Midweek Review

Shocking claim in House: Bandula reveals how sugar importers, their henchmen trapped Prez

Published

4 years ago

2022/12/14

Regular revelations, pertaining to high profile scams that had undermined revenue collection, underline the pathetic failure on the part of Parliament to ensure financial discipline. The Central Bank, five-member Monetary Board, Cabinet of Ministers and Parliament as an institution should accept the responsibility for the current crisis. The likes of Bandula Gunawardena continue to pursue an agenda, beneficial to them, or they are simply clueless about how such rip offs are staged, in spite of their self-proclaimed economic wizardry. And only now they are awakening to what happened. But luckily for the country in the case of the Central Bank bond scams, those who staged it could not hoodwink everyone at the CB. Political expediency is the name of the game as the country plunges deeper into economic quagmire.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Alleging the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government planned to appoint altogether 70 ministers (30 Cabinet and 40 State Ministers), Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB) lawmaker Dr. Harsha de Silva recently challenged the government to name a country that sustained such a top-heavy administration, during an economic crisis.

The Colombo District MP gave the challenge on Dec. 09, the day after Parliament overwhelmingly endorsed the 2023 Appropriation Bill, with a majority of 43 votes – six more than at the Second Reading, on Nov. 22. The outcome is nothing but extraordinary as President Ranil Wickremesinghe, leader of the UNP, who presented the Budget on Nov. 14, in his capacity as the Finance Minister, had only one UNP MP in Parliament.

Having been rejected by the Galle District electorate, at the last General Election, in August 2020, Wajira Abeywardena entered Parliament, in July this year, after the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SL)) elected UNP National List MP Wickremesinghe as the eighth President. The UNP managed to secure only one seat at that election, through its national list, after the country, as a whole, rejected all its candidates. In addition to the UNP, eight other recognised political parties won one seat each, both elected and appointed.

Against the backdrop of former Finance Minister, SLPP strategist Basil Rajapaksa’s declaration that the UNP leader was the most suitable to succeed his brother Gotabaya Rakapaksa, in July this year, amidst violent protests orchestrated by interested parties, there cannot be any dispute over the ruling party’s support to Wickremesinghe’s agenda. In spite of the breakup of the SLPP, into at least three factions, it remains a formidable political force, with its largest group unquestionably loyal to Basil Rajapaksa/Mahinda Rajapaksa.

Therefore, the appointment of Ministers, and State Ministers, as demanded by the SLPP, is a necessity, regardless of the economic catastrophe facing the country. That is the political reality. Dr. Harsha de Silva cannot be unaware of that certainty. Having entered Parliament, on the UNP National List, in 2010, after a successful career in the private sector, De Silva, who had an opportunity to receive the Finance portfolio in the current government, choose not to do so.

The former UNPer, who had served as Wickremesinghe’s deputy on economic affairs, during the Yahapalana administration, questioned the rationale behind such a large number of ministers at a time of an unprecedented political-economic-social crisis. In addition to being the Prime Minister, Wickremesinghe held the Cabinet portfolio for National Policies and Economic Affairs in that government.

The one-time yahapalana non-Cabinet ranker compared the massive allocation of public funds for Ministers, and the controversial new tax structure that had influenced professionals, including doctors, engineers, academics and IT professionals, to leave the country. The economist called the new tax structure unjust. Having voted against the Appropriation Bill, Dr. de Silva declared that daunting challenges, faced by the country, couldn’t be addressed by more ministerial appointments. Reference was made to 10,000 IT professionals leaving the country since the change of government, in July, this year.

The developing crisis should be examined, taking into consideration how successive governments obtained assistance from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) on 16 previous occasions. In other words, Sri Lanka had continuously experienced balance of payments problems, during the war, and thereafter. The IMF ‘interventions’ had been almost routine and never really attracted public attention, or never being an issue at an election. In fact, IMF ‘interventions’ and the Yahapalana administration securing USD 12.5 bn in International Sovereign Bonds (ISBs), within four years (2015-2019), and nothing to show in terms of successful development projects, when compared with Mahinda Rajapaksa taking USD 3 bn (2007-2014) with many a feather in his cap. The UNP owed an explanation why such a huge amount in ISBs was taken. Perhaps the Yahapalana Finance Minister, Ravi Karunanayake (2015-2017), and State Minister, Eran Wickremaratne, MP, or Dr. de Silva, can explain the circumstances leading to the procurement of such a massive amount of ISBs, during that time, and nothing tangible to show in return, unlike the Rajapaksas, who carried out many development projects, while prosecuting a crippling war to a successful conclusion against the contrary advice of so-called experts.

Therefore, the ongoing negotiations with the IMF, and Sri Lanka’s bilateral donors, meant to pave the way for USD 2.9 bn Rapid Financial Instrument (RFI), shouldn’t be considered something extraordinary. The UNP’s track record, pertaining to managing the national economy, too, is dismal. Can the UNP and its offshoot the SJB absolve themselves of responsibility for the 2015 and 2016 Treasury bond scams and the dilution of the Exchange Control Act in 2017? (State Finance Minister Ranjith Siyambalapitiya recently told the writer that the weakening of the Exchange Control Act meant clipping the Central Bank of its regulatory powers.)

All SJB MPs, including its leader Sajith Premadasa, served the Yahapalana administration, and the break-up of the UNP happened in early 2020. Had the then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s government negotiated with the IMF, in early 2020, as advertised by the lending body, perhaps the much respected wartime Defence Secretary could have avoided his calamitous exit. Dr. de Silva had been one of those who repeatedly pushed the Rajapaksa administration to seek the IMF’s intervention or face the consequences. But those who had the ear of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, ensured the government refrained from seeking the IMF’s assistance, until it was too late.

