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Opinion

Science & Technology and National Development – Part II

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Science and Technology in human civilization and industrial revolution

by Emeritus Professor Ranjith Senaratne
Former Chairman,
National Science Foundation

(First part of this article appeared in The Island of 29 Jan.)

The Central government of India provided a weighted tax deduction of 200% for any capital and revenue expenditure incurred on in-house R&D by a company, excluding expenditure on land and buildings. In addition, the Indian government has encouraged the corporate sector to re-strategise their CSR funding so that high-impact industrial research as well as research needed to bring about affordable and accessible solutions to the burning problems of the bottom of the population could be supported.

As the private sector R&D expenditure in Sri Lanka is relatively low, i.e. 18%, compared to that in developed countries and some countries in the region such as Thailand, there exists a great potential for growth in this area. Though the Sri Lankan government introduced a very attractive 300% tax rebate on R&D in 2016 aimed at encouraging more corporate research and innovation, only a very few firms availed themselves of this opportunity, thus its impact was far below the expected target. Inadequate awareness, the lack of a consistent national policy, and absence of a research culture in many private sector institutions may have contributed to it. However, the situation has now greatly changed and a much greater response could be expected if such a scheme were reintroduced. Moreover, as done in India, the CSR programmes of the private sector could be remodelled to support high-priority and high-impact research of industry and community. In addition, the government could, as some countries have done, introduce proactive initiatives, such as “Make in Sri Lanka”, “Start-up Sri Lanka” and “Smart Cities”. This would provide a huge impetus to the R&D sector.

Development a National Quality

Infrastructure (NQI)

Today we are living in a fiercely competitive modern world where the people have a quality conscious mindset. They demand the best, but they also should deliver the best as nobody wants to compromise on quality, whether it is of a product or service. Therefore, development of a NQI is of overarching importance for ensuring food safety and security, competitiveness, export promotion, capturing new markets, productivity improvement, innovation of new products, environmental protection as well as the health and safety of populations. Therefore, establishing an efficient and effective NQI is of paramount importance for economic growth and transforming Sri Lanka into a developed nation.

The NQI framework constitutes Metrology System, Standards, Technical Regulatory System, Conformity Assessment Service Infrastructure and Accreditation Services. Therefore, it involves a large number institutions such as Sri Lanka Standard Institute (SLSI), Sri Lanka Accreditation Board (SLAB), Measurement Units, Standards and Services Department (MUSSD), conformity assessment bodies (testing labs, calibration labs, inspection bodies, validation and verification bodies, certification bodies), regulatory bodies (Food Control Administration Unit of Ministry of Health, Consumer Affairs Authority, Central Environment Authority, Customs etc.). They should identify their respective roles and functions and work together in a cohesive and coherent manner in order to create a Quality Culture in Sri Lanka. However, there is no proper coordination between these institutions and consequently, there are serious issues with regard to the quality of products and services in so far as they affect safety, food security and exports. There is, for example, the issue of the return of rejected consignments of exported goods at a huge cost to the country. Besides, heavy demurrage charges are often paid to shipping lines due to various delays involved, including the long turnaround time for the certification process for some imported products stemming from inadequacies of the NQI. These come within the realm of S&T and needs to be addressed as a matter of urgency through policy interventions in order to promote exports and access new markets meeting the stringent compliance requirements laid down by importing counties. This is of crucial importance to lift the country out of the economic crisis and place it on an upward trajectory for development.

Leveraging assets of national

S&T institutions

 The National Science Foundation (NSF) is the premier national institution mandated to promote S&T for national development. In line with the needs and challenges of the Digital Age, the NSF has developed very useful databases, namely Science and Technology Management Information System (STMIS), Global Digital Platform (GDP) and National Instrument Database (NID). Over 6,000 R&D personnel in a wide range of disciplines in academia, R&D institutions and public and private sector institutions have registered with the STMIS. It provides the profiles, fields of interests and expertise, and contact details of those registered with the database.

