Features
Sri Lanka’s defence policy and shifting balance of power in the Indian Ocean
(Excerpts of a lecture delivered at the launch of the book Sri Lanka’s Defence Policy Since Independence and the Shifting Balance of Power in the Indian Ocean, authored by Professor Gamini Keerawella)
The launch of this timely and scholarly work comes at a critical juncture in regional and global geopolitics. As a nation strategically located at the heart of the Indian Ocean, Sri Lanka must continuously evaluate and adapt its defence policy to the evolving security landscape. Professor Keerawella’s book provides a comprehensive and insightful analysis of Sri Lanka’s defence posture, from independence to the present, while also situating the island nation within the broader geopolitical dynamics of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).
In my professional capacity—as a naval officer, diplomat, and former Foreign Secretary—I have observed, firsthand, the increasing complexity of maritime affairs and strategic competition in the Indian Ocean. The rise of new power centres, the re-emergence of great power rivalry, and the growing importance of sea lines of communication (SLOCs) underscore the need for small and strategically located nations, like Sri Lanka, to develop nuanced, pragmatic, and future-oriented defence strategies.
Professor Keerawella’s research contributes significantly to this national and regional discourse. His work not only chronicles Sri Lanka’s defence policy evolution, but also critically assesses how global and regional power shifts—particularly between China, India, and the United States—are reshaping the strategic environment around the island. In doing so, he highlights the strategic choices that confront Sri Lanka and the importance of preserving our sovereignty, neutrality, and maritime security through a well-calibrated foreign and defence policy.
This publication fills a significant gap in the literature on South Asian security studies and should be considered essential reading for policymakers, strategists, academics, and anyone interested in the future of Sri Lanka and the wider Indian Ocean region.
The author traces how global and regional geopolitical changes have shaped Sri Lanka’s strategic outlook, raising a fundamental question: does Sri Lanka have a coherent and documented national security or foreign policy?
Having served for 43 years in the military, in national security policymaking, and in diplomatic roles, I find this question deeply relevant. My personal experience confirms the central argument of this book—that Sri Lanka’s policies have been ad hoc and reactive rather than guided by a consistent long-term vision.
Shifting Global Power Dynamics
One of the book’s core themes is the transformation of the 21st century into a multipolar and transactional world order. Unlike the Cold War’s binary alignments or the post–Cold War unipolar moment, today’s global system is marked by competition among multiple powers and gradually becoming a multi-polar world in geopolitical and economic sense.
The Indian Ocean is now the main artery and the centre of gravity of global trade, carrying 72% of energy shipments, 50% of container traffic, and 35% of bulk cargo. This region has become an arena of intense strategic competition, convergence of interests, and strategic ambiguity, particularly for small and medium-sized states.
Unpredictable Events and Strategic Vulnerability
Keerawella highlights how unpredictable global events have immediate consequences for countries like Sri Lanka. For example, Russia’s war in Ukraine caused oil prices to rise by USD 5 per barrel, costing Sri Lanka an additional USD 73 million annually. Similar disruptions followed strikes on Iran’s nuclear programme and Houthi attacks on shipping in the Red Sea. These examples underscore the vulnerability of small nations to geopolitical shocks and the urgent need for robust national security planning.
Strategic Location: Blessing or Curse?
Sri Lanka’s geographic position, astride vital sea lanes, has long been recognised as a strategic asset. As Admiral Harry Harris once noted, the island’s three main advantages are “location, location, and location.” However, Prof. Keerawella asks whether Sri Lanka has truly leveraged this position—or whether it has been more of a liability at certain times? Since independence, Sri Lanka’s foreign and defence relations have lacked consistency and clear direction. Policy has often evolved reactively, driven by short-term considerations rather than strategic foresight.
Geography as Destiny and the Need for Strategic Autonomy
Geography cannot be altered. Nations must live with it and craft policies accordingly. Sri Lanka can no longer rely on vague non-alignment and ad hoc diplomacy. To preserve its strategic autonomy, Sri Lanka must adopt free and independent defence and foreign policies rooted firmly in its national interests rather than external agendas.
Sri Lanka’s national interests
Sri Lanka’s national interests are outlined in its Constitution and broader policy discourse, include:
Protecting state sovereignty and territorial integrity
Maintaining social cohesion and democratic traditions
Enhancing economic wellbeing and reducing poverty
Safeguarding the environment, cultural heritage, and cyberspace
Contributing to regional peace and stability.
National Security and the Instruments of Power
National security today encompasses more than military defence. It now includes economic, food, health, cyber, and environmental security. To achieve these goals, nations must employ multiple instruments of national power—diplomatic, informational, military, and economic (DIME). The Diplomatic power would include: Embassies, Ambassadors, treaties, negotiations, policies, international forums. The Informational power would be: Military information, public diplomacy, public affairs, communication resources, international forums, spokepersons. The Military component would include: military operations, engagements, security cooperations, show of force, military technology, size and composition of force. The Economic aspects would be: trade policies, fiscal and monetary policies, tariffs, embargoes, aid.