Perhaps those at the helm would have expected both China and India, in competition, to throw lifelines to rescue Sri Lanka, but with Basil increasingly sailing the Lankan ship of state towards US and West in lockstep with New Delhi, Beijing literally called it quits. But now with India clearly showing the West that it is no vassal of any power bloc, may be both China and India can help stabilise and strengthen Sri Lanka. In fact, solid Sri Lanka will be an asset to New Delhi with our historic cultural, linguistic and religious links with the sub-continent.

However, no less than the Governor of the Central Bank, Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe, told Parliament how the then Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, who also served as the Finance Minister, ignored warnings of the impending financial crisis of unprecedented magnitude.

The disclosure was made during the proceedings of the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) on May 25, 2022.

Dr. Weerasinghe didn’t mince his words when he told the parliamentary watchdog committee how the then Governor, Prof. W.D. Lakshman, and Treasury Secretary, S.R. Attygalle, received warning from the IMF that Sri Lanka couldn’t procure assistance unless the government undertook an immediate debt restructuring programme. Dr. Weerasinghe declared that the IMF made its position clear after quite rightly asserting that Sri Lanka lacked debt sustainability. The CBSL Chief’s revelation prompted the then COPE Chairman Prof. Charitha Herath to call the government’s failure a crime.

Having received his letter of appointment, on April 07, 2022, Dr. Weerasinghe, over the past eight months ,laid bare the truth. Appearing before the parliamentary watchdog committees, on several occasions, and a special talk delivered on August 31, after Wickremesinghe, in his capacity as the Finance Minister, presented an interim budget, the intrepid official told lawmakers what no one had dared to tell them before.

His message was clear. Political parties have collectively ruined the economy. Recognise the failure on their part without further delay, take immediate remedial measures or face the consequences. Dr. Weerasinghe warned that the next round of protests could be far worse than the first that forced Gotabaya Rajapaksa to give up his presidency.

A negligent Parliament

Declarations made in Parliament, when examined against the backdrop of an utterly corrupt political party system, can help the public to comprehend how those who had the ear of the powers that be exploited even the revenue gathering mechanism.

Media and Transport Minister Bandula Gunawardena should be urged to disclose those who perpetrated the massive sugar tax scam that actually caused a catastrophic impact on Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s administration. It simply ruined the President’s reputation.

What the former Trade Minister revealed in Parliament, on Dec. 09, pertaining to the sugar tax scam (reduction of duty on sugar imports) implicated the then President in a horrendous fraud that deprived the Treasury of billions of rupees in taxes. Even Gunawardena, too, should be held responsible as he, as the Trade Minister and a member of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s Cabinet, cannot absolve his culpability. Why did he wait so long to tell the truth?

Let me repeat what Minister Gunawardena told the House on the particular day. Former much-sought-after economic tuition master underscored the need to identify ‘economic assassins’ without pointing the finger at Presidents Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Mahinda Rajapaksa. The Colombo District lawmaker said that there was no point in holding ministers responsible for the ruination of the economy. Gunawardena stressed the need to ascertain what really happened to the country.

Obviously, the lawmaker is making a fool of himself. How can the President, who is the constitutional head of the Cabinet-of-Ministers absolve himself of ill-fated decisions? Having first entered Parliament, in 1989, on the Mahajana Eksath Peramuna (MEP) ticket, and later having crossed over, served in the UNP-led government as the Finance Deputy Minister (2001-2004), lawmaker Gunawardena, too, must admit he is part of the corrupt system.

Referring to those who held the Finance portfolio, over the years, Minister Gunawardena said: “Ministers simply read out what was provided by officials (at the Finance Ministry). People think Ministers can decide on anything. But, that is not the reality.”

Speaking of the sugar tax scam, perpetrated in Oct. 2020, Minister Gunawardena said that he was at the Narahenpita Abhayaramaya when he heard the decision to reduce the tax on a kilo of imported white sugar, from Rs. 50 to 25 cents. In spite of being the Trade Minister at that time, lawmaker Gunawardena hadn’t been aware of the move until the media made the announcement. “During Cabinet proceedings, I strongly opposed the reduction of the sugar tax. I insisted the reduction of the sugar tax to 25 cents was wrong. But, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was told by his advisors not to rescind that decision. Regardless of my opposition, they urged the President to stand by the reduction of the sugar tax to 25 cents.”

Minister Gunawardena looked quite silly repeating what Health Minister Keheliya Rambukwella said about the role played by R. Paskaralingam and Charitha Ratwatte during the previous administrations.

Minister Gunawardena said: “The people do not know the truth. SLFP General Secretary, Dayasiri Jayasekera, MP, reminded Minister Gunawardena how he, as a member of the then Joint Opposition, vigorously opposed the tax formula implemented by the Yahapalana administration. Having worked overtime to sabotage the revenue collection process, Gunawardena was now singing a different tune, MP Jayasekera declared.

What Minister Gunawardena didn’t say in Parliament, on that day, was that Finance Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa, too, had been with him when the media announced the slashing of sugar tax to 25 cents. When inquired, Mahinda Rajapaksa, too, has claimed he hadn’t been aware of the move. On the advice of Bandula Gunawardena, a Trade Ministry official has phoned the Secretary to the Treasury, S.R. Attygalle, to inquire about the development. Attygalle has promptly confirmed the decision.

Now that President Wickremesinghe has suggested an inquiry to ascertain the economic meltdown, sugar tax scam, too, can be examined. A Presidential Commission/Parliamentary Select Committee can question Minister Gunawardena regarding the sugar tax scam.