 In addition, there are nearly three million Sri Lankan expatriates and emigrants in the world, including an appreciable number of reputed scientists, professionals and entrepreneurs holding senior positions in academia, R&D institutions and industry. They undoubtedly constitute a formidable potential asset of Sri Lanka which has hitherto been almost untapped for national development. In fact, there are many Sri Lankan expatriates who are keen to contribute to the development of the motherland. However, the lack of a credible and pragmatic mechanism has hindered such contribution, while countries such as China, India and Taiwan have derived remarkable benefits by harnessing expatriates for national development. Therefore, the NSF constructed a digital platform in February, 2022 with the support of the SLASSCOM to harness this huge potential to advance higher education, international collaboration, R&D, technology transfer and industrial growth. Over 900 overseas Sri Lankan scientists, technologists and professionals from around the world have registered with the GDP including top-flight scientists and technologists of global repute such as Dr. Bandula Wijay, Prof. Sivalingam Sivanandan, Prof. Nimal Gamage and Prof. Tissa Illangasekera from USA, Prof. Dilantha Fernando from Canada, Prof. Ravi de Silva, Prof. I.M. Dharmadasa and Prof. Dilanthi Amaratunga from the UK, Prof. Prema-Chandra Athukorala and Prof. Charitha Pattiaratchi from Australia and Prof. Monty Cassim from Japan, to name only a few.

 Another underutilized asset for promoting R&D is the huge instrument base of the country, which is scattered among many institutions, but on which technical information is not available on a national digital platform. Sri Lanka has over 20 state-owned higher education institutions, a comparable number of R&D institutions, and several public sector institutions which collectively possess an immense instrument base including high-end analytical, research and testing instruments, most of which have been purchased using public funds. Most of these instruments are meant to be used on a 24×7 basis, as is done in many parts of the world. However, due to compartmentalisation and fragmentation of institutions, the lack of a sharing culture, and the absence of an institutional policy and mechanism for providing analytical and testing services to external institutions and persons, many expensive and advanced items of equipment and instruments purchased operate far below their capacity. Therefore, the NSF developed a state-of-the-art National Instrument Database (NID) of instruments in September, 2022 (https://nid.nsf.gov.lk/). Besides ensuring rationalization and avoiding unnecessary duplication of high-end equipment, this will provide a user-friendly, cost-effective, analytical and testing service and research support for academia, R&D institutions and industry, including Small and Medium Enterprises (SMEs), particularly those which lack the requisite laboratory facilities and technical competencies.

The NID would also help to develop accredited laboratories in Sri Lanka for the major imports and exports in order to ensure that they comply with the stipulated requirements ensuring food security and safety and non-rejection of export consignments. Presently over 1,500 instruments are included in the database, but this represents only a very small fraction of the total instrument base in the country. Therefore, state intervention is required to make it mandatory to register all high-end instruments in all the public sector institutions in the NID so that it will be a comprehensive database which could afford a turbo boost to R&D, industrial growth, FDI, international partnerships and export promotion. More information in this regard in given in the link https://www.ft.lk/columns/NSF-launches-National-Instrument-Database-promoting-S-T-industrial-growth-and-exports-in-Sri-Lanka/4-739854

However, it is regrettable that the above three valuable national assets, namely STMIS, GDP and NID which can potentially afford a big boost to R&D and national development, are still hardly used or supported by the relevant authorities, and remain badly underutilized. There may be similar assets in other institutions which remain unrecognized and un/underutilized. In addition to those mentioned above, the NSF is in the process of developing a database of technologists and technicians, including those retired, along with their technical capabilities and expertise, which will enhance the effectiveness of the NID in ensuring the minimum downtime of instruments. This will provide a reliable and dependable service to the stakeholders. Action is also underway at the NSF to establish a national digital library consortium to provide cost-effective, user-friendly and round-the-clock access to journal databases that is crucially important to enhance R&D. Therefore, the necessary support and facilitation of the relevant authorities are required to make them a reality without delay.

Science Diplomacy

Today we are living in a hyper-connected, multipolar world where no country can be independent of or insulated from what is happening elsewhere. Despite phenomenal advances and remarkable accomplishments in S&T, the world is becoming increasingly more chaotic and insecure by the day and it has to come to grips with a myriad of formidable challenges and threats such as climate change, loss of biodiversity, pandemics, natural hazards, high-tech terrorism, drug trafficking, cybercrime, air pollution and marine pollution. Those are complex, multi-faceted and multi-dimensional challenges and tackling them demands an interdisciplinary, transdisciplinary, multi-sectoral and transnational systems approach with cooperation between specialists with diverse backgrounds across territorial boundaries. For, practically every major issue, whether global, regional or national in scale, features S&T either as a factor in understanding the underlying cause of the issue or in contributing to its remedy.