Sri Lanka must also fully utilise its maritime domain for its economic development and prosperity. The country’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) spans 517,000 square kilometres—eight times its landmass—yet remains under-monitored and underdeveloped. Prof. Keerawella emphasises the need for strategic surveillance, maritime scientific research, and sustainable blue economy projects. Without these, Sri Lanka is forced to react to the policies of others rather than set its own course.
Lessons from History
The book reminds readers of Sri Lanka’s proud diplomatic heritage: the Colombo Plan of 1950, the Colombo Powers meeting of 1954, leading to the Bandung Conference in 1955, the Non-Aligned Movement in 1961, and the Indian Ocean Zone of Peace proposal in 1971. These examples show that Sri Lanka once exercised strategic vision and leadership on the world stage. Ironically, many India Ocean littorals still need the conditions stipulated in the IOPZ such as; de-militarisation, nuclear free zone, geopolitical neutrality, protection of sovereignty, freedom of navigation for all nations and dialogue and cooperation to resolve disputes. Sri Lanka also missed a golden opportunity to join ASEAN in 1967 and now trying to join the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership of ASEAN without much success.
Study of history is of paramount importance as then we can identify patterns, learn from successes and failures, and potentially predict, or prepare, for future scenarios. Sri Lanka has suffered immensely due to armed insurrections, civil war, foreign military intervention, international monitoring mission to monitor ceasefire, and natural calamities, such as the 2004 Tsunami. These events retarded the country’s economic progress which resulted in economic crises in 2022.
Geopolitical Competition in the Indian Ocean
The Indian Ocean is today more militarised than ever, with 120 to 130 foreign warships present at any given time. Nuclear submarines also patrol these waters, raising concerns about strategic instability. Keerawella examines the shift from Asia-Pacific to Indo-Pacific as a geopolitical construct, noting India’s evolving policies—from “Look East” to SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) and then to MAHASAGAR (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions). At the same time, US–China competition has intensified. The question remains whether the Indo-Pacific will be a space for collaboration or confrontation.
The Indian Ocean Region is also home to mistrust and insecurity among nations. Insecurity of one nation and actions taken by that nation to increase its own security can give rise to insecurity of other nations. This can lead to increased militarisation and higher defence expenditure leading to potential conflict.
Majority of maritime strategies of major and aspiring major powers in the Indian Ocean are exclusive in nature and the hidden objective is to counter the rise of China. However, the best option would be to accommodate economic engagement with China while simultaneously upholding norms that constrain aggressive military behaviour.
Policy Deficits and Strategic Incoherence
The book critiques how Sri Lanka’s foreign policy has been fragmented by domestic political priorities and external pressures. Lacking a clearly articulated defence or foreign policy, the country has often zigzagged between competing alignments. Prof. Keerawella calls for an integrated approach that aligns foreign policy and national security strategy under a single long-term vision. Keerawella also highlight the close relationship between defence policy and foreign policy, as development in one sphere often influence decisions of the other.
Conclusion
Prof. Gamini Keerawella’s work is a vital contribution to understanding Sri Lanka’s post-independence strategic trajectory. It demonstrates how global power shifts, regional competition, and internal political dynamics have influenced Sri Lanka’s defence policy. Most importantly, it highlights the absence of a coherent, documented national strategy.
This book provides not only a historical analysis but also a framework for future policy. It challenges scholars, practitioners, and policymakers to formulate a comprehensive defence and foreign policy—even after 77 years of independence. Such a vision is essential for ensuring Sri Lanka’s security, prosperity, and standing in the international community.
Prof. Keerawella’s research deserves recognition. It should inspire a new generation of thinkers to continue this work and push Sri Lanka towards strategic clarity and purposeful engagement with the world.
By Admiral Dr. Jayanath Colombage, ✍️
PhD Former Commander of the Sri Lanka Navy,
Secretary to the Ministry of Foreign Relations,
and Ambassador of Sri Lanka to Indonesia and ASEAN
Features
Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute
By Ifham Nizam
A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.
The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.
At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.
Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.
“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”
Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.
Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.
“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.
“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”
Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.
An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.
“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.
The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”
Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.
“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.
The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.
Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.
Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.
Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.
They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.
As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?
Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.
Features
‘Weaponizing’ religion in the pursuit of power
A picture of US President Donald Trump apparently being prayed for by supporters, appearing in sections of the international media, said it all loud and clear. That is, religion is being flagrantly leveraged or prostituted by politicians single-mindedly bent on furthering their power aspirations.