The following are some pertinent questions (1) If Mahinda Rajapaksa hadn’t been aware of the sugar tax reduction, who ordered the issuance of gazette. dated Oct. 13, 2020, pertaining to the sharpest ever decline in duty? (2) Had that been effected, without Finance Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa’s approval, why didn’t he reverse it? (3) Would Bandula Gunawardena name those who advised President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to maintain duty at 25 cents a kilo of white sugar (4) Did Bandula Gunawardena, at least, privately brief the then Chairman of Public Finance Committee, Anura Priyadarshana Yapa, of the sugar tax scam? (Gunawardena couldn’t have been unaware of the public condemnation of the sugar tax scam by lawmaker Yapa.) And (5) did Gunawardena criticize the issue at hand before his Dec. 09 speech in Parliament? And, perhaps, lawmaker Gunawardena can honestly explain his stand on his former Cabinet colleagues, Vasudeva Nanayakkara, Wimal Weerawansa and Udaya Gammanpila moving the Supreme Court against the New Fortress Energy deal, finalised on the night of Sept. 17, 2021, during Basil Rajapaksa’s tenure as the Finance Minister (June 2021-April 2022).

In spite of the summary dismissal of the case, the former ministers proved a point. Having turned a blind eye to years of skullduggery (condoned waste, corruption, irregularities and deliberate mismanagement), they had finally realised the ugly truth. The Cabinet-of-Ministers is not infallible. It can be corrupted.

The sugar tax scam and New Fortress Energy deal are just two of the high profile ‘transactions’ that received the blessings of the executive.

Perhaps State Finance Minister Ranjith Siyambalapitiya should look into Minister Gunawardena’s Dec. 09 declaration. Having vowed to recover the losses caused by the sugar tax scam, the SLFPer cannot ignore the accusations made by President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s advisors. Was Bandula Gunawardena also referring to those who had been faulted by the then Finance Minister, Ali Sabry, PC, for the economic ruination? In an interview with Swarnawahini, in early June, this year, following his return from Washington where he led the delegation for talks with the IMF, the outspoken Minister alleged the Secretary to the Treasury, Governor of the Central Bank, and senior economic advisor/advisors to the President, misled the Cabinet-of-Ministers as regards the economic situation.

Prof. W. A. Lakshman (Dec. 2019-Sept 2021) and Ajith Nivard Cabraal (Sept. 2021-March 2022) served as Governors of the CBSL, S.R. Attygalle served as Secretary, Ministry of Finance (Nov 2019-April 2022), whereas veteran financial wizard Dr. P. B. Jayasundera functioned as Secretary to the President (Nov. 2019-Dec. 2021).

Exactly a month before Bandula Gunawardena’s Dec. 09 disclosure, State Minister Siyambalapitiya told Parliament that he would recover 30 percent of the Rs 16 bn loss in tax revenue, suffered as a result of sugar tax scam. The Kegalle District lawmaker assured Parliament that hereafter one person wouldn’t be allowed to take such decisions. Was Siyambalapitiya referring to the Finance Minister or Secretary to the Treasury or someone else?

Siyambalapitiya is on record as having told Parliament that 10 sugar importers benefitted from the tax reduction. One of them imported 45 percent of the total sugar imports and during the period of the tax relief received, the largest beneficiary increased sugar imports by a staggering 1,220 percent. The Minister also revealed that in spite of the tax relief state-run Sathosa (under Bandula Gunawardena) suffered losses that ran up to Rs 10 bn by procuring sugar at a higher cost.

Media Minister Bandula Gunawardena should be questioned on this. In spite of knowing the sugar scam, did Bandula Gunawardena allow Sathosa to cause a further loss of Rs 10 bn? The writer was among the journalists the Criminal Investigation Department (CID) wanted to question over the disclosure of a massive garlic racket exposed at the onset of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration. Instead of punishing the wrongdoers, the government felt it could suppress the reportage of the fraudulent transactions. At the end, the entire Cabinet-of-Ministers, including the President ended up with egg on their faces.

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Midweek Review

Opp. caught up in CIABOC offensive

Published

3 days ago

2026/06/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

Mahinda Rajapaksa leaving CIABOC on 12 June, 2026

The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) on 12 June questioned former President Mahinda Rajapaksa regarding the USD 2 Mn bribe allegation directed at the late SriLankan CEO Kapila Chandrasena, whose body was found on 8 May in a close relative’s home in Kollupitiya. Chandrasena’s alleged suicide sent shock waves through political circles and interested parties questioned the circumstances leading to him being granted bail on 6 May on cash bail of Rs. 500,000 with three sureties of Rs. 10 million each. The Colombo Magistrate court also imposed a travel ban. The issue at hand is as to how Mohamed Riswan and Mohamed Irshan stood as sureties for Chandrasekera. Of all the investigations undertaken by the CIABOC, the USD 2 Mn bribe case is the most politically charged probe.

Of the Rajapaksas, former State Minister Shasheendra Rajapaksa is so far the last to be indicted. CIABOC on 19 June filed indictments before the Colombo High Court against him and two others Sepalika Saman Kumari and Keerthi Bandara Kotagama. According to the charges, the accused are alleged to have committed the offence of corruption and aided and abetted the commission of the offence by using official influence to pressure certain government officials, attached to the Office for Reparations, to obtain compensation amounting to Rs. 8.85 million for a property built on a state land by Shasheendra and destroyed by marauding Aragalaya mobs.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The ruling National People’s Power (NPP) government last week emphasised, in no uncertain terms, that it wouldn’t tolerate the growing Opposition challenge.

