Features
Relevance of Non-alignment or ‘dynamic neutrality’ to SL’s foreign policy
There is considerable haggling in some local quarters on whether the concept of Non-alignment is of any relevance to Sri Lanka in particular and to the developing world in general. Going by some pronouncements in these sections the ideology of Non-alignment has seemingly ceased to be of importance to Sri Lanka as a basis of foreign policy formulation and implementation.
The time could not be more appropriate to probe whether this is really so. As to whether a developing country could dispense with Non-alignment as a foreign policy tool would depend primarily on the status it has achieved over the years in the international community. The Non-aligned grouping in world politics was at one time described, by some, as ‘The trade union of the world’s poor’.
In the early years of the sixties decade no descriptive label could have been more apt, considering that the Third World constituted veritably ‘The Wretched of the Earth’, going principally by economic criteria. That is, the majority of Non-aligned countries were among the poorest of the poor. Needless to say, Sri Lanka was among this bottom heap.
However, over the years, quite a few of these developing countries have proved ‘Engines of growth’ in the Southern hemisphere and have acquired for themselves First World status. That is, in economic terms, primarily, they are on par with the most vibrant economies of the West. Needless to say, one such one-time Third World country is India. Accordingly, India could afford to dispense with the concept of Non-alignment in the conduct of its foreign relations, although it is hard to see it doing so. But could Sri Lanka afford to do without the Non-aligned foreign policy strategy? This is the Question.
The stark fact is that Sri Lanka has collapsed over the past two years into absolute beggary. It cannot afford to strut around as if it can do without the international community’s material and financial help. While, dignity and integrity could come to be valued by some ruling sections in Sri Lanka, the latter cannot afford to say ‘No’ to financial assistance that is extended to it by well-meaning international quarters. We have arrived at the moment at which Sri Lanka’s day-to-day sustenance depends crucially on it accepting such assistance.
In other words, Sri Lanka is among the ranks of the poorest of the poor and needs to be a friend of all countries, lest it loses out on crucial development and other forms of assistance. To be precise, it needs to follow a Non-aligned foreign policy, since right now it cannot afford to fall out of favour with any country or international entity that could bail it out of its financial distress. It is today pathetically dependent on the IMF and the World Bank, but what choice does it have?
Accordingly, Sri Lanka cannot afford to dispense with Non-alignment or ‘dynamic neutrality’. The latter phrase was meant to be synonymous with Non-alignment when the policy was first forged by India, Sri Lanka and Yugoslavia, among other principal Third World countries, in the early sixties and no other phrase epitomizes Non-alignment in its essence.
The phrase denotes cordial, non-adversarial and constructive engagement with the world community and it goes without saying that such a policy suits Sri Lanka’s current needs best. In other words, Sri Lanka should be a friend of all and an enemy of none. The same goes for the rest of the poorest of the poor countries.
No doubt, Sri Lanka should argue out its case in the forums of the world in numerous issue areas but it would need to do some meticulous tight-rope walking, lest it offends potential helpers. This is Sri Lanka’s factual situation.
That the bi-polar world order no longer exists is of little relevance to countries as financially desperate as Sri Lanka. The simple truth is that the poorest of the poor need to be allies of all those who mean well by them in the world community and Non-alignment or ‘dynamic neutrality’ serves their interests best right now.
The question of Non-alignment and a host of other issues that have a decisive bearing on Sri Lanka’s foreign policy featured at a memorable, widely attended forum which was organized and conducted on August 9th at its auditorium by the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute of International Relations and Strategic Studies (LKI), Colombo, to mark the 18th death anniversary of Sri Lanka’s former Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, which fell on August 12th.
The exceptional importance of the forum, which was titled, ‘The Changing Global Dynamics: Implications for Sri Lanka’, derived also from the fact that it was designed by LKI as the first in a monthly series of such discussions which would take up foreign policy issues of the first importance to Sri Lanka.
In his welcoming remarks LKI Executive Director, Ambassador Ravinatha Aryasinghe lucidly outlined some key trends in changing global dynamics, and his observations set the stage for the wide-ranging, lively forum that unfolded. Some of these trends are: volatile global power politics, emerging pressures on the global economy, power rivalries in the Indian Ocean and the increasing significance of India.
