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Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy amid Geopolitical Transformations: 1990-2024 – Part VIII

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President Gotabaya Rajapaksa

(Part VII of this article appeared on 18 April, 2025)

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa: Glamorous Entry and Ignominious Exit

After Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s victory in the November 2019 presidential election and the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna’s (SLPP) landslide win in the August 2020 parliamentary elections, Sri Lanka’s political landscape underwent another drastic shift. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s popularity peaked during the parliamentary elections, helping the SLPP secure nearly a two-thirds majority. However, in a dramatic volte-face of events within just two years, ‘Gota-mania’ had turned into a ‘Gota-phobia’. The five-year period from the 2019 presidential election to the landmark 2024 presidential election, which brought the National People’s Power (NPP) to power, was marked by a series of dramatic political events, including the Aragalaya—intense popular agitations that signified an unprecedented shift in the country’s political culture.

From the outset, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa had to face the challenge of the COVID-19 pandemic, which led to the postponement of parliamentary elections. Without parliamentary oversight, he implemented health measures to manage the health crisis, resulting in excessive executive aggrandizement. In October 2020, Parliament passed the 20th Amendment, reversing the democratic reforms of the 19th Amendment. As the country grappled with the economic fallout of the global pandemic, certain decisions taken by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa further deepened the crisis, pushing the economy to the brink of collapse.

After 2019, Sri Lanka’s domestic and international political environment began to change significantly. The previously cordial atmosphere of dialogue and accommodation with the UNHRC was reversed. In February 2020, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa announced Sri Lanka’s decision to withdraw its co-sponsorship of the UNHRC resolutions previously agreed upon by the former administration. This move drew strong international criticism, particularly from Western nations. Despite this, Sri Lanka assured the UNHRC that it remained committed to achieving sustainable peace through an inclusive, domestically led reconciliation and accountability process. The shifting political climate was reflected in UNHRC Resolution 46/1, adopted in March 2021, which, for the first time, acknowledged the need to preserve, analyse, and consolidate evidence of human rights violations and abuses in Sri Lanka for potential future prosecutions. On February 14, 2020, the U.S. State Department announced a travel ban on Sri Lankan Army Commander Lieutenant General Shavendra Silva, his immediate family, and several other military officers. The ban was imposed on the grounds of command responsibility for “gross violations of human rights,” specifically extrajudicial killings at the end of Sri Lanka’s civil war.

Foreign policy under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was largely shaped by the pressing domestic challenges his administration faced, particularly the COVID-19 pandemic and the worsening economic crisis. As the country grappled with severe financial instability, mounting debt, and declining foreign reserves, Rajapaksa’s government sought closer ties with nations that could provide economic relief, including China and India. Growing public dissatisfaction and protests over economic mismanagement influenced foreign policy decisions. Finally, Sri Lanka’s foreign policy under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was driven more by necessity than strategic vision, reflecting the urgent need to address domestic crises.

President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s decisions, driven by domestic political pressure from his Sinhala nationalist clientele, undermined Sri Lanka’s credibility with key international partners. His rejection of the US Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) grant and the Japan-funded Light Railway Transit (LRT) project exemplify this trend. By rejecting the MCC grant, the President prioritised political narratives over economic benefits. His government framed the MCC as a threat to sovereignty, aligning with nationalist sentiments, even though it was a no-strings-attached grant. The unilateral cancellation of the JICA-funded LRT project without prior consultation with Japan further strained relations. Japan is one of Sri Lanka’s biggest development partners, and scrapping such a significant project without negotiation damaged diplomatic and economic ties. This decision not only led to the loss of a beneficial urban transport system but also risked future funding from Japan. It signaled to international donors that Sri Lanka was an unreliable partner. These actions reflected short-term political maneuvering rather than a strategic approach to economic development and foreign policy.