Amidst the growing controversy over the continuing detention of retired Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay. in terms of the draconian Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA), under humiliating conditions, in connection with the ongoing investigations into the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, police arrested Sugeeshwara Bandara, leader of the New People’s Front (NPF). The Central Crime Investigation Bureau (CCIB) apprehended him on 18 June and the Fort Magistrate’s Court remended him till 1 July..

The CCIB also apprehended Binoy Hettiarachchi who was accompanying Bandara. Hettiarachchi served as a media coordinator at the former President Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Flower Road Office. Police intercepted their vehicle at Kollupitiya where the arrests were made like in an action-packed movie. Hettiarachchi was freed four hours later.

But, it would be better to identify Bandara as the former private secretary to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa as well as the Director General of Special Projects at the Presidential Secretariat in the wake of Ranil Wickremesinghe taking over the presidency.

Accused of receiving two salaries simultaneously, under the President’s Expenditure Head, Bandara who managed the media for Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in the run-up to the 2019 presidential election, is under investigation for abuse of government vehicles and employing government workers for political work.

Having launched his political career as the Colombo District organiser of the alliance New People’s Front, a breakaway faction of the UPFA, in February, 2024, Bandara contested the November, 2024, parliamentary polls on the New Democratic Front (NDF) ticket. But, of late, Bandara, as the leader of NPF, became one of the most active opposition activists, aligned with the political grouping, dubbed People’s United Opposition, operating from Ranil Wickremesinghe’s Flower Road Office.

Bandara drew the wrath of the government when he launched a noisy protest outside Finance Secretary Dr. Harshana Suriyapperuma’s residence at Akuregoda, Pelawatta, on 26 April, where he and his protesting supporters were given a shower of excreta. The group, led by Bandara, demanded the Finance Secretary’s resignation over the theft of USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury. No less a person than President Anura Kumara Dissanayake reacted angrily to Bandara’s actions.

Acknowledging the right for legitimate protests, the President warned against protests directed at residences of officials. On 18 April, Bandara led a protest outside Agriculture Minister K.D. Lal Kantha’s recently built luxury residence at Weliwita, Kaduwela, where he questioned how the JVPer managed to build such a home as he was on record as having repeatedly said that he lived a difficult life.

The police apprehended Bandara as he was returning from a meeting between senior representatives of the People’s United Opposition and the IMF Colombo at the Tiki Bar, Shangri-La. In spite of negligible parliamentary presence, with those elected on the NDF ticket at the last parliamentary election not really speaking in one voice, the Flower Road project has become a headache for the government.

In fact, the Flower Road operation has been causing continuous harassment to the NPP, while the Samagi Jana Balawegaya (SJB) struggled to play its anticipated role as the main Opposition. Instead of conducting a cohesive campaign against the cocky NPP government, members of the SJB seem to be pulling in different directions at the expense of the common opposition front.

Regardless of the Wickremesinghe-led grouping vowing to press ahead with its campaign, the arrest of Bandara is obviously meant to have a detrimental impact on the activities of the Opposition.

It would be pertinent to mention that Bandara had been among those who stayed with President Gotabaya Rajapaksa at the President’s House, in Colombo, as a massive protest erupted on 9 July, 2022. Bandara was among the last to flee the President’s House as the military withdrew, amidst mounting pressure on their positions.

The police arrested Bandara as former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa moved the Court of Appeal in terms of Article 140 of the Constitution to prevent him being arrested under the PTA. The wartime Defence Secretary sought the court intervention in the wake of police probing the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage and obtaining a travel ban against him.

The court heard Romesh de Silva PC’s submissions on behalf of the ex-President on 18 June. The court deferred the hearing to 24 June. The crux of the matter is that the ex-President fears that the CID is about to arrest him on the basis of a statement made by fugitive Azad Moulana, in Paris, linking Sallay directly with the Easter Sunday carnage.

NPP intensifies pressure

The NPP seems confident of its current course of action meant to pin down the Opposition. In spite of unbridled corruption being the major issue on the post-war election platform, no political party succeeded in going flat-out against the political opposition.

However, the NPP allowed the judicial process to continue. The first major sentencing was announced on 2 April, 2025, just six months after the parliamentary polls, handsomely won by the NPP. The Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption (CIABOC) moved the Colombo High Court successfully against the former Chief Minister of the North Central Province S.M. Ranjith Samarakoon.

Colombo High Court No. 01 Judge Adithya Patabendige sentenced him in terms of Section 70 of the Bribery Act. The HC declared the former CM perpetrated malpractices by ordering fuel to his personal secretary’s vehicle. The personal secretary happened to be Shanthi Chandrasena, wife of his brother S.M. Chandrasena, a former Cabinet Minister and one of the most powerful Ministers to represent the North Central province.

The ex- Chief Minister and the second accused, his personal secretary, were convicted guilty of two charges. Both were sentenced to 16 years rigorous imprisonment and were also ordered to pay a fine of Rs. 200,000/- with an additional two-year prison term in case of default.

Deputy Director General Asitha Anthoney appeared on behalf of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption.

There had never been any really coordinated CIABOC campaign against corruption. No political party, or a particular family, felt threatened by CIABOC. Both those in and outside Parliament acted with impunity. They feared no one. There was no need to be because the powerful and the influential operated above the law.

Just a couple of weeks after sentencing of S.M. Ranjith Samarakoon and Shanthini Chandrasena, the CIABOC arrested the latter’s husband, one-time Deputy Economic Development Minister and Special Projects Minister, S.M. Chandrasena. The CIABOC took him into custody on 4 July, 2025.

