Features
Restoring the right kind of reconciliation, post-Geneva
Speaking at the 60th Session of the Human Rights Council in Geneva, Switzerland, on September 8, 2025, Sri Lanka’s Minister of Foreign affairs, Foreign Employment and Tourism, Vijitha Herath, made an unequivocal pledge on behalf of his country ‘to advance the rights and well-being of all Sri Lankans through our own domestic processes’, thereby rejecting any kind of external intervention or mechanism in investigating alleged human rights violations, all patriotic Sri Lankans must have heaved a sigh of relief, before applauding him.
This was because, in the lead-up to the Geneva session, there were growing fears among concerned citizens of Sri Lanka that the government they elected was going to give in to undue UN coercion and betray the military and political leaders who saved the country from terrorism sixteen years ago. The menacing, prejudiced behaviour of visiting UN Human Rights Commissioner Volker Turk towards the end of June did nothing to allay these fears. Vijitha Herath concluded his detailed statement with the following words:
“The government is fully cognizant of the responsibility that accompanies the unprecedented mandate it has received from the people, and is committed to fulfilling their aspirations of a just, fair and prosperous society. We sincerely believe that external action will only serve to create divisions, thereby jeopardising the genuine and tangible national processes that have already been set in motion. The Government is opposed to any external mechanism imposed on us such as the Sri Lanka Accountability Project.
“Therefore, Mr. President, my earnest submission to members of this Council, its observers and all stakeholders is to collaboratively join hands with the government, to deepen our mutual understanding and extend your support to Sri Lanka. Our genuine and sincere approach, which is visible, needs to be reciprocated with deeper understanding and noticeable appreciation. We urge that all of you assist us in seizing this historic opportunity to advance the rights and well-being of all Sri Lankans through our own domestic processes.”
But his agreement with the OHCHR on the appointment of a so-called ‘Truth and Reconciliation Commission’ must be reconsidered, because it will be incompatible with the independent stance he has expressed. Herath’s aides have done a professional job making his speech shipshape. It contained a fairly satisfactory response to Volker Turk’s mostly platitudinal remarks introducing his OHCHR report. Turk touched on some key areas that his report set out to address including ‘delivering accountability, fundamental legal and institutional reforms and eliminating the discrimination and division that have poisoned politics for generations’ (an unsubstantiable allegation).
A highlight of evidence of ‘the continued suffering of human rights violations and abuses’ that he claimed he witnessed was a mass grave site at Chemmani, but social and political activist of Jaffna Arun Siddharth (a Tamil) pointed out several times that this was a traditional burial place where bodies belonging to ordinary dead residents of the place, and those killed by the LTTE and some by the army in clashes were interred. This gives an idea about the seriousness of the UNHRC boss’s evidential proof of such allegations.
But he said, at the end of his remarks: “I encourage Sri Lanka to seek international assistance with the exhumation of mass graves and other investigations”. What bunkum!
He concluded ‘Together the international community can support Sri Lankans to escape from the twin threats posed by persistent impunity and deep inequality’. I think Turk got a satisfactory answer from Herath.
But this is not going to be the end of our problems with the UN. Perhaps, a backward look is in place at this point.
In an X post uploaded on June 1, 2025, Volker Turk wrote:
For many, the freedom to be yourself and follow your heart is woven into daily life and goes unnoticed.
For others, it’s been hard-won-with courage day after day.
#Pride celebrates how far we’ve come and moves us forward to a world where everyone can live with dignity, equality and pride.
There is nothing more human than who we are and who we love.
He must have realised by now that, as far as Sri Lanka is concerned, this is the least of its problems.
UN High Commissioner for Human Rights Volker Turk of Austrian nationality, a lawyer by profession, was on a three-day visit to Sri Lanka from June 23 to 26, 2025. If my memory is correct, he is the fourth UN Human Rights chief to visit Sri Lanka since the end (in May 2009) of the armed Tamil separatist rebellion. The then UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, South Korean citizen, Ban Ki-Moon, who had earlier been serving his country as a civil servant and a diplomat, rushed to Sri Lanka immediately after the crushing of the three decades long separatist terrorism by the Sri Lankan armed forces, for a two-day visit on May 22 and 23, 2009; his indecent haste was a sign that the UN did not welcome the defeat of separatist terrorism. His apparent bias was an early sign of the poisoning of general UN opinion about Sri Lanka’s successful response to the Tamil separatist terror campaign through both disinformation and misinformation by the so-called diaspora Tamil separatist lobbyists.