Since January 2022, all major economic indicators declined sharply, triggering a new wave of public protests. People from all walks of life took to the streets in tendon to protest the rising cost of living, prolonged power cuts, fuel shortages that led to days-long queues, exploding gas cylinders, and the scarcity of essential goods such as milk powder, food, and medicine. Alongside these grievances, the protests also brought unprecedented attention to longstanding issues of economic mismanagement. It took a new turn with the setting up of Gota-Go-Gamga in front of the Presidential Secretariat on April 9th. With no viable alternatives, the Sri Lankan government declared its first-ever sovereign default on April 12, 2022—marking the country’s first default since gaining independence in 1948. It was too late to prevent the deepening economic and political crisis from reaching total collapse. Nevertheless, the Aragalaya cannot be understood merely as a spontaneous uprising driven by economic hardship. From a broader perspective, it marked the beginning of a new phase in the crisis of the post-war Sri Lankan state

The Aragalaya and Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Interlude as interim President

The Aragalaya that forced President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to flee the country in disgrace and send his resignation from overseas on 14 July 2022 was arguably the most consequential political phenomenon in post-war Sri Lanka. It effectively ended the Rajapaksa family’s dominance in national politics and set in motion political dynamics that will shape the country’s trajectory for years to come. As a complex and multifaceted movement, its true impact cannot be measured by immediate outcomes alone; a long-term perspective is essential to fully understand its significance. One of its most striking effects was the unprecedented rise of the JVP/NPP, which, having previously secured only 3% of the popular vote, achieved a historic victory in the 2024 presidential and parliamentary elections.

In the aftermath of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s Resignation, Ranil Wickremesinghe was elected as interim President by a Parliament still dominated by the SLPP led by Mahinda Rajapaksa. By the time President Ranil Wickremesinghe mobilised heavy military forces to decisively crack down on Gota-Go-Gama on July 22, 2022 and prevent a section of protesting youths moving towards parliament, the protesters were debating on how to end their protest. By orchestrating a dramatic show of power, Wickremesinghe positioned himself as the saviour of the nation, claiming credit for restoring stability and preventing Sri Lanka from descending into anarchy and economic collapse. However, this narrative allowed him to consolidate power while the Rajapaksa political establishment remained intact in the background. After four months long dramatic events, the country seemed to have returned to the status quo ante.

The international community was stunned by the magnitude and intensity of the protest. All the key international actors were concerned about the direction of Aragalaya. As there were many actors and dispersed leadership to Aragalaya, it was not possible for any external power to influence the outcome single handedly. The protest movement itself decided its course on its own. However, Ranil Wickremesinghe’s modus operandi raises the question of whether he leveraged the Aragalaya to secure his own political future. History is full of sudden twists and turns, but in the long run, one twist often negates another.

The Aragalaya brought the ‘people’ factor to the forefront of international relations, emphasizing that global governance is no longer solely about diplomacy among political elites but increasingly about responding to popular demands. It challenged traditional diplomatic narratives that prioritize state stability over public welfare. As a result, foreign governments, international financial institutions, and regional organisations were compelled to engage with the concerns of the people. India extended emergency credit lines to Sri Lanka, international media amplified the voices of protesters, and global financial institutions like the IMF considered public sentiment in bailout negotiations. This demonstrates how grassroots movements can influence international discourse and shape policy decisions.

The impact of Aragalaya was further amplified by digital platforms, transforming it into a global phenomenon. Social media enabled real-time updates, mobilisation, and international awareness, drawing attention from human rights organisations, foreign governments, and diaspora communities. This digital interconnectedness highlights the growing role of ordinary people—not just governments—in shaping international relations. The Aragalaya serves as a powerful reminder that citizens are not passive subjects of global affairs but active agents capable of influencing political and economic decisions worldwide.

The Aragalaya brought global attention to corruption and economic mismanagement, emphasising their direct impact on governance, human rights, and international relations. Corruption, once seen as a domestic issue managed within national legal frameworks, is now increasingly recognised as a fundamental governance failure with far-reaching consequences. This shift was evident in the comprehensive report submitted by United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, to the 51st session of the Human Rights Council in September 2022. In her report, she addressed the link between economic crimes and Sri Lanka’s economic crisis, expressing hope that the new administration would respond to public demands for accountability, particularly for corruption and abuses of power, with a renewed commitment to ending impunity.