Besides, S&T constitutes the mainstay of bilateral and multilateral agreements and is at the heart of development assistance. Therefore, as in Japan, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Ministry of S&T in Sri Lanka should have close cooperation as S&T plays a pivotal role in dealing with global issues including pandemics, cybercrimes, climate change, air and marine pollution, and use of marine resources and air space and conflicts with neighbouring countries. Need for such cooperation is further augmented as Sri Lanka is strategically located in the Indian Ocean which has outstanding geo-political and geo-economic interests.

Sri Lanka possesses a territorial sea of 21,500 km2 and an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of up to 200 nautical miles (370 km) from the coastal line with an extent of 517,000 km2. Sri Lanka has the rights to the resources in the water column, seabed and subsurface in the EEZ. Under the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), Sri Lanka is entitled to claim for an extended area of seabed where the thickness of the sediment layer exceeds one km. This claim has been made and, if accepted, Sri Lanka could gain an additional seabed area. Therefore, the EEZ is likely to expand further with the delimitation of the outer edge of the continental margin of the country, which would permit Sri Lanka to own an EEZ equivalent to 23 times (approximately 1,400,000 km2) its land mass. Apart from living resources, this Zone contains a variety of exploitable precious minerals and hydrocarbons (oil and natural gas). The Indian Ocean has already become a cynosure in world politics and the USA, China and India are already viewing it through their own geo-strategic lenses Therefore, the future prosperity, sovereignty and security of our nation depends on how effectively, efficiently and diplomatically we manage and exploit those valuable marine resources and maritime potential. Given the great potential significance of Science Diplomacy in such a context, it is imperative to include Science Diplomacy as a key element in the S&T policy framework.

Conclusion

Developing a policy is only the first step and in order for policies to contribute to the successful delivery of their intended benefits, they must be effectively implemented. There are obviously many challenges as well as opportunities for implementation referred to as “implementation barriers” and “implementation facilitators”, respectively. The barriers can be rooted in a variety of causes, including opposition from key stakeholders, inadequate human or financial resources, lack of clarity on operational guidelines or roles and responsibilities for implementation, conflicts with other existing policies, lack of coordination and collaboration between parties responsible for implementation, or lack of motivation or political commitment.

Our country has formulated a plethora of policies in the past related to various sectors of the economy such as agriculture, tourism, education, science and technology, fisheries and environment to name, but a few. More often than not, they have been developed by the ruling party in power or the party to be elected without wider consultation and engagement of the key stakeholders. A policy so developed practically becomes a party policy and not a truly national policy. Consequently, a policy developed through such an approach will naturally encounter formidable barriers in the process of implementation, resulting in poor impact. Unfortunately this has been the rule rather than the exception to date. It is hoped that with much hyped and needed system change, future national policies will be developed in a transparent manner, and without any party political bias, after due consultation and deliberation, and with the participation of all the key stakeholders. This will help them to develop a sense of ownership of such policies, which will in turn make the implementation of the policies easier, more efficient and hassle-free, thereby ensuring the envisaged benefits, outcomes and impacts, and paving the way for economic growth and national development.



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Opinion

From the Lecture Hall to the Global Market: How Sri Lankan students are mastering the “Gig Economy”

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Image : Courtesy South China Morning Post

Have you ever wondered how a university student, between heavy textbooks and late-night study sessions, manages to earn a professional income in US dollars? It sounds like a dream, but for thousands of Sri Lankans, it’s becoming a daily reality through online freelancing.

A recent study published in the Ianna Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies has pulled back the curtain on this digital revolution. By interviewing 21 successful student freelancers across Sri Lanka, researchers have mapped out exactly what it takes to turn a laptop and an internet connection into a thriving career.

The Rise of the “Earn-as-you-learn” Era

In Sri Lanka, the number of online freelancers has exploded from about 20,000 in 2016 to over 150,000 today. While our traditional education system often focuses on preparing students for 9-to-5 office jobs , these students are diving into the “Gig Economy” a digital marketplace where they sell specific skills, like graphic design or programming, to clients all over the world.

