Opinion
Reaching out to unify the nation
by Jehan Perera
Much is hoped for from the new government which triumphed with an unprecedented 2/3 majority. The fate of the country at this critical juncture depends on the government’s sagacity when the Covid virus continues its rampage throughout the world and the world economy is in decline. There was an expectation of new faces in the cabinet equal to this task and equipped with the professional orientation that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa has brought to the fore. However, the exigencies of competitive politics, the need to reward loyalty and those who can bring in the votes appear to have prevailed over the demands of professional competence.
Most of the ministers selected are those from the past, including those accused of various offences and have cases in the courts against them. Particularly disappointing has been the failure to appoint women, with only one of the 27 cabinet ministers being a woman. The equal representation of women at all levels of society is a modern ideal. Those who seek international legitimacy, whatever other failings, would tend to improve the status of women. However, in a rather unfortunate turn of events, the subject minister of women’s affairs is a man, and one who is not known to be a specialist in the field of gender equity.
On the plus side, there are silver linings in the appointments of ministers. The main one has been the government’s discipline in keeping the number of cabinet ministers limited to 30 and under as mandated by the 19th Amendment. This is an act of restraint, as less restrained governments have reached the 50 mark in terms of cabinet ministers in the past. Another encouraging action has been the appointment of Mohamed Ali Sabry as Minister of Justice despite criticism that he has been President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s lawyer in a number of cases in the past few years and also on account of his community. By doing this the government has ensured that the cabinet will be multi ethnic and multi religious in its composition as befits a multi ethnic and multi religious polity.
FILLLING LACUNA
For the past six years at least since the anti-Muslim riots took place in Aluthgama, the Muslim community has been the target of a hate and vilification campaign by extremists mainly from the Sinhalese community. Anti-Muslim sentiment got a further boost after the Easter bombings by extremists from the Muslim community. The presidential election of November 2019 saw anti-Muslim sentiment being stoked to fever pitch by members of the current ruling party and its allies which resulted in the Muslim community voting in unison for the losing presidential candidate. In this context, the appointment of Ali Sabry as Minister of Justice can be considered as an act of political reconciliation which will perhaps give the Muslim community the expectation that they can engage constructively with the government.
There is a lacuna in today’s national politics with regard to national politicians who can reach out to the ethnic and religious minorities to make them feel included in the governance of the country and Sri Lankan in their identity. The recently held elections were notable for not having any of the major political parties proposing how they would bridge the ethnic and religious divides. The last of the champions of non-racist politics, former Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe, is now battling for his political life partly on account of having been identified with being over-sympathetic to the demands of the Tamil and Muslim minorities. Previous champions, such as former President Chandrika Kumaratunga and former Foreign Minister Mangala Samaraweera are presently out of the political centre stage.
The disintegration of the UNP which Ranil Wickremesinghe leads created a vacuum at the recently held general election which resulted in more than two million voters either not voting or spoiling their votes. There is a possibility of the ruling party claiming a part of these votes. This would require new strategies of reaching out to the minorities. The promise of economic development on an equitable basis and regardless of ethnicity or religion can be a powerful motivating factor at elections. Indeed, the recent elections saw a significant shift in the pattern of ethnic and religious minority votes in relation to the presidential election held nine months earlier. In both the North and East and in the central hills which have large populations of minority voters, the ruling party was able to make inroads both directly and through its political allies.
ENSURING BALANCE
The government’s relative success in wooing the minorities at this election is noteworthy as it has rejected the reconciliation process initiated by its predecessor as unsuitable to the country’s ethos and damaging to national sovereignty. However, the need for national reconciliation continues to remain. Despite the gains achieved electorally by the ruling party and its allies, the electoral map that emerged after the elections continues to show signs of this division. The big majority of seats in the Northern and Eastern provinces went to Tamil and Muslim parties in contrast to the voting pattern in the rest of the country. However, the victory of government allies who promised economic development in parts of the North and East suggests that the ethnic and religious minorities are no different from those in the majority community in seeking to improve their economic situation.
It is significant that several key institutions that were set up by the government as part of its national reconciliation process have been newly allocated to the Ministry of Justice. These are the Office for National Unity and Reconciliation (ONUR), formerly headed by former President Chandrika Kumaratunga, the Office on Missing Persons (OMP), the Office for Reparations and the National Authority for the Protection of Victims of Crimes and Witnesses. Both ONUR and the OMP were engaging in pioneering work at the time that the government changed. ONUR had just embarked upon a mass programme of peace education at the community level and the OMP was beginning to find ways to ease the material sufferings of families of those who had gone missing during the war and its aftermath. These are both worthy causes that need to be supported and for which there was significant international goodwill and support.