The CIABOC accused the former Minister of causing loss to the government by distributing seed corn, imported at a cost of Rs 25 mn, in 2024, among the farmer community in the Anuradhapura district, at a subsidised price. The distribution had taken place ahead of the 2015 presidential election contested by Mahinda Rajapaksa and estranged former SLFP General Secretary Maithripala Sirisena. The CIABOC alleged that Chandrasena exerted undue influence on the Director (Planning) and other officers of the District Secretariat and distributed seeds through his political allies to gain an advantage in the 2015 presidential election and incurred a loss to the government.

Chandrasena was granted bail on 1 August, 2025. He was indicted on 12 June before the Colombo High Court.

Before further discussing the ongoing anti-corruption campaign, let me introduce the top leadership of CIABOC. The Commission consists of Justice W.M.N.P. Iddawela (Chairman), K.B. Rajapakse and Chethiya Goonesekera P.C, with High Court judge R.S.A. Dissanayake as its Director General.

The sentencing of the S. M. Ranjith Samarakoon didn’t really bother his side. The arrest of his brother S.M. Chandrasena, too, didn’t really upset those facing charges. But, sentencing of former Minister Mahindananda Aluthgamage and former Sathosa Chairman and former Trade Minister Nalin Fernando on 29 May, 2025, sent shock waves through the Opposition.

The Colombo High Court Trial-at-Bar sentenced Aluthgamage and Fernando for committing the offence of corruption by purchasing 14,000 carrom boards and 11,000 checkers boards through Sathosa, allegedly to distribute to schools and sports clubs selected by the Sports Ministry, and distributing them to party offices of the government, during the 2015 presidential election campaign thereby, causing a loss of over 53 million rupees to the government, stunned the Opposition.

Aluthgamage was sentenced to 20 years of rigorous imprisonment, Fernando received a sentence of 25 years of rigorous imprisonment. Additionally, a fine of Rs. 100,000 (hundred thousand) was imposed for each count.

The CIABOC’s Assistant Director General Mrs. Anuththara Jayasinghe and Assistant Director General Mrs. Thushari Dayaratne conducted the prosecution.

During the Yahapalana government Aluthgamage spearheaded a high profile anti-corruption campaign, dubbed ‘Yahapalana Top 10 kamba horu’. The then Joint Opposition (JO) group, led in Parliament by Dinesh Gunawardena, published a 750-page book, targeting the Yahapalana ministers. Mahindananda, who spearheaded that campaign, is now serving a long sentence.

The JO group consists of UPFA lawmakers who declined to throw their weight behind the then President Sirisena aligned with the UNP.

Let me mention the names of those against whom the accusations were made by the JO.

Yahapalana corruption

The JO dealt with 10 major cases. (1) The Treasury bond scams perpetrated in 2015 and 2016. Accusations were directed at Ranil Wickremesinghe, Ravi Karunanayake and Governor Central Bank Arjuna Mahendran. The losses were estimated at Rs 26 bn. (2) causing losses amounting to Rs 10 bn through the fraudulent import of vehicles. Ravi Karunanayake was named the chief culprit (3) Misappropriation of Mahapola funds to the tune of Rs. 1 bn. Allegations were directed at Malik Samarawickrema (4) Stealing from an insurance scheme implemented for the benefit of those going for employment in West Asia. The JO accused Thalatha Atukarale of misappropriating funds amounting Rs 1.5 bn (5) Receiving Rs 1.5 bn through the leasing of Hambantota port to China on a 99-year lease. Ranil Wickremesinghe, Malik Samarawickrema and R. Paskaralingam were named the offenders (6) Kabir Hashim was accused of causing a loss of Rs 54 bn by cancelling aircraft ordered from Airbus Industries for the national carrier (7) fraudulent activities pertaining to the release of paddy stocks held by the government. The JO estimated the losses caused to the government at Rs 10 bn. (8) Scam in vehicle parts. Ravil Karunanayake was accused of causing losses amounting to Rs. 6.5 bn, (9 A) Dr. Rajitha Senaratne was accused of leasing of the Modera fisheries harbor and procurement of eight vessels to catch fish, fraudulently, and thereby causing losses up to Rs 1 bn, (9B) The JO also found fault with Dr. Senaratne for perpetrating Rs 1.5 bn fraud in the procurement of medicine and lastly (10) Ranil Wickremesinghe, Malik Samarawickrema, R. Paskaralingam and Charitha Ratwatte were blamed for a massive fraud in the procurement of coal for the Norochcholai coal-fired power plant. That particular fraud was estimated at Rs 5 bn.

Although the JO transformed itself to Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) later, to successfully contested the 2019 presidential election, none of the above-mentioned cases were investigated. As far as we know, none of those cases had been dealt with during the SLPP rule, from November, 2019, to July, 2022. Faced with an externally backed regime change operation, the SLPP invited Wickremesinghe, who had been named by them in three major corruption cases, to accept the premiership in May, 2022, and presidency in July same year.

So far, there is no indication whether the mentioned JO allegations had received the attention of the CIABOC or the Attorney General of the government. As far as we know of all the politicians and officials, Wickremesinghe is the only one facing imminent threat due to the ongoing case pertaining to him visiting the UK in September, 2023, to join his wife Prof. Maithree at the University of Wolverhampton at her graduation ceremony.

Wickremesinghe has been accused of squandering nearly 17 mn rupees at a time the country was in deep economic turmoil. The Fort Magistrate’s court is scheduled to take up the case on 8 July.

SLPP parliamentary group leader Namal Rajapaksa is also facing a major legal challenge. The former Minister has been indicted on charges of criminal misappropriation of Rs. 70 mn in connection with the controversial Krrish project. The indictments have been forwarded to the Colombo High Court by the Attorney General, alleging that Namal Rajapaksa misappropriated funds by receiving Rs. 70 million from the Indian real estate company for the development of rugby in Sri Lanka.