The Secret Sauce for Success

So, what makes some students succeed while others struggle? The research found that it isn’t just about being good at coding or design. Success comes down to six “Core Pillars”:

· A Growth Mindset: The digital world moves fast. Successful students don’t just learn one skill; they are constantly updating themselves to ensure they don’t become “outdated”

· The Balancing Act:

How do they handle exams and clients? They don’t use a magic wand; they use strict time management. Many work late into the night (from 6 p.m. to midnight) to accommodate international time zones.

· The Power of “Hello”:

Since most clients are in the USA or UK, strong English and clear communication are vital. It’s about more than just talking; it’s about negotiating prices and building trust.

· Proactive Problem Solving:

Successful freelancers don’t wait for things to go wrong. They update their clients regularly and fix issues before they become headaches.

Why This Matters for Sri Lanka

Right now, our universities don’t always teach “how to be a freelancer”. This study suggests that if we integrate freelancing modules and mentorship into our degree programs, we could significantly reduce graduate unemployment. It’s a way for students to gain financial independence and bring much-needed foreign currency into our economy while still in school.

You Can Do It Too

If you’re a student (or the parent of one), the message is clear: the global market is open for business. You don’t need to wait for graduation to start your career. With a bit of flexibility, a willingness to keep learning, and a proactive attitude, you can transition from a learner to an earner.

The Research Team Behind the Study

This groundbreaking research was conducted by a dedicated team from the Department of Business Management at the SLIIT Business School (Sri Lanka Institute of Information Technology). The authors of the study include:

· Lihini Niranjana Dasanayaka

· Thuvindu Bimsara Madanayake

· Kalana Gimantha Jayasekara

· Thilina Dinidu Illepperuma

· Ruwanthika Chandrasiri

· Gayan Bandara

by Ruwanthika Chandrasiri

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Opinion

Is India a ‘swing state’? A response

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In an article titled “India shaping-up as model ‘swing state” (The Island 29.01.2026) Lynn Ockersz says, “Besides, this columnist would go so far as to describe India as a principal ‘Swing State.’ To clarify the latter concept in its essentials, it could be stated that the typical ‘Swing State’ wields considerable influence and power regionally and globally. Besides they are thriving democracies and occupy a strategic geographical location which enhances their appeal for other states of the region and enables them to relate to the latter with a degree of equableness. Their strategic location makes it possible for ‘Swing States’ to even mediate in resolving conflicts among states”.

A ‘swing state’, as in elections, should be able to decisively influence the final outcome. In the context in which India is recognised as a ‘swing state’ the final outcome should first be regional and then, if possible, extend to the rest of the world. And the desirable outcome must entail regional peace, cordial relations and economic stability which would constitute the most vital needs for any part of today’s world. Military power should not feature in the equation, for more often than not, such power is used to brow beat into submission the weak and the poor.

India no doubt is growing fast to be a global economic power and militarily also it is way ahead of the region. Its democracy, in the sense that democracies are measured in today’s world, also may be as the columnist says “thriving”. However, periodical elections, however fair they could be, should not be the sole criterion to judge democracy. If democracy cannot solve the problem of inequality it may lose its credibility as a mode of good governance. As a means of finding who rules, the system may be satisfactory but the other vital components of democracy, such as equitable wealth distribution, if lacking, the system may not serve its purpose.

Inequality in India is among the highest globally, with the top 1% owning nearly 40% of national wealth and the top 10% holding roughly 65% of total wealth and 58% of income. While the economy grows, the bottom 50% receives only 15% of the income. This disparity, driven by wealth concentration and low female labour participation, persists across class, caste, and gender. The income gap between the top 10% and the bottom 50% remained stable, with no significant reduction in inequality over the last decade.

India ranks very low in gender parity (127 out of 146 countries in the Global Gender Gap Report 2023). Female labour force participation is very low, at 15.7% (though government data suggests 41.7% by including agriculture and unpaid work). Women earn significantly less than men, working 53 hours per week compared to 43 for men. Inequality is intensified by existing social divides based on caste, religion, region, and gender. Access to healthcare is limited for many, with 63 million people pushed into poverty annually due to costs. Approximately 74% of India’s population could not afford a healthy diet in 2023. Roughly 64% of the total Goods and Services Tax (GST) in India comes from the bottom 50% of the population, whereas only 4% comes from the top 10% (Global Inequality Report 2024).