The government has indicated that its approach to national reconciliation will lie through economic development which requires both political stability and assurance that those who invest will be protected by the law. Apart from the reconciliation mechanisms set up by the previous government, the Ministry of Justice will be responsible for overlooking the Attorney General’s Department and other institutions which play key roles in ensuring the rule of law. Ensuring a balance between the imperatives of justice, rule of law and national reconciliation are the prerequisites for economic development if Sri Lanka is to live up to its potential in a way that it never did in the past.
Opinion
Open letter to PUCSL on proposed electricity tariff revision
Although the Public Utilities Commission of Sri Lanka (PUCSL) has appropriately invited public consultation on the proposed electricity tariff revision from 27 February to 18 March, the online submission portal appears to contain a non-functioning submission tab. If this technical issue persists, it risks undermining the integrity and effectiveness of the entire consultation process. Consequently, I have chosen to present this letter openly for public consideration, including by the PUCSL.
Current geopolitical tensions in the Middle East underscore the urgent need for Sri Lanka to minimise its dependence on imported fossil fuels and prioritise the development of domestic renewable energy resources, including solar, hydro, and wind power. Such a transition is essential to securing a stable and independent energy supply. Regrettably, the Ceylon Electricity Board (CEB) appears to be moving in the opposite direction.
Promoting solar-powered electric vehicles supported by home-based renewable charging systems would strengthen national energy security and reduce pressure on imported fuel supplies. The fuel queues witnessed during periods of crisis, most notably in 2022, serve as a stark reminder of the risks associated with excessive dependence on external energy sources and the national anarchy that can follow.
As a small nation operating within a volatile global economy, Sri Lanka must remain as non-aligned and self-reliant as possible. Strengthening self-sufficiency in strategic sectors is critical to avoiding collateral damage amid escalating geopolitical rivalries among major powers. India has made steady progress along this path; Sri Lanka would be well-advised to do the same.
Raising electricity tariffs — a measure repeatedly adopted over the past decades to offset the high cost of fossil-fuel-based power generation — places an unfair burden on debt-ridden households and struggling businesses. Resorting once again to tariff increases, rather than addressing structural inefficiencies and fuel dependency, reflects a failure of long-term planning. The nation must instead pursue sustainable energy solutions that reduce costs over time.
As a debt-burdened country, Sri Lanka urgently requires pragmatic, forward-looking strategies that ease the pressure on citizens while strengthening resilience in times of geopolitical instability. Energy pricing is not a peripheral issue; it is a central pillar of economic stability and national security, demanding serious and immediate attention.
Established on 1 November 1969, the CEB was entrusted with the responsibility of generating and distributing electricity across the island while promoting social and economic development through the optimal use of national resources.
Recent developments suggest that the Ceylon Electricity Board has fallen short of these foundational objectives. Over the past two decades, electricity tariffs have been increased repeatedly under various justifications yet supply reliability has not consistently improved. The current proposed revision appears to perpetuate the same pattern: continued dependence on imported fossil fuels, directly contradicting the principle of optimally utilising national resources. This trajectory risks returning the country to recurring crises, including the prolonged fuel shortages and power cuts experienced in recent years.
Energy is not an ordinary commodity confined to a single sector; it affects every dimension of national life. High energy costs increase the cost of living by inflating expenses related to food production, transportation, manufacturing, and consumer goods. Ultimately, these costs are borne by citizens.
Moreover, elevated energy prices undermine national competitiveness by discouraging foreign investment and constraining local entrepreneurship, technological advancement, industrial expansion, and job creation. High-cost energy impedes national development.
Low-cost energy should therefore be formally adopted as a national policy objective. The CEB must adhere to its original mandate of optimising national resources for cost-effective electricity generation. Any deviation from this principle must be fully transparent and supported by clear, evidence-based justification.
Even in the sphere of renewable energy, concerns arise about the apparent preference for large-scale solar and battery storage projects that require substantial public funding. Previous claims of “grid instability” attributed to household rooftop solar generation were used to justify policy shifts. If electricity generated by rooftop solar during daylight hours was considered problematic, how would significantly larger solar installations differ in principle? Without systematic and transparent grid modernisation, such projects risk becoming costly stopgap measures rather than sustainable long-term solutions.
Poorly planned initiatives could once again expose the country to high delivery costs, reflected in elevated tariffs. They may also increase the risk of power disruptions due to battery limitations, spare-part shortages, infrastructure weaknesses, or maintenance failures. Sri Lanka has previously endured six- to ten-hour power outages, with severe economic and social consequences. The nation cannot afford a return to such instability.
It must also be recognised that rooftop solar installations, financed by homeowners — often through personal loans — have provided a crucial safety net for many families. By purchasing surplus energy from these “prosumers,” the system has functioned in a mutually beneficial manner for both households and the nation. Rather than discouraging decentralised generation, Sri Lanka should modernise its grid and meaningfully integrate citizen-led energy production. Short- and medium-term grid improvements could be facilitated through structured private-sector participation, including by prosumers themselves.