After Sri Lanka withdrew from co-sponsoring the UNHRC resolution in 2020, its relations with Western powers deteriorated—a trend continued under President Ranil Wickremesinghe too. In October 2022, the UNHRC adopted Resolution 51/1, which, for the first time, established the Sri Lanka Accountability Project (SLAP) under the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights to collect evidence of alleged violations. In November 2022, a group of British parliamentarians called for measures beyond UNHRC resolutions, urging sanctions—including asset freezes and travel bans—against alleged Sri Lankan war criminals and their referral to the International Criminal Court. Even before UNHRC Resolution 51/1, on February 14, 2020, under President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, the U.S. blacklisted General Shavendra Silva and imposed a travel ban on him. In January 2023, Canada imposed sanctions on former presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa for their involvement in “gross and systematic violations of human rights” during the armed conflict. In September 2023, twelve bipartisan members of the U.S. Congress urged the State Department to hold Sri Lanka legally accountable under the ‘UN Convention against Torture’. On March 25, 2025, Britain also imposed a travel ban on three Sri Lankan ex-generals, including General Shavendra Silva, and a former LTTE commander from the east, who later switched loyalties and supported the Sri Lankan Army.

The primary focus of foreign policy under President Ranil Wickremesinghe was guiding Sri Lanka out of its default status. As Acting President on July 18, 2022, Wickremesinghe turned to the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and initiated negotiations for a bailout package. Under his leadership, Sri Lanka reached a staff-level agreement with the IMF for an Extended Fund Facility (EFF) program. This effort culminated in March 2023, when the country successfully secured a board-level agreement, marking a significant step toward economic recovery. After intense negotiations with the Official Creditor Committee (OCC)—which includes major bilateral lenders such as Japan, India, and France—along with the China Exim Bank, Sri Lanka finalized debt restructuring agreements on June 26, 2024. These agreements, totaling USD 10 billion, were reached with key bilateral creditors, including the OCC and China Exim Bank.

One of the other key priorities of President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s foreign policy has been attracting Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) to boost Sri Lanka’s economic recovery. India was the first country to come forward to help Sri Lanka in early 2022 and provided extensive assistance totaling approximately USD 4 billion, encompassing various forms of support such as multiple credit lines and currency assistance, notably an agreement to supply petroleum worth USD 700 million through a Line of Credit. Additionally, export credit facilities totaling USD 1.5 billion were extended for the import of essential commodities, facilitated by India’s EXIM Bank and the State Bank of India.

Since then, India’s involvement in Sri Lanka’s economy has surged, solidifying its position as the main trading partner. In August 2022, the Indian Rupee (INR) was designated as an international currency in Sri Lanka. The deepening engagement of India was particularly evident in the power and renewable energy sectors.

In February 2023, Adani Green Energy received approval to invest $442 million in developing 484 megawatts of wind power capacity in Mannar town and Pooneryn village in northern Sri Lanka. This investment, along with a 20-year power purchase agreement with India’s Adani Green, further cements India’s influence over Sri Lanka’s energy sector. In March 2024, Sri Lanka signed an agreement with U Solar Clean Energy Solutions of India to construct hybrid renewable energy systems on three northern coastal islands—Delft, Analativu, and Nainativu. This project is backed by an $11 million grant from India, reinforcing its commitment to Sri Lanka’s renewable energy development.

At a time when Sri Lanka desperately needed foreign investment, the India-China rivalry became evident in the country’s plans to develop container terminals at the Colombo harbor. China had already built the Colombo International Container Terminal (CICT) with a $500 million investment and held an 85% stake in its operations. Meanwhile, India and the United States were increasingly concerned about China’s growing presence in both the Hambantota port and Colombo harbor. In response, the Wickremesinghe government offered the West Container Terminal to India instead of the East Container Terminal. This move was seen as an attempt to balance strategic competition between India and China in the Indian Ocean. However, rather than a well-calibrated foreign policy, it appears more like strategic promiscuity —leveraging Sri Lanka’s strategic assets solely to attract foreign investment.