Yoshitha Rajapaksa, too, has been dealt with by the CIABOC. The Rajapaksas have been accused of lowering qualifications required to join the executive branch of the Navy and then sending him to the Royal Naval Academy in the United Kingdom at taxpayers’ expense. Produced before the Colombo Additional Magistrate, Yoshitha was released on three personal bail bonds of Rs. 5 million each.

Producing Yoshitha before court on 17 June, Deputy Director General of the Bribery Commission, Ruvini Wickramasinghe declared: “”Your Honour, the complaint regarding this incident was received on June 25, 2016. Accordingly, the Commission initiated investigations. The complaint states that the suspect had participated in naval training programmes held in England and Ukraine by misusing government funds, while depriving qualified applicants of such opportunities. At that time, this individual, who is a civilian in the dock today, was also a civilian in 2006 when he was deemed eligible for the Royal Navy Young Officer training at the Royal Naval Academy in the United Kingdom. The opportunities to receive this training are extremely limited. Your Honour, selection to this prestigious course is usually based on being the most outstanding cadet officer during a two-year training period or based on performance during training. However, this suspect, although a civilian in 2006, was proposed and included in the list and was sent for the course in haste.”

The Deputy Director General also stated that Yoshitha Rajapaksa had undergone medical examinations required for overseas training even before being officially recruited into the Navy.

The court was also told that though Sri Lanka previously received scholarships from the UK the Rajapaksa government funded Yoshitha to the tune of Rs 6.2 mn.

Opp. attacks CIABOC

The Opposition has repeatedly attacked the CIABOC with its Director General Ranga Dissanayake being the primary target. Accusing Dissanayake of being a JVPer, the Opposition has repeatedly questioned the conduct of the High Court judge demanding that the CIABOC inquired into the top official’s conduct, especially with regard to the alleged suicide of former Sri Lankan CEO Kapila Chandrasena who had been under investigation pertaining to the receiving of USD 2 mn bribe to facilitate procurement aircraft from Airbus Industrie during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term.

Former Foreign Minister Prof. G. L. Peiris, a regular speaker at Flower Road media briefings, alleged that the CIABOC was a political tool in the NPP’s hands.

A section of the Opposition to question the circumstances one-time JVP heavyweight Nandana Gunatilleke died in January this year at the Ragama Teaching Hospital after accusing Dissanayake of pursuing an agenda beneficial to the JVP, a charge denied by the High Court judge. When the writer raised the allegations with Dissanayake, he emphatically denied any wrongdoing on his part https://island.lk/ciaboc-dg-denies-jvp-link/.

The CIABOC has simply ignored accusations directed at its DG who proved through his actions that he really meant high profile public pronouncements against corruption.

Former Deputy Minister and ex-MP Sarana Gunawardena was sentenced to a total of 16 years rigorous imprisonment by the Colombo High Court on June 8, 2026.

During the Yahapalana administration many cases, filed by the CIABOC as well as the Attorney General, were either dismissed or dropped due to lapses on their part. The accused in such cases were ex-MP Sajin Vass Gunawardena, ex-EP Chief Minister Sivanesathurei Chandrakanthan alias Pilleyan, ex-Ministers Johnston Fernando, Rohitha Abeygunawardena, Basil Rajapaksha, Mahindananda Aluthgamage and Janaka Bandara Tennakoon and former AG and CJ Mohan Peiris.

Regardless of Opposition protests, the public appreciate tangible action against corruption. However, the NPP has not been free from serious allegations against it since the last general elections. The release of suspicious 323 containers, plus two containers filled with ice, in January, 2025, followed by the massive coal scam perpetrated in September 2025, loss of over USD 2.5 mn from the Treasury and controversial Aswesuma payments, as well as wealth, accumulated by NPP Ministers as revealed by declarations made to CIABOC, shocked the electorate.

The NPP has failed to counter allegations. The circumstances under which Energy Minister Kumara Jayakody resigned, along with Energy Secretary Udayanga Hemapala, on 17 April, just a week after the NPP defeated the no-confidence motion moved by the Opposition against the Energy Minister. dealt a devastating blow to the NPP’s much touted integrity. The NPP couldn’t explain as to why a person under investigation by the CIABOC for an alleged fraud perpetrated during the Yahapalana government was accommodated in President Dissanayake’s first Cabinet. Indicted before the Colombo High Court, Jayakody’s case commenced last week.

Asset declarations of some NPP Ministers have shocked the country. The SJB has called for CIABOC to investigate them without delay and prove that CIABOC was not only going after the Opposition. Ministers Lal Kantha and Wasantha Samarasinghe are two of the top JVPers who have attracted attention as the Opposition hits back at the government.

SJB MP Mujibur Rahuman said that the JVP/NPP owed an explanation as to how their members amassed so much wealth since 2024 as they repeatedly claimed their inability to meet even their basic needs. But, their asset declarations exposed their blatant lies.

Midweek Review

Geopolitics of the Indian Ocean

Published

3 days ago

2026/06/24

Sahan Weerasooriya

Listening to the Winds, Reading the Waves:

Prof. Gamini Keerawella’s latest publication, Winds and Waves: Geopolitical Currents in the Indian Ocean since 1945 will be launched on 5 August at the Auditorium of the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies (BCIS). The keynote address will be delivered by Prof. T. V. Paul, James, McGill Professor of Political Science at McGill University, Canada and the former President of the International Studies Association (ISA).