Although in the case of the US President the trend took on may be an exceptionally graphic or dramatic form, the ‘weaponizing’ of religion is nothing particularly new, nor is it confined to only religiously conservative sections of the West. For example, in South Asia it is an integral part of politics. The ‘South Asian Eight’ are notorious for it and it could be unreservedly stated that in Sri Lanka, the latter’s ethnic conflict would be more amenable to resolution if religion was not made a potent weapon by ambitious politicians of particularly the country’s South.
The more enlightened sections of Christian believers in the US may not have been able to contain their consternation at the sight of the US President apparently being ‘blessed’ by pastors claiming adherence to Christianity. Any human is entitled to be blessed but not if he is leading his country to war without exhausting all the options at his disposal to end the relevant conflict by peaceful means.
More compounded would be his problem if his directives lead to the death of civilians in the hundreds. In the latter case he is stringently accountable for the spilling of civilian blood, that is, the committing of war crimes.
However, the US along with Israel did just that in the recent bombings of Iran, for instance. The majority of the lives lost were those of civilians. If the US President is endowed with a Christian conscience he would have paused to consider that he is guilty of ordering the taking of the life of another human which is forbidden in the teachings of Jesus Christ.
Moreover, the ‘pastors’ praying over the US President should have thought on the above lines as well. May be they were in an effort to curry the President’s favour which is as blame-worthy as legitimizing in some form the taking of civilian lives. Apparently, the realisation is not dawning on all Christian conservatives of the US that some of these ‘pastors’ could very well be the proverbial false prophets and the latter are almost everywhere, even in far distant Sri Lanka.
However, the political reality ‘on the ground’ is that the Christian Right is a stable support base of the Republican Right in the US. Considering this it should not come as a surprise to the seasoned political watcher if the Christian Right, read Christian fundamentalists, are hand-in-glove, so to speak, with President Trump. But it is a scathing indictment on these rightist sections that they are all for perpetrating war and destruction and not for the fostering of peace and reconciliation. Ideally, they should have impressed on their President the dire need to make peace.
That said, political commentators should consider it incumbent on themselves to point out that religion is being ‘weaponized’ in Iran as well. Theocratic rule in Iran has been essentially all about perpetuating the power of the clerical class. The reasons that led to the Islamic Revolution in Iran are complex and the indiscreet Westernization of Iran under the Shah dynasty is one of these but one would have expected Iran to develop from then on into a multi-party, pluralistic democratic state where people would be enjoying their fundamental rights, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example.
Moreover, Iran should have taken it upon itself to be a champion of world peace, in keeping with its Islamic credentials. But some past regimes in Iran had vowed to virtually bomb Israel out of existence and such regional policy trajectories could only bring perpetual conflict and war. Considering the current state of the Middle East it could be said that the unfettered playing out of these animosities is leading the region and the world to ‘reap the whirlwind’, having recklessly ‘sowed the wind’.
However, religious fundamentalism-inspired conflict and war has spread well beyond the Middle East into almost every region since 1979, the year of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. So much so, knowledgeable opinion now points out that religious identity has come to replace nationalism as a principal shaper of international politics or “geopolitics”, as quite a few sections misleadingly and incorrectly term it.
Elaborating on the decisive influence of religious identity, the well known and far traveled Western journalist Patrick Cockburn says in his authoritative and comprehensive book titled, ‘The Age of Jihad – Islamic State and the Great War for the Middle East’ at page 428 in connection with the war in Chechnya ; ‘If nationalism was not entirely dead, it no longer provided the ideological glue necessary to hold together and motivate people who were fighting a war. Unlike the Islamic faith, it was no longer a belief or a badge of identity for which people would fight very hard.’ (The book in reference was published by VERSO, London and New York).
In his wide coverage of Jihadist Wars the world over Cockburn goes on to state that today a call from a cleric could motivate his followers to lay down no less than their lives for a cause championed by the former. The 9/11 catastrophe alone should convince the observer that this is indeed true.
However, as often pointed out in this column, there is no alternative but to foster peace and reconciliation if a world free of bloodshed and strife is what is being sought. Fortunately we are not short of illustrious persons from the East and West who have shone a light on how best to get to a degree of peace. Besides Mahatma Gandhi of India, who was the subject of this column last week, we have former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami, who made a case for a ‘Dialogue of Civilizations’ rather than a ‘Clash of Civilizations’.
The time is more than ripe to take a leaf from these illustrious personalities, for, the current state of war in the Middle East has raised the possibility of a war that could transcend regional boundaries. The antagonists are obliged to exhaust all the peaceful options with the assistance of the UN system. Besides, war cannot ever have the blessings of the sane.
Features
Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year green mission and national Namal Uyana
It was 35 years ago, on March 28, 1991, that Venerable Rahula Thera, then a young monk, embarked on a journey to the Na forest in Ulpathagama, Palagama, in the Anuradhapura District. Today, three and a half decades later, this mission stands as living proof of the enduring bond between Buddhist philosophy and the natural world.