When the National People’s Power (NPP) Government assumed power following Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s victory in the presidential elections on 21 September 2024 and secured a two-thirds majority in the parliamentary elections on 14 November 2024, the country’s foreign policy was in total disarray, lacking clear direction. Given the strategic importance of foreign relations in statecraft—particularly in the context of regional dynamics, Indian Ocean geopolitics, and evolving global power shifts—it became imperative for the new administration to redefine Sri Lanka’s foreign policy. It is a formidable challenge that requires accurately identifying foreign policy priorities, selecting viable strategies as a small island state, and advancing them prudently while carefully assessing critical strategic developments in regional and global political spheres.

by Gamini Keerawella

(To be concluded)



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A visa for bringing in expertise and expanding tourism

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In this article, I introduce an idea which is simple to implement but is powerful and helps with building technical skills, strengthening the country brand and creating international opportunities for Sri Lankans. Furthermore, it can diversify and extend the country’s tourism revenue streams.

The simple idea is to introduce a hassle-free visa for Internships, Volunteering, Expert Exchange Programs and Short-term Studies. For brevity, let me call it a Knowledge Transfer Visa or KTV. There are three important clarifications to make up-front. Firstly, this visa is not for those seeking paid employment in Sri Lanka. Secondly, the local partner needs to ensure that if any local permits or permissions are applicable, these are in place and cover any KTV holders. Thirdly, it is not a resident’s visa and tourist rates will have to be paid by KTV holders for their sightseeing.

It is also important to spell out up-front a critical requirement for success. This is that an applicant from a country who is entitled to obtain an online tourist visa quickly and easily should be able to obtain a KTV with the same ease and convenience. It would be reasonable for the Department of Immigration to have an additional information box in the visa application to ask for the name and contact details of the local partner (corporate or individual). But it should not be the role of the visa issuing officer in a Sri Lankan foreign mission or the Department of Immigration to examine paperwork to assess the credentials of the visitor and the local partner. This should be left to the applicant and local partner to assess each other. By analogy, a tourist is not asked to demonstrate that the hotel they have booked into is validly registered as a tourism business. Nor does the visa issuing process ask the hotel if they have vetted the tourist’s ability to pay. If the KTV is kept as simple as an online tourist visa, it will succeed, otherwise it will fail to deliver the potential benefits.

A reader may ask why this sort of visa is needed. The answer is that Sri Lanka is well positioned to benefit from activities covered in a knowledge transfer visa. However, such visits will only materialise if foreign nationals are reassured that they can arrive for such purposes with a visa where the purpose of their visit is explicitly recognised and they are confident that their visit is welcomed. Visitors on a KTV will bring in hard currency revenues in much the same way as ordinary tourists but importantly lead to other benefits such as the import of expertise, building international networks for local corporates and individuals and being potential repeat visitors. Let me explain by running through the various strands.

Internships

With the first strand, Internships, there is an overt intention that people want to work in a very structured manner and obtain useful work experience to help obtain paid employment back in their home country. Sri Lanka for various reasons, wishes to have tight controls over foreign workers and to limit foreign nationals on work visas. It is important to point out that facilitating internships need not conflict with this thinking. Incoming foreign interns are different to full-time foreign workers and caters to a younger demographic looking for a short period of work experience. If Sri Lanka restricts foreign internships to unpaid internships, this will limit the candidate pool to those interns who have parental financial support. Nevertheless, this is still a start and better than not opening the door at all.

In many sectors, Sri Lanka can offer meaningful summer internships of up to 3 months or longer. Two obvious examples are Tourism and Information Technology (IT). Sri Lankan companies cannot run viable business models by relying on a supply of foreign interns. Therefore, foreign interns do not in any way threaten the prospects for locals for employment. On the contrary, foreign interns from developed economies can benefit locals working with them in various ways. These could include improving language skills, and locals gaining exposure to skills such as time-management and project planning. Internships can also be used for foreign students to engage in undergraduate and postgraduate university projects with local academics.