The same anti-Sri Lanka bias was more pronounced in the second UN High Commissioner for Human Rights to visit Sri Lanka, Navanethem Pillay. Her visit was from August 25 to 31, 2013. The South African jurist of Indian Tamil origin, popularly known as Navi Pillay, visited Sri Lanka at the invitation of the then president Mahinda Rajapaksa who, in the first flush of victory, was confidently enjoying the undisputed approval and popularity that he had earned among all Sri Lankans by eliminating mindless LTTE terrorist violence, irrespective of their different ethnicities, religious identities, and political loyalties.
Rajapaksa decided to invite the influential UN official (Navi Pillay) to visit Sri Lanka, most probably because he believed that she, coming from Hindu Tamil origins, would be especially empathetic to the culturally kindred Sinhalese Buddhist majority and the Tamil Hindu largest minority of Sri Lanka to appreciate the truth that the domestic conflict was really between the legitimate government of Sri Lanka and a group of rebels who were resorting to armed violence in order to carve out a separate state within its territory, but NOT between the Sinhalese and Tamil ethnic communities. Demographically, the Sinhalese are the majority, nevertheless a global minority whereas the Tamils are a minority within Sri Lanka but belong to a global majority. This is the truth hidden by a thick veil of anti-Sri Lanka false propaganda disseminated by the defeated Tamil separatist rump.
The following year (2014) saw what could be called the UN-led selective witch-hunt, based on unsubstantiated war crimes allegations, against the hierarchy of the Sri Lankan security forces that brought an end to nearly three decades of armed Tamil separatist violence on May 19, 2009. (Incidentally, Australian media reported June 29, 2025 that Navanethem Pillay, aged 83, had been selected for the Sydney Peace Prize for her contributions to accountability and human rights and that she would be felicitated in Australia in November this year (2025).
The third UN High Commissioner to visit Sri Lanka after the military victory over terrorism in 2009 was Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, a Jordanian diplomat, who came in February 2016, just over a year after the nationally uncalled for, foreign engineered regime change of 2015. According to the spokesman for the Federation of National Organizations, Dr Wasantha Bandara, the Yahapalana government installed through foreign intervention passed seven laws that pushed forward the unilateral UN war crimes allegations process against some selected war winning Sri Lankan military leaders. For that diabolical scheme to be complete, only two more parliamentary bills remain to be passed, as Dr Bandara points out: a bill for establishing a Truth Commission, and an Independent Prosecutor’s Office. The current JVP/NPP administration is required to pass those two final laws.
Among the top UN panjandrums who visited Sri Lanka during the past sixteen years, Turk easily takes the cake for the most outrageously undiplomatic conduct towards a member country of the United Nations.
In 2009, we were all hopeful that after the elimination of separatist terrorism, a prosperous and peaceful country would emerge. Instead, Sri Lanka began to face increasing destabilisation schemes launched against it by meddlesome geo-political grand strategists (especially US and India working in collusion) apparently under the aegis of the UN, which was created after the end of World War II to stop threats to international peace and security, not to meddle in the domestic security concerns of small vulnerable nations like ours. Superpowers try to get involved in the internal affairs of Sri Lanka in order to promote their own national interests in their home countries and to pursue their economic and military agendas in the geopolitically sensitive Indo-Pacific region where the island is located.
These attempts have markedly intensified over the years since 2009. America and India find a common enemy in China. They want to contain the rising Chinese influence in the region. Sri Lanka seems to be caught up in the crossfire between China on the one side and America and India on the other. The Tamil diaspora benefits from the vote bank politics exploited by unscrupulous local politicians of those international community countries. They persecute Sri Lanka by raising non-existent issues, such as alleged human rights violations by the Sri Lanka Army during the last phase of its war on terror, domestic communal divisions or instances of religious disharmony.
They pretended that the war was fought between the majority Sinhalese and the minority Tamils, whereas the truth was that the legitimate government army fought against a bunch of separatist terrorists who massacred members of all communities in the name of their macabre goal of creating a separate state on Sri Lankan soil, while the ordinary Sinhalese and Tamil civilians lived together in accustomed peace, along with members of other ethnic communities everywhere in the country, such as Muslims and Burghers.