The expert panel consisted of: Dr. Harinda Vidanage, Director, International Relations and Founding Director, Centre for Strategic Assessment of the Gen. Sir John Kotelawala Defence University, Dr. Dushni Weerakoon, Executive Director, Institute of Policy Studies, Sri Lanka, Dr. Jehan Perera, Executive Director, National Peace Council of Sri Lanka and Ambassador H.M.G.S. Palihakkara, former Foreign Secretary. Ambassador Aryasinghe moderated the forum.
Making the inaugural address, Minister of Foreign Affairs, M.U.M. Ali Sabry, among other things, highlighted the importance of Sri Lanka’s policy and decision makers making research-based and scientifically-oriented decisions and policy formulations. He stressed that technocrats and persons of professional competence needed to head our Finance and Foreign Ministries in particular.
Considering the crucial bearing it has on the future crafting of Sri Lanka’s foreign policy the question of Non-alignment has been dealt with at some length in this commentary but numerous were the insights of the first importance to foreign policy that the panelists threw-up in the course of their presentations. The Q&A that followed the presentations was thought-provoking and lively as well.
However, it could be of importance, in future forums, for experts and audiences to explore as to how strategic policy could be integrated into foreign policy, since the aim of both disciplines is to serve the national interest and none could be discussed in isolation from the latter. Besides, it struck this columnist that domestic policy cannot be isolated from foreign policy since they are thought to complement each other. Some deliberation on these questions is in order.
Features
Misinterpreting President Dissanayake on National Reconciliation
President Anura Kumara Dissanayake has been investing his political capital in going to the public to explain some of the most politically sensitive and controversial issues. At a time when easier political choices are available, the president is choosing the harder path of confronting ethnic suspicion and communal fears. There are three issues in particular on which the president’s words have generated strong reactions. These are first with regard to Buddhist pilgrims going to the north of the country with nationalist motivations. Second is the controversy relating to the expansion of the Tissa Raja Maha Viharaya, a recently constructed Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai which has become a flashpoint between local Tamil residents and Sinhala nationalist groups. Third is the decision not to give the war victory a central place in the Independence Day celebrations.
Even in the opposition, when his party held only three seats in parliament, Anura Kumara Dissanayake took his role as a public educator seriously. He used to deliver lengthy, well researched and easily digestible speeches in parliament. He continues this practice as president. It can be seen that his statements are primarily meant to elevate the thinking of the people and not to win votes the easy way. The easy way to win votes whether in Sri Lanka or elsewhere in the world is to rouse nationalist and racist sentiments and ride that wave. Sri Lanka’s post independence political history shows that narrow ethnic mobilisation has often produced short term electoral gains but long term national damage.
Sections of the opposition and segments of the general public have been critical of the president for taking these positions. They have claimed that the president is taking these positions in order to obtain more Tamil votes or to appease minority communities. The same may be said in reverse of those others who take contrary positions that they seek the Sinhala votes. These political actors who thrive on nationalist mobilisation have attempted to portray the president’s statements as an abandonment of the majority community. The president’s actions need to be understood within the larger framework of national reconciliation and long term national stability.
Reconciler’s Duty
When the president referred to Buddhist pilgrims from the south going to the north, he was not speaking about pilgrims visiting long established Buddhist heritage sites such as Nagadeepa or Kandarodai. His remarks were directed at a specific and highly contentious development, the recently built Buddhist temple in Kankesanturai and those built elsewhere in the recent past in the north and east. The temple in Kankesanturai did not emerge from the religious needs of a local Buddhist community as there is none in that area. It has been constructed on land that was formerly owned and used by Tamil civilians and which came under military occupation as a high security zone. What has made the issue of the temple particularly controversial is that it was established with the support of the security forces.
The controversy has deepened because the temple authorities have sought to expand the site from approximately one acre to nearly fourteen acres on the basis that there was a historic Buddhist temple in that area up to the colonial period. However, the Tamil residents of the area fear that expansion would further displace surrounding residents and consolidate a permanent Buddhist religious presence in the present period in an area where the local population is overwhelmingly Hindu. For many Tamils in Kankesanturai, the issue is not Buddhism as a religion but the use of religion as a vehicle for territorial assertion and demographic changes in a region that bore the brunt of the war. Likewise, there are other parts of the north and east where other temples or places of worship have been established by the military personnel in their camps during their war-time occupation and questions arise regarding the future when these camps are finally closed.