To explain how foreign interns can be very useful, let me construct an example. It is a fact that Sri Lankan companies are writing the software for some of the most technologically advanced companies in the world. Imagine Sri Lankan IT companies actively pitch this to foreign universities in advanced economies and foreign undergraduates take up internships in Sri Lanka. Not only do they gain work experience of an equivalent standard to working in London or New York, but they will have a more exciting time in a tropical country. When they graduate, they will take up jobs in London, New York or wherever. When their employers are looking to outsource work, they may recommend the companies they worked with in Sri Lanka. Some of these foreign interns may even start their own companies in the future and look to outsource work to the Sri Lankan companies they worked with. If the new start-ups do well, there may be frequent business visits. When their former interns start families, they will visit Sri Lanka on visits which combine business meetings with a family holiday. Their children in turn will grow up with Sri Lanka being a place that was a regular holiday destination and, in the future, bring their own children on holiday. Internships in Sri Lanka to foreign students can grow future business revenues and also create a multi-generation chain of tourists.

Some foreign interns can also work in a three-way collaboration between their university, a local university and a private sector company. Take for example, a hotel that has placed camera traps on its property to study wildlife. If they do it on their own, it may simply be for marketing the hotel. If they can partner with a local academic or conservation NGO, it could be elevated into a formal study, perhaps even a long-term study. For both the local academic and the hotel, it would be useful if any work they do is part of a long-term study with a foreign university. International collaborations like this are also more useful to the hotel in their efforts for international publicity. For the local academic or conservation NGO, the international collaboration could also open opportunities for funding and recognition and invitations to present in international conferences. A win for all.

If Sri Lanka companies open up to foreign interns, it may result in them realising the value of well-structured internship programs and the dialogue with overseas interns and their academic supervisors may lead to good internship programs being set up for both local and foreign applicants. This can only help young resident Sri Lankans who at present are frustrated by the paucity of structured internship programs even amongst Sri Lanka’s leading companies.

Before I continue to the next two strands, it is useful to reiterate why a knowledge transfer visa is important. The above-mentioned benefits can only arise if potential foreign interns and volunteers have a mechanism of a special visa to reassure them that the purpose of their visit is properly disclosed and that their activity in Sri Lanka is welcomed and completely above-board within the stated purpose of the visa.

The same will apply, with voluntourism, which is a form of commercial tourism activity. Overseas companies that have a business model of arranging voluntourism abroad are more likely to add Sri Lanka as a destination if a KTV existed.

Volunteering

The second strand is Volunteering and here I define it narrowly to cases where a volunteer is not volunteering to build out their CV to help them gain paid employment in their home country. If they are doing so, it is covered under the Internship category. Under this definition, volunteers are people who fall into two broad categories. They may be volunteering for recreational purposes, coupled with wanting to do something that is societally useful. Or they may be people who are retired and on a comfortable retirement income who now have time and money to give something back to society. For example, a person in a highly paid job may come and volunteer for two weeks on a science (e.g. biodiversity surveys) or an arts project (e.g. cataloguing temple art). They may do this because they enjoy doing something different from their day job which is related to their personal interests and societally useful. This type of volunteering has become a significant form of tourism, known as voluntourism.

For the second type of volunteering an example would be a retired wildlife reserve manager from overseas who is happy to work for free with a Sri Lankan hotel or game lodge to train guides and provide practical help in rewilding the grounds of the property. They may enjoy mentoring and want to share their experience with others who are happy to learn from them. To take another example, it could be a retired museum curator who is happy to volunteer at a government museum to train local staff and inject fresh thinking into how exhibitions are curated.

The host country receives free expertise and valuable time from such volunteers. The volunteers are also paying tourists.

In G20 countries, volunteering is highly organised and has resulted in businesses that provide on-line platforms to match volunteers with recipient organisations. Sri Lanka can benefit from making it easy for people to volunteer and to come over, whether it is to paint hospital wards, help in beach clean-ups, or to help at a literary, music or cultural festival or to train local wildlife guides. Many volunteers will also look to add on a holiday extension to their volunteering stay. It is not just free people-hours of work and spending as foreign visitors: Carefully chosen good volunteers also bring in ideas, know-how, enthusiasm and energy.