Prof. Keerawella, Professor Emeritus of History at the University of Peradeniya, has dedicated hisbook to the memory of Dr. Newton Gunasinghe, the eminent sociologist and Marxist theoretician who encouraged him to venture beyond disciplinary frontiers. In many respects, this work represents a successful realization of that intellectual endeavour. In her testimonial to back cover of the book, Dr. Radhika Coomaraswamy observes that “Gamini Keerawella offers a nuanced and layered account of the Indian Ocean region’s strategic evolution from the era of decolonization to the contemporary phase of intensifying great-power rivalry. Its distinctive analytical perspective makes it an important contribution to the study of international relations, maritime geopolitics, and regional strategic dynamics.” This assessment accurately captures the significance of the work, and I fully endorse her judgement.

This volume constitutes the final publication of a trilogy that explores the evolving dynamics of international relations from a distinctly Sri Lankan perspective. The first study examined the trajectory of Sri Lanka’s defence and foreign policy, while the second revisited the origins, evolution, and principal constituent elements of international relations as an academic discipline from a Global South perspective. The present work broadens the analytical canvas by tracing the shifting geopolitical contours of the Indian Ocean since 1945 and examining the evolving interplay between great-power competition and regional agency.

Indian Ocean not merely maritime transit space

At the heart of Prof. Keerawella’s analysis is the argument that the Indian Ocean is not merely a maritime space of transit but a living archive whose language is inscribed in tides, trade, and collective memory. To uncover the deeper structures that have shaped the region, he draws on Michel Foucault’s concept of the archaeology of knowledge, probing beneath the visible layers of historical experience to reveal successive strata of thought, exchange, and power. This approach enables him to trace the multiple origins of the Indian Ocean’s geopolitical significance through the sedimented traces of how the ocean has been known, governed, and imagined across time. Complementing this perspective is Fernand Braudel’s concept of the longue durée, which provides the framework for understanding the long-term evolution of Indian Ocean geopolitics. As Keerawella notes, for Braudel, history unfolds not as a single linear sequence but as a layered field of continuity and change, revealing the deeper architecture of the past—the slow yet powerful currents that shape political and economic developments beneath the surface of events (Keerawella 2026: xxiii).Prof. Keerawella further notes that later historians such as K. N. Chaudhuri and M. N. Pearson drew on Braudel’s insights and adapted them to understand the Indian Ocean as a polycentric world.

Prof. Keerawella argues that the terms employed in the title of this work—Winds, Waves, and Currents—evoke the ocean’s dual language of surface movement and underlying structure. In his reading, winds and waves signify motion: the visible and often turbulent forces that carry ships, peoples, commodities, and ideas across shifting maritime frontiers. Currents, by contrast, refer to the deeper and less visible forces that shape historical trajectories and connect coasts and continents through enduring patterns of interaction. As he observes, while winds and waves represent the restless dynamics of the ocean’s surface, currents embody the slower yet more consequential energies that operate beneath it, binding disparate regions into a larger maritime system (2026: xx).

Metaphors and Conceptual Foundation

Building on this conceptual foundation, the author employs winds, waves, and currents not merely as metaphors but also as analytical categories. Winds represent changing strategic directions and geopolitical realignments; waves denote recurring cycles of commerce, conflict, and interaction; and currents symbolize the deep structural forces that connect societies across space and time. Viewed from a distinctly Sri Lankan perspective, the volume demonstrates how a strategically located small state at the centre of the Indian Ocean perceives and navigates this maritime space through its own strategic lens. The book opens by situating Sri Lanka within the intersecting forces of history, geography, and power that have shaped the Indian Ocean world. It advances the notion of a dual strategic consciousness that has informed Sri Lanka’s external engagements: a persistent sense of vulnerability, rooted in colonial experience and geographical exposure, coexisting with a cosmopolitan outlook forged through centuries of maritime exchange. Prof. Keerawella contends that this dual consciousness constitutes the underlying framework through which Sri Lanka has historically interpreted and responded to developments in its external environment.

Winds and Waves is a comprehensive study comprising eleven chapters and an extensive introduction that establishes the analytical foundations of the work by treating the ocean simultaneously as text and method. The opening chapter situates Sri Lanka within the wider Indian Ocean system, tracing the island’s navigation through shifting configurations of power while emphasising the agency of small states. The Indian Ocean is presented not merely as a strategic arena but also as a moral and political space, linking Sri Lanka’s historical experience to the broader aspirations and consciousness of the Global South.

Revisiting British withdrawal

The book revisits Britain’s withdrawal from the Indian Ocean, arguing that it was not simply a consequence of post-war decline but the culmination of deeper structural transformations in the international system. Decolonisation, Afro-Asian nationalism, and the emergence of bipolarity fundamentally altered the regional order and created the conditions for Britain’s retreat. In turn, this withdrawal opened the way for superpower competition, particularly between the United States and the Soviet Union, transforming the Indian Ocean into major theatre of Cold War geopolitics.

A substantial portion of the volume is devoted to examining the policies and strategic trajectories of the major powers. The author traces American engagement from Cold War containment through post-Cold War maritime predominance to contemporary Indo-Pacific formulations, demonstrating that U.S. strategy has evolved through the interaction of structural imperatives and changing strategic discourses. Particular attention is paid to the 2026 U.S.–Iran War, which is interpreted as a transformative event that exposed the limits of military hegemony and accelerated patterns of strategic hedging and multi-alignment among regional actors. The book also explores the Soviet Union’s entry into the Indian Ocean in 1968 and the subsequent re-emergence of Russia under Vladimir Putin through selective naval deployments, arms transfers, and strategic partnerships, illustrating what the author characterises as the recurrent rhythms of great-power engagement in the region.