Globally, affordable energy underpins economic growth. Countries such as China, the United States, Norway, Brazil, and Canada have leveraged domestic energy resources to produce cost-effective power and accelerate development.
Sri Lanka must adopt a clear national policy centred on low-cost energy, fully utilising its natural endowments — solar, hydro, wind, and emerging technologies. Proposals prioritising imported fuels should be considered secondary and strictly transitional.
A nation that endures long queues for essential energy supplies cannot reasonably expect its citizens and businesses to remain productive and resilient. These realities are fundamentally incompatible.
Encouraging decentralised energy production would:
* Reduce the cost of living
* Improve national resilience
* Attract foreign investment
* Create employment
* Enhance export competitiveness
The people have entrusted the government with this responsibility. The time has come for a decisive, transparent, and forward-looking policy shift.
Chula Goonasekera
(cgoonase@sltnet.lk)
A concerned citizen
Opinion
Need for well-designed contracts and their implementation
The purchase of substandard coal using a faulty tendering process has become news lately. This enormous financial loss to the country indicates the urgent need for the Government to pass stronger contract laws and have their proper implementation in Sri Lanka by professionals. It is recommended that “Model” contracts need to be drawn up as typical examples and these made available to governmental departments who may need to enter into similar contracts. Do not ask a busy manager to design a contract, a legal document from scratch! Perhaps a whole department should be set up to monitor (police?) government and local government administration of contracts under English Contract Law and contracts under the United Nations Convention for International Sale of Goods (CISG). Perhaps now, it seems that anyone in government can draw up a contract and design it to suit his own whims and fancies!
I suggest here models of typical contracts, useable for different cases are made available for anyone or any department required to enter into a contract to enable them, or at least assist them to first formulate, and draw up an effective contract which must have certain important clauses. Contract administrators and supervisors need to be well trained, motivated and independent in order to administer Government contracts as the law of Sri Lanka should demand.
Contract Management
In the West, mutually agreed contracts are considered legal agreements enforceable by law under a given jurisdiction. There is the initiator of the contract named the Owner and a Main Contractor who agrees to implement the work for a price consideration, and who may delegate part, or all of the work to sub-contractors.
Contracts must provide all the information required by a contractor to complete the work. Contract clauses must incorporate all foreseeable eventualities. For example, the acceptance, as agreed and signed between the contacting parties by the supplier or lead contractor, needs to have clauses that allow for design changes (change orders), additional time and the formulation of related costs and profit accordingly. Such ‘in progress’ changes have procedures which are given in clauses dealing with ‘change orders’ which require assessing the cost of the change order implementation. Change order management may best be done by a firm of Quantity Surveyors.
The main contractor agrees with the owner to supply labour, materials and specialist equipment to fulfil the terms of the agreement or contract for a price. Special tax concessions, customs clearances and other legal requirements can fall on the shoulders of the Owner, or as negotiated from the outset. All these matters need to be clarified from the outset of any contract.
Time is of the essence. The time value of money is always at the forefront of the contract manager’s mind. The work is usually expected to be carried out to a time frame set by the owner. Therefore, the implementation of an agreement should be set in an agreed time frame with easily defined milestones marking progress and marking when appropriate payments become due.
Of course, contract administrators must make payments only when the work is verified as satisfactorily completed at each of previously agreed stages of the contract. Usually, there are time limitations, with penalties for time overruns. Owners want their goods delivered on time and to meet all contractual specifications on quality and performance. There should be clauses stipulating quality and quantity guarantees and guarantees of remedial repairs, continuing service agreements to be settled before an official handover and signing on completion of a contract. Final payment should be withheld until the guarantee period has expired. Preparing for these events needs computers, foresight and experience.
Small contracts are usually managed by the owner, but large, multimillion dollar contracts may be administered by an independent organisation. A contract is enforceable by law, with stated financial penalties for failures to abide by the terms of the contract, but all is subject to “Force Majeure.” This is when progress of the work is seriously impeded or impossible due to events totally outside the control of the Subcontractor.
Contract implementation is a large area, well catered for by laws in the English language. This letter can only raise questions about the quality of contract administration in Sri Lanka. Unfortunately, so few legislators have sufficient knowledge of English, resulting in loopholes allowing manipulation which may result in Sri Lankan public having to pay through the nose, pay dearly for incompetent practice.
I can suggest these improvements, but my actual experience is that all my letters, in English, to officialdom go unanswered and ignored.
Roger. O. Smith
Opinion
Sri Lanka Cricket needs a bitter pill
A systemic diagnosis of a fading legacy
The outcome of the 2026 T20 World Cup, coupled with the trajectory of the sport in recent years, provides harrowing evidence that Sri Lankan cricket is suffering from a terminal malignancy.The Doomsday clock for Sri Lankan cricket has not just started ticking—it has reached its final hour.