Expert Exchange

The third strand in the knowledge transfer visa is for Expert Exchange. This is for people who are established in their discipline and looking to diversify their experience and build an international network by engaging in short term unpaid assignments overseas. For example, let’s assume a senior academic would like to spend a month working with local counterparts. Perhaps it is someone from a Management Science faculty who is interested in South Asian trade and wishes to work with local counterparts in a Sri Lankan professional institution or the Management Science faculty of a university. Or, perhaps it is an academic with an interest in contemporary Asian art. In such situations, a mutually useful arrangement between the foreign visitor and any local counterparts would be for the visitor to be provided a desk and some working space in the local faculty. Perhaps the visiting academic or professional can even undertake to give a certain number of lectures to Sri Lankan students. Relationships established in this way could lead to reciprocal invitations for Sri Lankan academics to attend foreign conferences and workshops and possibly help with Sri Lankan students receiving guidance and support with doing a PhD overseas. The visiting academic or expert is not being paid by the local partners in Sri Lanka and will continue to be on the payroll of their employer in their home country. Again, such visitors need to be reassured that what they are doing is deemed above -board and welcomed. They would not wish to come to Sri Lanka on a standard tourist visa for an engagement of this kind.

Short-term Study

The final strand of the knowledge transfer visa is for Short-term Study. Sri Lanka already has the skilled teachers and education infrastructure to offer undergraduate degrees from several foreign universities. It also runs accredited courses for professional qualifications from organisations that are based in G20 countries, whether it is in Accountancy or Marketing or IT. This capability can be expanded to provide ‘summer schools’ where foreign students arrive for a combination of classroom and field teaching. Local educational institutions can use their business initiative to develop curricula in consultation with foreign universities to meet the coursework credit requirements. If it is simple and easy to obtain a visa to attend such a course in Sri Lanka, this becomes a tempting offer for foreign students. In areas spanning from medicine, tourism, and the biological sciences, Sri Lanka can become an exciting destination for classroom and field work.

Conclusion

The results won’t be seen immediately as it takes years for local counterparts and foreign counterparts to respond and adapt to the benefits of such a visa. But slowly and steadily, we will see benefits accruing to the country. We also need to keep in mind that with anything that involves people, sometimes things don’t work out. A few foreign visitors or the Sri Lankan partners may not fulfil their obligations properly. We should not allow misguided fears of a few bad apples to block the massive potential for Sri Lanka to benefit from a simple but powerful idea that is easy to implement. It would benefit the private sector, state institutions, the universities, and many other sectors to encourage the government to introduce such a visa.

To conclude, if a knowledge transfer visa (KTV) is created which is as simple and quick to obtain as an online tourist visa, it will create a comforting and reassuring environment to encourage foreign visitors who are looking for something more than a short holiday. This will result in hard currency revenues in multiple ways as with ordinary tourism. However, there are potentially significant additional benefits from the bringing in of know-how, skilled people-hours of work, the scope for new types of businesses to develop, and allow Sri Lankan individuals, corporates and institutions to have doors opened for them for international business and academic opportunities. Furthermore, there is a huge Sri Lankan diaspora out there whose children and grandchildren do not have dual nationality but could be encouraged to bring their money and know-how for a longer length of time in Sri Lanka through a knowledge transfer visa.

by Gehan de Silva Wijeyeratne

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Corruption outed; Stirrings in the West

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Former President Mahinda Rajapaksa and wartime Defence Secretary and former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa paid floral tributes at the war heroes' memorial near Parliament on 20 May.

TV news showed Keheliya Rambukwella with a walking aid and grizzled unshaven, attending courts and leaving in a prison van. His son Ramith is implicated in a corruption case being heard against his father. So it’s a case of like father, like son. We recall this cricketer son was no gentleman. He supposedly broke into an office in his college – Royal, Colombo 7 – to interfere with a marks sheet or whatever.  More notoriously, returning from Australia as a member of a cricket team, he attempted opening a door of the Sri Lankan plane they were in. Doors in planes are extra strong and difficult to open; otherwise if he had succeeded, there would have been a fierce rush of air and he surely would have been dragged out to fall to the ocean or land and sure death. More seriously, havoc would have been created within the plane accompanied by dire danger to passengers.  He is supposed to be unemployed but living in a very expensive, luxurious flat.