Marking the 35th year of this green mission, Rahula Thera’s relentless dedication has transformed the National Namal Uyana into an environmental landmark admired not only across Sri Lanka but around the globe, as well.
When studying the life of Venerable Rahula Thera, one cannot ignore the profound connection between Buddhism and the environment. Buddhism is a philosophy deeply attuned to nature. The historical use of the sacred “Na Ruka” by all four Buddhas: Mangala Buddha, Sumana Buddha, Revata Buddha, and Sobhita Buddha — for enlightenment —demonstrates that from time immemorial, Buddhism has maintained a sacred bond with the Na tree. From the birth of Siddhartha to his enlightenment, the propagation of the Dharma, and even the great Parinirvana, all of these milestones unfolded in verdant, living landscapes.
Venerable Rahula Thera did not embark on the Namal Uyana mission seeking government support or personal gain. His commitment sprang from a deep devotion to the Buddha’s teachings on grove cultivation. A grove cultivator is one who spreads compassion for nature. As the Vanaropa Sutta teaches:
Venerable Rahula Thera reclaimed Namal Uyana which was then under the control of timber smugglers and treasure hunters. The term “Wanawasi” does not merely mean living in a forest; it signifies finding rest and enlightenment through nature, free from the destructive roots of greed, sin, and delusion.
Another defining aspect of Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year mission is the purification of the human mind. He has consistently taught the thousands who visit Namal Uyana that a person who loves a tree will never harm another human being. As the Dhamma proclaims:
It is important to remember that Venerable Rahula Thera devoted his life, without fear, speaking the truth and taking necessary action, tirelessly advancing the national mission he began. From 1991 to the present, he has worked with every government elected by the people, maintaining impartiality and independence from political ideology. Yet, he never hesitated to raise his voice fearlessly against any individual, of any rank or party, who committed wrongdoing.
Religious and Social Mission
The National Namal Uyana is not merely a forest; it is a magnificent heritage site, dating back to ancient times. Scattered across the landscape are boundary walls, the remains of ancient monastery complexes, and stone carvings believed to date back to the reign of King Devanampiyatissa. In earlier centuries, this sacred land had served as a meditation sanctuary for hundreds of monks. The name “National Namal Uyana,” by which this ecological and archaeological treasure is known today, was introduced by Venerable Rahula Thera in 1991. The government’s later recognition of the site as the National Namal Uyana stands as a significant achievement for both religion and national heritage.
Venerable Rahula Thera is a monk who has lived a life of renunciation. A striking example of this is his decision not to assume the position of Chief Incumbent of the National Namal Uyana Viharaya, instead entrusting the temple to the Ramanna Nikaya and its trustees. In doing so, he set a precedent for the contemporary Sangha. The Thera himself stated that he was merely the trustee of Namal Uyana, not its owner.
Legacy and Continuing Inspiration
The 35th anniversary of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera’s arrival at Namal Uyana is not merely the commemoration of a period of time; it is a message of nature to future generations. Through his work, the Thera revived the ancient Hela tradition of loving trees and venerating the environment as something sacred. This religious and environmental mission remains unforgettable.
The revival experienced by Namal Uyana, after the arrival of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera, is beyond simple description. Some of the major accomplishments achieved under his leadership include:
* Securing and protecting the largest Rose Quartz (Rosa Thirivana) reserve in South Asia.
* Restoring the Na forest spread across hundreds of acres, providing shelter to numerous rare plants and animal species.
* Transforming the area into a living centre for environmental education, offering practical learning experiences for thousands of schoolchildren and university students.
* Drawing the attention of world leaders and international environmentalists to Sri Lanka’s unique environmental heritage.
In recognition of his immense contribution to environmental conservation, Venerable Rahula Thera was honoured with the Presidential Environment Award and the Green Award in 2004—a significant moment in his life. Yet the Thera himself has always remained devoted to the work rather than the recognition it brings, making such appreciation even more meaningful.
-
Features4 days agoTrincomalee oil tank farm: An engineering marvel
-
News2 days agoSenior citizens above 70 years to receive March allowances on Thursday (26)
-
News7 days agoCIABOC tells court Kapila gave Rs 60 mn to MR and Rs. 20 mn to Priyankara
-
Features7 days agoScience and diplomacy in a changing world
-
Features4 days agoThe scientist who was finally heard
-
News2 days agoJapanese boost to Sri J’pura Hospital, an outright gift from Tokyo during JRJ rule
-
News2 days agoCEB Engineers warn public to be prepared for power cuts after New Year
-
News6 days agoColombo, Oslo steps up efforts to strengthen bilateral cooperation in key environmental priority areas