This sad state may not be the fault of democracy but the economic system of all so called democratic countries. The other three countries, Indonesia, South Africa and South Korea, that the columnist has named as suitable to be ‘swing states’ are no better. Neoliberalism and democracy are increasingly viewed by critics as an “evil nexus” or a destructive pairing, where the logic of the free market—privatisation, deregulation, and austerity—subverts the principles of democratic self-governance and social equality.

However, my main argument concerns the more important qualities that a country must possess to qualify as a ‘swing state’; the capacity to lead from the front in campaigning for peace and cordiality in the region. In this regard India fails miserably. The past with regards to good neighbourliness, where mighty India is concerned, tells a sad story. How it tried to solve the ethnic problem in Sri Lanka may be etched in the minds of those who lived in that era. The “parippu-drop” followed by gun-boat diplomacy saved the LTTE enabling it to continue with its murderous terrorism aimed at dividing the country. It was India who provided the initial “infra-structure” for training of terrorists who waged a thirty year war in Sri Lanka, committing brutal genocide against the Sinhalese and Muslims and not sparing the Tamils as well. India did not lift a finger to stop the bloodletting. Then it rammed the 13th A down our throats as a solution to the problem but did not keep to its terms and conditions which required it to disarm the LTTE. 13th A hangs over our head like the Sword of Damocles and India doesn’t fail to remind us about it from time to time. And we are burdened with the white elephant of provincial councils. Moreover, evidently India continues to interfere in our internal affairs, apparently colluding with the US, it may have had a hand in the regime change in Sri Lanka in 2022 (Shamindra Ferdinando, The Island, 04.02.2026). Another matter that appears to be perniciously secretive is that the Indian government doesn’t want the Sri Lankan government to reveal to its people the contents of the defence agreement it has entered into with the latter, as if people didn’t matter !

Now that tiny Sri Lanka is weakened and pliable after suffering multiple crises, India comes to its aid at the slightest mishap, very much like the hero who comes to the rescue of the damsel in distress, seemingly competing with other suitors. It doesn’t want the damsel to fall into the arms of China, given its geopolitical beauty.

Take the case of the other neighbours of India, does it have the capacity to swing, for instance, Pakistan into at least a position of less animosity. And what about its eastern neighbour, Bangladesh? They can’t even play cricket. Relations between India and Bangladesh, are currently under severe strain as of early 2026, driven by the ousting of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, who has been given asylum in India to the chagrin of Bangladesh. Tensions are high due to attacks on diplomats, stalled visa services, water disputes, and alleged interference. The unresolved sharing of the Teesta River and other transboundary rivers remains a major contention, with Bangladesh accusing India of managing these to its detriment. Concerns exist in New Delhi regarding Bangladesh strengthening ties with other nations like Pakistan, seen as a shift away from Indian influence (Altaf Moti, 2026).

Coming back to the conflict with its western neighbour Pakistan, since the 1947 partition, both countries have claimed Kashmir, a region inhabited by a majority Muslim population but initially ruled by a Hindu Maharaja, leading to wars in 1947, 1965, and 1999. India accuses Pakistan of supporting militant groups in Kashmir, a claim Pakistan denies, which has frequently led to military escalations, such as the 2019 Pulwama incident and 2025 strikes. The Indus Waters Treaty is under strain, with potential for conflict over control of water resources. Both nations are nuclear-armed, raising international concerns about regional stability. Recent tensions included increased cross-border firing, drone warfare, and suspected militant attacks in Kashmir, leading to retaliatory missile strikes. The conflict remains a major geopolitical issue, with tensions frequently escalating due to nationalist sentiment and a lack of diplomatic progress (Britanica, 2026).

Another matter of relevance is that India-Pakistan-Afghanistan relations are defined by a complex, triangular, and competitive dynamic. Following the 2021 Taliban takeover, India has adopted a pragmatic, security-focused approach, delivering humanitarian aid to Afghanistan via Iran to circumvent Pakistan. Meanwhile, Pakistan-Afghanistan ties have deteriorated over border disputes, prompting Kabul to seek warmer relations with India as a counterweight to Islamabad. Without formally recognising the Taliban, India has re-established a technical mission in Kabul to secure its interests, monitor anti-India groups, and maintain developmental influence, which directly challenges Pakistan’s historical influence in the region. Is such manoeuvring of regional relations a virtue of a ‘swing state’!