There was no alienation between the Sinhalese and the Tamils, to put it differently, between the Sinhala speaking community and the Tamil speaking community, which includes Muslims as well as Tamils. But the powers that be conjured up the chimera of ‘reconciliation’ to justify their meddling in Sri Lanka’s internal affairs. At the end of ‘reconciliation’, we have a politically, economically and socially destabilised country, which is a far cry from where, according to Michael Naseby (Sri Lanka: Paradise Lost Paradise Regained, page 167),
“‘PEACE’ was achieved on 18th May 2009 when the Tamil Tigers were finally defeated and nearly 300,000 human shield hostages were rescued into government hands and looked after. Peace is the overwhelming need of the country and the first priority mentioned in a recent poll. There have been no bombings since May 2010 (sic) (still the position at the time of writing in 2018). People of all ethnic groups travel the length and breadth of the country by day or night without fear.”
Post-Geneva, let’s restore the reconciliation that we achieved on our own in 2009 with sparing external help, and that the international wreckers of our peace set out to destroy soon after.
By Rohana R. Wasala ✍️
Features
Complexities in global politics deepen as economic pressures intensify
The present offer by the UK to strengthen Ukraine’s defense capabilities in the missile technology field in particular comes as ‘a stitch in time’ and the initiative is also likely to be appreciated considerably by democratic opinion world wide for the possible morale-boosting effect it would have on Ukraine. Besides continuous arms support, the conviction that the world’s frontline democracies are behind it would prove a huge plus in Ukraine’s eyes in its grinding fightback against the Russian invasion.
While continued US support for Ukraine could not be considered ‘a given’ any more, British Prime Minister Andy Burnham’s words during a recent visit to Kyiv that the UK would stand by Ukraine ‘for as long as it takes’ is the kind of assurance that Ukraine needs at present. For, the conflict in Ukraine is essentially a war of liberation conducted by the latter against an invader and deeply at issue here is the upholding of International Law and its foundational concepts, such as national sovereignty and a nation’s right to political self-determination. The world of democracy is of the firm view that the latter ideals cannot be compromised, come what may.
The UK has its work cut out in this connection. It would find it difficult to convince the Trump administration that it should staunchly stand by Ukraine but it could campaign vigorously with the rest of the West and the EU fold in particular to unflaggingly support the embattled and over-run country.
Ukraine has shown an impressive adeptness in using drone technology in particular against her enemy and has even manufactured her own hardware in this respect but using the relevant blueprints handed over by the UK for the manufacture of more sophisticated cruise missiles, for instance, may prove financially difficult, going forward. It is left to be seen whether the UK and the rest of the West who are with Ukraine will continue to be with her, considering their own rising financial constraints.
The latter impediments could only multiply in the future. Oil, gas and energy prices are on the rise and the latter costs are glaringly reflected in kitchens and meal tables the world over. As we go along consumer discontent would steadily intensify and governments, East and West, would need to figure out with considerable rigour and foresight how such disaffection could be ably managed. Failing which, in most democratic societies, the chances are that publics would be out on the streets demanding that their grievances be redressed forthwith.
These rising concerns are reflected in a recent move by some EU governments to consider imposing what is described as ‘a windfall tax’ on the profits specified major oil companies operating within their shores have made in the wake of the US-Israel war on Iran. The rationale apparently is to use such tax earnings to cushion the rising cost of living of their publics and bolster the respective countries’ social expenditure.
In a recent letter to the president of the EU Council the EU governments referred to said, among other things, while drawing attention to the ‘discontent that is growing over the rising cost of living’: ‘A common approach’ is needed that ‘ensures those who profit from the crisis contribute their share to reducing the burden on the general population.’ Meanwhile, Oxfam with reference to the above development is on record as calling for a ‘permanent windfall tax of at least 50% on profits exceeding a 10% return on investment.’
Such are the rising economic pressures on the majority of Western governments. The question to be posed is how consistent they would be in their assistance to Ukraine if they decide consensually to stand by her. The soaring cost of living in the West compels the conclusion that there could be no guarantee that Western assistance to Ukraine, particularly in the defense and security fields, would be of a longstanding kind.
Of particular concern would be the fact that the weapons systems on offer from the UK to Ukraine could be increasingly costly to manufacture going forward. Besides they would need to be manufactured and put into action without delay.
However, these considerations should in no way deflect Ukraine’s supporters from the principled policy stance of defending her to the extent possible. Because at issue is the defense of International Law and the democratic system of government from their enemies; fascism and authoritarian rule.
While during World Wars 1 and 2 the US was with the major democracies of the West, this time around with regard to Ukraine, the US has chosen to be at cross-purposes with them. For instance, in relation to tariff matters and defense expenditure, in the NATO context, the US is pursuing a hard line which puts it at polar opposites with the West. Thus it is no longer possible to talk unreservedly of a ‘Western democratic alliance’. Put plainly, the cause of democratic development has been weakened.
