philosophers of the Linguistic Turn, influenced by Nietzsche’s critique of objective truth, argued that truth is not absolute but is contingent on language, culture, and perspective. Truths, therefore, are plural and are shaped by the subjective frameworks we use to understand the world.

Knowledge – Truth Nexus:

In Modern Science, knowledge is seen as a pathway to uncovering truths about the world, grounded in objective observation. The Linguistic Turn, however, proposed that knowledge itself is not neutral or purely empirical, but deeply intertwined with the language we use to interpret our

experiences. It suggests that knowledge is always mediated by linguistic and cultural structures, making it subject to interpretation rather than a direct reflection of objective reality.

Objectivity of Data:

The scientific method relies on the assumption that data can be collected and interpreted in an objective, unbiased manner. Yet, thinkers like Heidegger and Dilthey contended that all human understanding, including the analysis of data, is inherently influenced by subjective preconceptions and historical contexts.

Subjectivity – Objectivity Dichotomy:

The traditional Scientific Approach draws a sharp line between subjectivity (personal bias, emotions, etc.) and objectivity (rational, detached analysis). The Linguistic Turn critiques this dichotomy; subjectivity cannot be entirely separated from objectivity. Knowledge and truth are seen as always influenced by the individual’s perspective, background, and language, making the separation of the two a false ideal.

Uni-lineal Progress:

The Scientific Approach is often grounded in the assumption of linear progress, where each discovery necessarily leads to a subsequent advancement in understanding. However, drawing on the ideas of Nietzsche and Heidegger, Jean-François Lyotard challenged this assumption, arguing that progress is not always linear. He contended that historical and cultural contingencies significantly influence the trajectory of intellectual and scientific development. Thus, the concept of linear progress is an oversimplification of a far more complex and multifaceted reality.

Grand (Meta) Narration: The Scientific Research Approach often embraces grand narratives—overarching theories or models that aim to explain all phenomena in a single, unified framework (e.g., theories of evolution, theories of relativity). The Linguistic Turn, however, challenges the validity of such grand narratives, arguing that they tend to exclude alternative perspectives and experiences. The focus, instead, shifts toward smaller, local narratives that acknowledge complexity and difference, emphasizing the plurality of viewpoints rather than one dominant, overarching explanation.

The intellectual revolution sparked by the Linguistic Turn has significantly reshaped how we approach knowledge, truth, and research, urging a more nuanced and critical engagement with the scientific paradigm. By emphasizing the role of language, interpretation, and historical context, it calls into question the objectivity and universality that were once the cornerstones of scientific inquiry.

(Gamini Keerawella taught Historical Method, and Historiography at the University of Peradeniya, where he served as Head of the Department and Senior Professor of History. He is currently a Professor Emeritus at the same university)

by Gamini Keerawella

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