Wages of sin

Not many like to see others suffering, particularly mothers of sons. But there was no sorrow, not a twinge, on seeing Keheliya limping and getting into a prison van; so different from the suave man he was. The reason is that one has to pay for sins and transgressions including the procurement of substandard and fake medicinal drugs for government hospitals.

There is no sympathy in Cass’ heart, even for Rambukwella Jr. since he developed within himself his father’s nature. The uppermost thought in her is that retribution is inevitable. Most people think it passes to manifest itself in the sinner’s next and future births. Not always. They suffer in this life too. Here is a solid example to prove this point.

When we women talk about corruption in this beautiful island some note that entire families are corrupt to the core and have collected vast amounts of illicit money, safely stashed away. They seem to be fine; the younger ones grinning from ear to ear, cock sure of themselves. But what about their minds, their nightly dreams? Are they afraid? Do nightmares torment them? Sure the older thieves suffer thus.

“Retribution often means that we eventually do to ourselves what we have done unto others.”

Qatar’s gift to President Trump

Why two remembrances?

Politicians particularly, often prove that Sri Lanka is a land like no other – negatively – Cass adds. The Medamulana Rajapaksa family proved this point on Tuesday 20 May.

The War Heroes Commemorative ceremony, which is Remembrance Day in Sri Lanka, is observed on May 19, when the end of the civil war in 2009 is marked. Those who died in the 28 year war, both armed forces personnel and civilians, are remembered on this day. A solemn ceremony was held in Battaramulla in the grounds of the stately National War Memorial, with the President, and army, navy and air force heads of that time present.  Also the nearest kin of those who gave their lives to save the country, mostly mothers and wives, laid red roses at the foot of the memorial.

Then surprise, surprise, another ceremony was held the following day at the same venue and most prominent were Mahinda and Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The news reporter of the channel Cass watched announced it was a memorial service for war heroes. But the war heroes had already been duly remembered the previous day by the entire nation. Pohottu members would have been present but it was not an SLPP ceremony. What was it then? A public remembrance by private persons since both brothers are out of politics and out of job now.

It is only in Sri Lanka that such a ‘circus’ can be staged. IWere the dead being used to shore waning popularity? Perfectly true, the two brothers did much to bring peace to the country; they went to war against severe objections and obstacles placed by local persons in secondary power, and foreign nations. But that does not justify a separate remembrance.

Maybe they do not know how such ceremonies are conducted in civilized foreign countries. They would not have watched the anniversary of VE Day (May 8) held in London and the respect and homage paid to WWII veterans and the remembrance of those who died in battle. Such an impressive, dignified late morning ceremony with King Charles III, Queen Camilla and other Royals present.  The country and its leaders unified in remembrance and gratitude. No politics whatsoever. In this country politics rears its Medusa head in all public occasions and even very private ones like weddings. Next year we may have two separate celebratory events for National Day – February 4.

Lies and subterfuges

As usual a mega Trump deal is surrounded by lies, denials, drawing the wool over the public eye and subterfuges which last means “deceit used in order to achieve one’s goal.”  The goal was getting a replacement for the presidential airplane which certainly is old – 40 years – and its interior not up to Trump’s garishly lavish standards. The Trump administration first approached Qatar to acquire a redundant Boeing 747 with a price around USD 400m to replace Air Force One. The other story is that Qatar reached out and offered the jet as a gift to Trump. The 747 flew to Florida in March so Trump could inspect it, which he did. A circulated report is that Qatar gifts the 747 to Trump personally to be used as his presidential jet and once he leaves the White House, it is his private possession. This tale one could well believe knowing the sort of a person Trump is and how wily Middle East potentates are: no giving without getting in return.