The rise of China receives extensive treatment as one of the most significant structural developments of the twenty-first century. Through the Belt and Road Initiative, port development projects, and naval modernisation, China has translated growing economic power into expanding strategic influence. The author contrasts Beijing’s assertive posture in the South China Sea with its relatively restrained approach in the Indian Ocean, where economic diplomacy and cooperative security initiatives have assumed greater prominence. Equally significant is the discussion of India’s transformation from a regional power into an emerging global strategic actor. The evolution of Indian maritime strategy—from Nehruvian custodianship to contemporary blue-water ambitions—demonstrates how a rising power navigates structural constraints while expanding its strategic reach. Initiatives such as SAGAR, naval modernization, and deepening partnerships with the United States, Japan, and Australia have positioned India as a central actor in the evolving Indo-Pacific order.

Roles of Japan and EU examined

The volume also examines the roles of Japan and the European Union in shaping the contemporary maritime order. Japan’s transition from post-war restraint to proactive strategic engagement, embodied in the Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) vision, illustrates how middle powers adapt to changing geopolitical realities through coalition-building and maritime capacity enhancement. The European Union’s engagement is portrayed through less visible but nevertheless significant mechanisms, including trade, development cooperation, maritime governance, and norm diffusion, contributing to what the author terms a form of “quiet-making multipolarity” that encourages restraint, stability, and pragmatic cooperation.

Moving beyond conventional geopolitics, the book broadens the analytical framework to address a range of non-traditional security challenges confronting South Asia in general and Sri Lanka in particular. Climate change, piracy, illegal fishing, maritime terrorism, public health vulnerabilities, and digital insecurity are examined as transnational challenges that transcend the capabilities of individual states. The author argues that these issues reveal the limits of unilateral action and underscore the growing importance of cooperation, collective action, institutional innovation, and middle-power leadership in maritime governance.

Prof. Keerawella further situates the Indian Ocean within the wider context of the emerging Asian Century. Asia’s resurgence—driven principally by China and India and reinforced by the dynamism of Southeast Asia—is presented as a major reconfiguration of global power. In this transformation, the Indian Ocean functions as a vital maritime artery connecting energy resources, manufacturing centres, and consumer markets. At the same time, the author cautions against deterministic interpretations, emphasising that the realisation of the Asian Century remains contingent upon how the region responds to persistent inequalities, environmental challenges, governance deficits, and intensifying strategic competition.

Assessing how SL has navigated shifts

The book concludes by returning to Sri Lanka and assessing how the country has navigated contemporary shifts in the regional and global balance of power under the National People’s Power (NPP) government that emerged in the aftermath of the Aragalaya of 2022. The author demonstrates how economic crisis, demands for accountability, and aspirations for a new political culture have reshaped the domestic context within which foreign policy is conducted. Under President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, Sri Lanka is portrayed as pursuing a carefully calibrated strategy that combines engagement with international financial institutions, enhanced cooperation with India in defence and energy sectors, continued economic engagement with China, and functional security relations with the United States. The government’s response to the 2026 U.S.–Iran War—rejecting military access requests from all parties while extending humanitarian assistance—serves as an illustration of the author’s broader argument that strategic flexibility, principled neutrality, and diplomatic agility remain essential for small states navigating an increasingly complex Indian Ocean order.

Taken together, the book advances several interconnected propositions. First, the Indian Ocean is entering an increasingly multipolar era in which power is exercised through complex networks of cooperation, competition, and interdependence rather than rigid alliance structures. Second, small states are neither passive spectators nor mere proxies of great powers; they possess strategic agency and navigate competing pressures through hedging, diversification, and calibrated diplomacy. Third, Sri Lanka’s strategic behaviour—characterised by navigating asymmetry through flexibility and ambiguity—reflects a historically rooted dual consciousness that combines vulnerability with cosmopolitan engagement. Fourth, non-traditional security challenges and environmental governance are no longer peripheral concerns but central components of the evolving regional order.

Need for adaptive navigation

Prof. Keerawella argues that contemporary statecraft in the Indian Ocean requires adaptive navigation rather than rigid alignment. In a fluid and contested maritime environment, survival and influence depend less on resisting structural change than on understanding and responding to it with prudence, flexibility, and strategic clarity. The book therefore offers important insights into how small states can transform structural vulnerability into strategic agency and convert exposure into opportunities for engagement within a changing regional order.

Combining historical depth with contemporary analysis, it provides a nuanced understanding of the interaction between great-power competition, regional transformation, and the strategic choices of smaller states. The book will be of considerable value to students and scholars of international relations, political science, strategic studies, and maritime affairs, while also offering useful perspectives to policymakers, diplomats, and practitioners. Equally important, it opens several promising avenues for future research on the Indian Ocean and the emerging Indo-Pacific order.

Hermeneutic approachs

Methodologically, the study draws upon hermeneutic approaches to examine the geopolitical and maritime environments that shape relationships among states, societies, and historical processes. The result is a work that is both analytically rigorous and intellectually engaging. This review has sought less to evaluate the book in a conventional sense than to introduce its central themes and encourage a wider readership to engage with its arguments. Having highlighted the many merits of the volume, it is worth noting one technical shortcoming: the absence of an index. Given the book’s wide thematic scope and rich empirical content, the inclusion of an index would have significantly enhanced its value as a reference tool for researchers and students alike.

In sum, Prof. Keerawella listens attentively to the winds, reads the waves with analytical precision, and traces the deeper currents that shape the Indian Ocean world. The outcome is Winds and Waves: Geopolitical Currents in the Indian Ocean since 1945, a timely and thought-provoking contribution published by the Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies.

Reviewed by
Dr. Ramesh Ramasamy
Department of Political Science, University
of Peradeniya