There are those who have actively organised large scale pilgrimages from the south to make the Tissa temple another important religious site. These pilgrimages are framed publicly as acts of devotion but are widely perceived locally as demonstrations of dominance. Each such visit heightens tension, provokes protest by Tamil residents, and risks confrontation. For communities that experienced mass displacement, military occupation and land loss, the symbolism of a state backed religious structure on contested land with the backing of the security forces is impossible to separate from memories of war and destruction. A president committed to reconciliation cannot remain silent in the face of such provocations, however uncomfortable it may be to challenge sections of the majority community.
High-minded leadership
The controversy regarding the president’s Independence Day speech has also generated strong debate. In that speech the president did not refer to the military victory over the LTTE and also did not use the term “war heroes” to describe soldiers. For many Sinhala nationalist groups, the absence of these references was seen as an attempt to diminish the sacrifices of the armed forces. The reality is that Independence Day means very different things to different communities. In the north and east the same day is marked by protest events and mourning and as a “Black Day”, symbolising the consolidation of a state they continue to experience as excluding them and not empathizing with the full extent of their losses.
By way of contrast, the president’s objective was to ensure that Independence Day could be observed as a day that belonged to all communities in the country. It is not correct to assume that the president takes these positions in order to appease minorities or secure electoral advantage. The president is only one year into his term and does not need to take politically risky positions for short term electoral gains. Indeed, the positions he has taken involve confronting powerful nationalist political forces that can mobilise significant opposition. He risks losing majority support for his statements. This itself indicates that the motivation is not electoral calculation.
President Dissanayake has recognized that Sri Lanka’s long term political stability and economic recovery depend on building trust among communities that once peacefully coexisted and then lived through decades of war. Political leadership is ultimately tested by the willingness to say what is necessary rather than what is politically expedient. The president’s recent interventions demonstrate rare national leadership and constitute an attempt to shift public discourse away from ethnic triumphalism and toward a more inclusive conception of nationhood. Reconciliation cannot take root if national ceremonies reinforce the perception of victory for one community and defeat for another especially in an internal conflict.
BY Jehan Perera
Features
Recovery of LTTE weapons
I have read a newspaper report that the Special Task Force of Sri Lanka Police, with help of Military Intelligence, recovered three buried yet well-preserved 84mm Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers used by the LTTE, in the Kudumbimalai area, Batticaloa.
These deadly weapons were used by the LTTE SEA TIGER WING to attack the Sri Lanka Navy ships and craft in 1990s. The first incident was in February 1997, off Iranativu island, in the Gulf of Mannar.
Admiral Cecil Tissera took over as Commander of the Navy on 27 January, 1997, from Admiral Mohan Samarasekara.
The fight against the LTTE was intensified from 1996 and the SLN was using her Vanguard of the Navy, Fast Attack Craft Squadron, to destroy the LTTE’s littoral fighting capabilities. Frequent confrontations against the LTTE Sea Tiger boats were reported off Mullaitivu, Point Pedro and Velvetiturai areas, where SLN units became victorious in most of these sea battles, except in a few incidents where the SLN lost Fast Attack Craft.

Carl Gustaf recoilless rocket launchers
The intelligence reports confirmed that the LTTE Sea Tigers was using new recoilless rocket launchers against aluminium-hull FACs, and they were deadly at close quarter sea battles, but the exact type of this weapon was not disclosed.
The following incident, which occurred in February 1997, helped confirm the weapon was Carl Gustaf 84 mm Recoilless gun!
DATE: 09TH FEBRUARY, 1997, morning 0600 hrs.
LOCATION: OFF IRANATHIVE.
FACs: P 460 ISRAEL BUILT, COMMANDED BY CDR MANOJ JAYESOORIYA
P 452 CDL BUILT, COMMANDED BY LCDR PM WICKRAMASINGHE (ON TEMPORARY COMMAND. PROPER OIC LCDR N HEENATIGALA)
OPERATED FROM KKS.
CONFRONTED WITH LTTE ATTACK CRAFT POWERED WITH FOUR 250 HP OUT BOARD MOTORS.
TARGET WAS DESTROYED AND ONE LTTE MEMBER WAS CAPTURED.
LEADING MARINE ENGINEERING MECHANIC OF THE FAC CAME UP TO THE BRIDGE CARRYING A PROJECTILE WHICH WAS FIRED BY THE LTTE BOAT, DURING CONFRONTATION, WHICH PENETRATED THROUGH THE FAC’s HULL, AND ENTERED THE OICs CABIN (BETWEEN THE TWO BUNKS) AND HIT THE AUXILIARY ENGINE ROOM DOOR AND HAD FALLEN DOWN WITHOUT EXPLODING. THE ENGINE ROOM DOOR WAS HEAVILY DAMAGED LOOSING THE WATER TIGHT INTEGRITY OF THE FAC.