Cancer stalks American VVIP

Trump’s immediate predecessor has had another trauma.  President Joe Biden announced he had been diagnosed with aggressive prostate cancer, which means his days are numbered. He was the oldest US Prez but much admired and polled to be the 14th best president in the history of the US. His first wife and one-year daughter died in a car accident on December 18, 1972, just four years after marriage. He was a devoted father to his two sons aged 2 and 3 years then. At age 46, in 2015, his elder son Beau died of brain cancer, which Biden maintained was due to his service in the Kosovo war where dangerous gases were used. And now this illness at 82.  A good man given more than his fair share of tribulations.

Cruelty beyond measure

Deaths in the Gaza strip increase by the day as Israel bombards it with air missiles and debars food aid getting in. Children are dying by the hundreds and doctors in large numbers as hospitals are targeted for attack. Netanyahu has pronounced he wants the entire Gaza strip as part of Israel. How can he possibly expect this? However, at the rate the war is proceeding he will soon overcome Hamas and ride into Gaza as a vanquisher and acquirer. No nation seems to be ready to help the Palestinians.

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Trump’s trade tariffs pose hidden threats to Sri Lankan economy

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President Trump

Colombo, Sri Lanka – While U.S. President Donald Trump’s trade war primarily targeted global economic heavyweights like China and the European Union, its ripple effects are being felt across smaller economies including Sri Lanka. Experts warn that Trump’s protectionist trade policies, particularly the imposition of tariffs and the “America First” doctrine, could significantly impact Sri Lanka’s export-driven growth model.

Global Supply Chains Under Pressure

One of the most immediate threats stems from the disruption of global supply chains. Sri Lanka’s key industries, including textiles, apparel, and electronics components, are heavily reliant on imported raw materials. The U.S. tariffs on Chinese and other foreign goods increased global production costs, leading to delays and price hikes that affect Sri Lankan exporters.

“These disruptions trickle down,” says an economist at the Central Bank of Sri Lanka. “Higher input costs and reduced access to affordable materials can hurt the competitiveness of our exports.”

Falling Global Demand Hits Exports

Trump’s tariffs contributed to broader economic uncertainty, weakening global trade and slowing growth. This downturn has lowered demand for Sri Lankan goods, particularly in Western markets. Apparel exports, which account for over 40% of Sri Lanka’s total exports and rely heavily on U.S. consumers, are especially vulnerable.

“As American retailers reevaluate their sourcing strategies, Sri Lankan garment manufacturers face increased competition from countries like Vietnam and Bangladesh, some of which benefit from more favourable trade agreements,” notes a trade policy analyst in Colombo.

Foreign Investment and Tourism at Risk

The trade tensions also made investors more cautious, leading to a decline in foreign direct investment (FDI) in emerging markets. Sri Lanka, already grappling with high debt levels and political instability, may find it increasingly difficult to attract investment in its export-oriented industries and infrastructure projects.

Tourism a vital source of foreign exchange could also see knock-on effects. Global economic instability tends to reduce travel spending, which directly impacts Sri Lanka’s tourism sector.

Regional Spillovers from China and India

China, a key trading partner and infrastructure investor in Sri Lanka, was one of the main targets of Trump’s tariffs. As Chinese economic growth slows due to reduced U.S. trade, its demand for Sri Lankan commodities and its ability to invest abroad could also decline. Similarly, any reduction in India’s economic engagement due to trade tensions with the U.S. may impact regional cooperation and investment flows.

Out of the Trade Bloc Loop

Perhaps, more concerning in the long term is the global realignment of trade alliances. As the U.S. withdrew from multilateral trade deals and others like the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP) and the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership (CPTPP) gained momentum, Sri Lanka risks being left behind.

A Wake-Up Call for Trade Policy Reform

The indirect but significant threats posed by Trump-era tariffs underline the urgent need for Sri Lanka to diversify its markets, join new trade alliances, and upgrade its export infrastructure.

While the Trump administration, the shift towards economic nationalism and trade protectionism continues to influence global policy. Sri Lanka, as a small and open economy, must adapt quickly or risk falling further behind.

By M. I. D Perera,
Economist

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