A measure of relief for the supporters of Ukraine in the West could come by way of the upcoming mid-term polls in the US. If the Democratic Party fares well in them the pressure would be on the Trump administration to defer to opposition opinion at home, accommodate the best interests of Ukraine in its West European policy and perhaps even work towards a diplomatic solution to the Ukraine crisis in cooperation with Russia. Accordingly, the Democratic Party would need to put the Trump administration on the defensive, so to speak.
Until such time Ukraine’s Western supporters have no choice but to remain committed to it, ensure its steadfast defense against the invasion and work judiciously towards keeping the economic pressures at home in check.
Interestingly, at the present juncture in international politics the US could be said to be more weak than strong. For example, it has to some extent been militarily humbled by Iran; so much so it is resorting to economic means to keep Iran in check.
In keeping with this strategy, the US has launched ‘a new big wave of anti-Iran economic sanctions’ at the time of writing, aimed at cutting Iran away from all its major income sources. Some of these relate to digital assets, technology, gold, aviation and shipping. The hoped for result is the complete severance of Iran from the US dollar system.
However, while the UK and EU have no choice but to adhere to their policy of backing Ukraine, going forward they would need to dialogue more closely with the US and ensure that it cooperates with them on outstanding questions, such as Ukraine and the strengthening of democracy. The well being of the world is served when the latter aim is pursued.
Features
“Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”
OPA 39th Annual Conference calls for Sri Lanka to move Beyond Recovery towards Sustainable Transformation
The Orgnisation of Professional Associations (OPA) successfully concluded its 39th Annual Conference, held recently at the Cinnamon Grand Colombo, under the theme “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery”.
Held under the patronage of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA, with the leadership and guidance of Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference, the Conference brought together leading professionals, academics, business leaders and representatives of the public and private sectors to deliberate on Sri Lanka’s next phase of national development.
The Inaugural Session, on August 2026, was graced by Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, as the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka, as the Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka, as the Keynote Speaker.
In her address, Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasised that overcoming the economic crisis alone should not be Sri Lanka’s ultimate objective, stressing that recovery must serve as the foundation for a broader economic and institutional transformation necessary for sustainable national progress. Reflecting on the difficult period experienced by the country, the Prime Minister noted that Sri Lanka had faced significant economic, social and institutional challenges, which had weakened public confidence and created uncertainty about the country’s future.
She stressed that “recovery only provides the foundation” and that Sri Lanka can move forward sustainably only by using that foundation to bring about meaningful transformation.
The Prime Minister observed that the theme of the OPA’s 39th Annual Conference, “Envisioning Sri Lanka: Beyond Recovery,” aptly encapsulated these national aspirations. She emphasised that Sri Lanka’s objective should not merely be to return to the conditions that existed before the crisis, but to forge a stronger national foundation characterised by robust institutions, a resilient economy, high-quality public services and an enabling environment in which every citizen has the opportunity to thrive.
She further underscored that Sri Lanka’s future development cannot be secured through economic growth and physical development alone. She emphasised that the effective mobilisation of the country’s knowledge, skills and professional expertise, is equally essential to achieving sustainable and inclusive national progress
The Technical Sessions held on 12 August 2026 brought together 19 distinguished experts and professionals representing academia, industry, banking and finance, public health, technology, management and business leadership. Their diverse expertise provided a multidisciplinary platform to examine the critical challenges, emerging opportunities and strategic choices that will shape Sri Lanka’s next phase of development, with particular emphasis on economic transformation, institutional strengthening, digitalisation, private-sector growth, human capital and sustainable development.
The deliberations were structured around four principal sub-themes: “Resilient Recovery and Sustainable Economic Development”; “Future Readiness: Innovation & Transformation”; “Policy for Impact: Advancing Equity, Sustainable Living, and National Well-Being”; and “Leadership, Governance and National Responsibility.”
Across these thematic areas, the sessions explored the structural reforms, institutional requirements and policy choices necessary to move Sri Lanka beyond economic stabilisation towards a more productive, competitive, resilient and inclusive economy. The discussions brought together diverse professional perspectives, enabling participants to examine national priorities through economic, technological, industrial, financial, social and governance lenses.
Particular emphasis was placed on the need to move beyond the diagnosis of problems towards pragmatic, evidence-based and implementable solutions. The deliberations recognised that sustainable national progress requires not only sound policies, but also effective institutions, professional competence, innovation, responsible leadership and the capacity to translate policy into tangible outcomes.