Paradoxically, India is developing a special friendship with the murderous regime of Netanyahu in Israel focussing on defence and anti-terrorism. Indian prime minister is planning to visit Israel towards the end of this month which would obviously boost the image and credibility of a ruler who has committed genocide of the Palestinians. The barb no doubt is intended to prick Pakistan. Could such a country bring peace to the region, which it must if it is to qualify as a ‘swing state’.

India seems to have good relations with its northern neighbour, little Nepal, though minor but persistent issues remain. Disputes, notably regarding the Kalapani-Limpiyadhura-Lipulekh area, have caused tensions. Nepal has, from time to time, requested, a revision of the 1950 Treaty, viewing it as unbalanced. Growing influence of other foreign powers (particularly China) in Nepal poses a strategic challenge for India.

The other northern neighbour, the giant, is a different kettle of fish. India has fought several wars with China and there are frequent border skirmishes. The rivalry between these two giants is second only to that between the US and China. The war for markets, influence and hegemony between these countries may one day tear the world apart.

India seems to be having border disputes with most of its neighbours. Fortunately, we have no common border with it but there is Katchatheevu, on which they have recently made a claim.

India being the big brother must take the initiative to resolve the disputes it has with its neighbours and work towards lasting peace in the region. The inability to do so reflects, more than the external factor, the internal depravity that plagues its politics. One has only to listen to its political leaders during election times to gauge the depth of racism they descend to in order to swing the votes. This phenomenon is more evident in their own ‘swing states’. This racism cannot be confined to its borders, it has to cross the borders and be projected to the neighbourhood, if the politicians are to appear to be truly patriotic. Thus, the border disputes and acrimony continue.

If peace, cordiality and economic stability are the desirable goals for the region – one cannot think of anything more important than these – India may not be the ‘swing state’ that could give leadership to the struggle that would finally bring these qualities to the region.

by N. A. de S. Amaratunga

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Opinion

Sovereignty without Governance is a hollow shield

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Globalisation exposes weakness and failed governance; and invites intervention – A message to all inept governments everywhere

The government of Burkina Faso has shattered the illusion of party politics, dissolving every political party in the nation. Its justification is blunt: parties divide the people, fracture sovereignty, and allow corrupt elites to hijack the sacred powers that belong to the citizenry.

This is not an aberration. It is the recurring disease of fragile states. Haiti, Somalia, Sudan, Venezuela, Sri Lanka—their governments collapse under the weight of incompetence, leaving their people abandoned and their sovereignty hollow. These failed states do not merely fail themselves; they burden the world. Their chaos spills across borders, draining the strength of nations that still stand.

Globalisation does not forgive weakness. It exposes it. And as global opinion hardens, a new world order is taking shape—one that no longer tolerates decay. The moment of rupture came when US President Donald Trump seized Nicolás Maduro from his Venezuelan hideout and dragged him to face justice in America.

Predictably, the chorus of populists cried “oil!” They shouted about imperialism while ignoring the rot of Maduro’s failed government and his collapse in legitimacy. But the truth is unavoidable: if Venezuela had been competently governed, Trump would never have had the opening to topple its leadership. Weakness invited conquest. Failure opened the door.

Singapore offers the perfect counterexample. It is perhaps the best-governed nation on earth, and for that reason it is untouchable. Strong governance is the only true shield of sovereignty. Without it, sovereignty is a brittle shell, a flag waving over ruins.

Trump’s precedent will echo across continents. China, Russia, India—regional powers are watching, calculating, preparing. The message is unmistakable: Sovereignty is conditional. It is not guaranteed by history or by law. It is guaranteed only by strength, by competence, by the will to govern effectively.

This is the revolutionary truth: nations that fail to govern themselves will be governed by others. The age of excuses is over. The age of accountability has begun. Weak governments will fall. Strong governments will endure. And the people, sovereign and indivisible, will demand leaders who can protect their destiny—or see them replaced by those who can.

By Brigadier (Rtd) Ranjan de Silva
rpcdesilva@gmail.com

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