Therefore this note is written to call the attention of the cricketing elite who love the sport.
The current state of affairs suggests a pathology so deep-seated that conventional remedies—be it revolving-door coaching changes or fleeting, opportunistic victories—can no longer arrest its spread.
What we are witnessing is not a mere slump in form or a temporary lapse in rhythm; it is a profound systemic collapse that threatens the very foundation of our national pastime.
The Illusion of Recovery: The “Sanath Factor” as Palliative Care:
Since late 2024, the appointment of Sanath Jayasuriya as Head Coach injected a much-needed surge of adrenaline into the national side.
Statistically, the highlights were historic: a first ODI series win against India in 27 years, a Test victory at The Oval after a decade, and a clinical 2-0 whitewash of New Zealand.
However, a data-driven autopsy reveals that these will be “palliative” successes rather than a cure.
Under Jayasuriya’s tenure, the team maintained a win rate of approximately 50 percent (29 wins in 60 matches).
While analysts optimistically labeled this a “transitional phase,” the recent T20 series against England and Pakistan exposed the raw truth: in high-pressure “crunch” moments, the team’s performance metrics—specifically Strike Rate (SR) and Fielding Efficiency—regress to amateur levels.
We are not transitioning; we are stagnating in a professional abyss.
The Scientific Gap:
Why India and Australia Lead
The disparity between Sri Lanka and global giants such as the BCCI and Cricket Australia (CA) is now rooted in High-Performance Science and Algorithmic Management.
Predictive Analytics & Biometrics
In Australia, fast bowlers utilise wearable sensors to monitor workload and biomechanical stress.
AI models analyse this data to predict stress fractures before they occur.
Sri Lanka, conversely, continues to cycle through injured pacemen with no predictive oversight.
Virtual Reality (VR) Training
While Australian batters use VR to simulate the trajectories of elite global bowlers, Sri Lankan players remain tethered to traditional net sessions on deteriorating domestic tracks.
Data-Driven Talent Identification:
India’s “transmission system” utilises automated data analysis across thousands of domestic matches to identify players who thrive under specific pressure indices.
In Sri Lanka, 85 percent of national talent still originates from just four districts—a statistical failure in talent scouting and geographic expansion.
Infrastructure vs. Intellect:
A Misallocation of Capital
Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC) boasts massive reserves, yet its investment strategy is fundamentally flawed.
Capital is funneled into “bricks and mortar”—grand stadiums and administrative buildings—rather than the human capital of the sport.
We build colosseums but fail to train the gladiators.
The domestic structure remains a “spin trap.”
By producing “rank turners” to suit club politics, we have effectively de-skilled our batters against elite pace and rendered our spinners ineffective on the flat, true wickets required for international success.
The Leadership Deficit:
A Failure of Succession Planning
The crisis of leadership post-Sangakkara and Mahela is a byproduct of poor “Succession Science.”
Australia maintains a “Culture of Continuity,” backing leadership even through lean periods to ensure stability.
India employs a rigid “Succession Roadmap,” ensuring the next generation is integrated into the system long before the veterans depart.
In contrast, SLC operates on a “carousel of convenience,” changing captains and coaches to distract from administrative failures.
This lack of imaginative management stems from a low literacy in modern Sports Governance.
From a philosophical perspective, our established cricketing traditions have failed to absorb the antithesis of the modern, hyper-professionalized global game.
As a result, a truly modern Sri Lankan brand of cricket has failed to materialise.
Instead, we are trapped in what is called a “Static Synthesis,” where the administration clings to the glories of 1996 and 2014 as a shield against the necessity of change.
This is not a transition; it is a refusal to evolve
We are witnessing the alienation of the sport from its people, where the “Master” (the administration) has become detached from the “Slave” (the grassroots talent and the fans).
The Verdict:
A National Emergency
The “cancer” in Sri Lankan cricket is a trifecta of political interference, irrational management, and a refusal to embrace the Fourth Industrial Revolution (AI, VR, and Big Data).
As someone who contributed to the formation of the Sri Lankan Professional Cricketers’ Association, I see the current trajectory as a betrayal of the players’ potential and the nation’s heritage.
Sri Lanka Cricket does not need another “review committee” or a new coach to act as a human shield for the board.
It needs a “Bitter Pill”—an aggressive, independent restructuring that prioritises scientific professionalisation over cronyism.
Without this, our cricket will remain at the bottom of the well, looking up at a world that has moved light-years ahead.
Shiral Lakthilaka
LLB, LLM/MA
Attorney-at-Law
Former Advisor to H.E. the President of Sri Lanka
Former Member of the Western Provincial Council
Executive Committee member of the Asian Social Democratic Political Parities
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