The sessions further underscored the importance of collaboration across sectors, recognising that Sri Lanka’s complex development challenges cannot be addressed in isolation. Stronger engagement among Government, private sector, professional associations, academia and civil society was identified as essential to fostering a coherent national response and ensuring that professional knowledge and expertise are effectively translated into policy and action.
Collectively, the Technical Sessions provided a substantive platform for knowledge exchange, critical reflection and forward-looking dialogue, reinforcing the OPA’s commitment to bringing the country’s professional expertise to bear on the task of building a resilient, innovative, equitable and prosperous Sri Lanka.
The OPA expressed its sincere appreciation to Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya, the Chief Guest; Andrew Patrick, British High Commissioner to Sri Lanka and Guest of Honour; and Murtaza Jafferjee, Chairman of the Advocata Institute, Sri Lanka and Keynote Speaker, for their distinguished contributions to the Conference.
Much of what the 39th Annual Conference achieved would not have been possible without the leadership, commitment and generous contributions of Jayantha Gallehewa, President of the OPA; Tisara De Silva, President-Elect and Chairman of the 39th Annual Conference; Eng. Ravi Rupasinghe, General Secretary; Dharshana Wijemanne, Treasurer; Bhanu Wijayaratne, Convener & the Chairman of the Session Planning Committee of the 39th Annual Conference Committee, Past Presidents and Office Bearers; Presidents and representatives of Member Associations; members of the Executive Councils and General Forum; and the distinguished Session Chairmen, Resource Persons and professionals who shared their time, expertise and insights in pursuit of the Conference’s shared vision. The OPA remains immensely grateful to all those whose collective contributions enriched the 39th Annual Conference and strengthened its role as a meaningful platform for professional exchange, informed dialogue and national reflection.
Features
Nostalgia for Lankans in Toronto …
For Sri Lankans living 14,000 kilometres from home, the sound of home has never felt closer — and that’s thanks to one man and his band.
Since stepping into the spotlight, Gamini Hemalal and the Ceymphony Band have turned into the heartbeat of the Sri Lankan community in Toronto.
Their mission is simple: bring the music, bring the memories, bring the people together. And it’s working.
What turned out to be the talk-of-the-town was their intimate musical evening with Sri Lanka’s legendary crooner Sohan Weerasinghe.

Sohan Weerasinghe: Had
everyone on their feet at the
Angus Glen Golf Club, in
Toronto, Canada
It was a ‘full house’ long before the big date. Tickets vanished within days — demand was that overwhelming.
According to those who were there, it was a truly amazing evening. The hall was packed, the energy electric. Sohan didn’t just sing — he owned the stage.
With his velvet vocals, his charm, and that signature style, he had everyone on their feet. The ladies, especially, couldn’t get enough. No wonder they call him “The Ladies’ Man!”
One attendee summed it up perfectly:
“We had so much fun. It is truly a blessing to have our kids around us, enjoying these beautiful moments together. Thank you, Gamini Hemalal, for such a wonderful evening, with an amazing crowd and an incredible atmosphere. Your hard work and dedication truly made it a special night.
“We also need to say a big thank you to the Ceymphony Band for delivering such an outstanding performance. You all were absolutely amazing! Our entire family had a fantastic time, and we truly enjoyed every moment.

Ceymphony Band: Extremely popular in the scene in Toronto
“Wishing you all continued success. Keep up the amazing work, we can’t wait for the next.”
And the next is already on the cards: ‘Halloween Pissu Baila Party 2026,’ on Friday, 30th October, at the famous Angus Glen Golf Club.
Gamini promises a crazy night of baila, music, dancing and Halloween vibes with the Ceymphony Band. Action runs from 8:00 PM to 12:00 midnight, with plenty of prizes to be won.

Gamini Hemalal: Amazing work for the Sri Lankan community,
in Toronto, Canada
Gamini is also putting together a special event, connected with the 2027 Avurudu celebrations — ‘Avurudu Musical Show 2027,’ a uniquely styled musical Avurudu celebration … Ceymphony Band style.
It’s scheduled to be held on Saturday, 10th April, 2027, also at the Angus Glen Golf Club.
Through music, Gamini Hemalal and Ceymphony are doing what diaspora bands do best — they’re shrinking the distance between two worlds.
One baila beat at a time, one full house at a time, they’re making sure that even in Canada, Sri Lankans feel like home.
Yes, there is plenty of action, indeed, for the Sri Lankan community in Toronto, Canada.
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