THE PROJECTILE WAS LATER HANDED OVER TO THE NAVAL WEAPONS EXPERTS WHEN THE FACs RETURNED TO KKS. INVESTIGATIONS REVEALED THE WEAPON USED BY THE ENEMY WAS 84 mm CARL GUSTAF SHOULDER-FIRED RECOILLESS GUN AND THIS PROJECTILE WAS AN ILLUMINATER BOMB OF ONE MILLION CANDLE POWER. BUT THE ATTACKERS HAS FAILED TO REMOVE THE SAFETY PIN, THEREFORE THE BOMB WAS NOT ACTIVATED.

Sea Tigers
Carl Gustaf 84 mm recoilless gun was named after Carl Gustaf Stads Gevärsfaktori, which, initially, produced it. Sweden later developed the 84mm shoulder-fired recoilless gun by the Royal Swedish Army Materiel Administration during the second half of 1940s as a crew served man- portable infantry support gun for close range multi-role anti-armour, anti-personnel, battle field illumination, smoke screening and marking fire.
It is confirmed in Wikipedia that Carl Gustaf Recoilless shoulder-fired guns were used by the only non-state actor in the world – the LTTE – during the final Eelam War.
It is extremely important to check the batch numbers of the recently recovered three launchers to find out where they were produced and other details like how they ended up in Batticaloa, Sri Lanka?
By Admiral Ravindra C. Wijegunaratne
WV, RWP and Bar, RSP, VSV, USP, NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)
Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defence Staff
Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd
Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation
Former High Commissioner to Pakistan
Features
Yellow Beatz … a style similar to K-pop!
Yes, get ready to vibe with Yellow Beatz, Sri Lanka’s awesome girl group, keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-pop!
With high-energy beats and infectious hooks, these talented ladies are here to shake up the music scene.
Think bold moves, catchy hooks, and, of course, spicy versions of old Sinhala hits, and Yellow Beatz is the package you won’t want to miss!
According to a spokesman for the group, Yellow Beatz became a reality during the Covid period … when everyone was stuck at home, in lockdown.
“First we interviewed girls, online, and selected a team that blended well, as four voices, and then started rehearsals. One of the cover songs we recorded, during those early rehearsals, unexpectedly went viral on Facebook. From that moment onward, we continued doing cover songs, and we received a huge response. Through that, we were able to bring back some beautiful Sri Lankan musical creations that were being forgotten, and introduce them to the new generation.”
The team members, I am told, have strong musical skills and with proper training their goal is to become a vocal group recognised around the world.
Believe me, their goal, they say, is not only to take Sri Lanka’s name forward, in the music scene, but to bring home a Grammy Award, as well.
“We truly believe we can achieve this with the love and support of everyone in Sri Lanka.”
The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz as they have received an exceptional opportunity to represent Sri Lanka at the World Championships of Performing Arts in the USA.
Under the guidance of Chris Raththara, the Director for Sri Lanka, and with the blessings of all Sri Lankans, the girls have a great hope that they can win this milestone.
“We believe this will be a moment of great value for us as Yellow Beatz, and also for all Sri Lankans, and it will be an important inspiration for the future of our country.”
Along with all the preparation for the event in the USA, they went on to say they also need to manage their performances, original song recordings, and everything related.

The year 2026 is very special for Yellow Beatz
“We have strong confidence in ourselves and in our sincere intentions, because we are a team that studies music deeply, researches within the field, and works to take the uniqueness of Sri Lankan identity to the world.”
At present, they gather at the Voices Lab Academy, twice a week, for new creations and concert rehearsals.
This project was created by Buddhika Dayarathne who is currently working as a Pop Vocal lecturer at SLTC Campus. Voice Lab Academy is also his own private music academy and Yellow Beatz was formed through that platform.
Buddhika is keen to take Sri Lankan music to the world with a style similar to K-Pop and Yellow Beatz began as a result of that vision. With that same aim, we all work together as one team.
“Although it was a little challenging for the four of us girls to work together at first, we have united for our goal and continue to work very flexibly and with dedication. Our parents and families also give their continuous blessings and support for this project,” Rameesha, Dinushi, Newansa and Risuri said.
Last year, Yellow Beatz released their first original song, ‘Ihirila’ , and with everything happening this year, they are also preparing for their first album.
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