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Post civil war: The defrauding opportunities of war’s end

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by Rajan Hoole

We have faced the tragic and unnecessary deaths of thousands, great and small. All of them are important in their circle and a great loss. I submit that our queries are largely un-replied because we miss the questions that call for an answer.

If you go forward from 2006, a mere 18 years, serious issues were raised in the letters pages of journals. The vicious circle of violence during the conflict dehumanised whole communities and every killing was explained away or ignored with ideological bias, and society entrapped itself in the simple survival mode. How the ethnic conflict evolved and led to a destructive war has been documented by many. The overdetermination of ethnic identity was identified as the cause for the continuation of the war and the sheer destructiveness it unloosed on the population.

The economic cost of the war and militarization of the state and ever-increasing corruption of our body politic were ignored by the elite whose sympathies were bent on justifying in some way the war effort. But finally, the reality struck us on the face and showed how bankrupt our country is on all fronts, economic, political and the social milieu.

But even in the face of these tragedies and the evident bankruptcy, did any serious soul-searching take place among our elites? The state’s cavalier approach in using various para military groupings and arms of the military to carry out targeted killings, eventually led to new formations by the State in 1986, transporting Colombo hooligans to form a Muslim group in Kalmunai, to set the lead against Tamils in Karaitivu. And these in turn developed their own dynamic independent of the State as seen in 2019.

Once you fund a militant group, it finds its own money and forms its ways. This practice led to the root cause of the Easter bombing. The LTTE was destroyed in the battlefield as a military formation but its ideology continues to have its hold on Tamil political discourse. But to what extent is the state that transformed itself into a killing machine prepared to become accountable for its past? Here we have a glimpse of how the state carried out assassinations with the help of various para-military and state intelligence groups and its crass unwillingness to make them accountable.

We could see the slow deterioration of the nation’s polity from 1948, when it became acceptable to treat the disenfranchisement of a section of the working class – the labour from India – as non-persons, through the Citizenship Acts — more accurately robbery of citizenship from hill-country Tamils, who produced the most to keep us economically afloat.

Warnings were made when the citizenship Acts were debated soon after independence. We saw hell opening before us when L.H. Mettananda became an advocate of Sinhala Only by 1953. In what followed, although our eyes were closed, we edged nearer the abyss. Today the fact cannot be denied but those who brought us nearer the abyss remain our leaders and prospective leaders. Remember that N.M. Perera spoke eloquently against Sinhala Only in 1955. However, by 1966 he had joined the accursed bandwagon. And so, with the Communist Party, even though Sarath Muttetuwegama saw the writing on the wall and opposed Sinhala Only politically, until his untimely car crash in 1986.

That is the main reason why I would vote for the JVP for the presidency although it is tainted with the same stain that marks the UNP and SLFP. Having come out of the murk that marked Sinhala Only vandalism, the JVP may still carry the same message, but might see things through a cleaner glass. That is the risk open to us minorities.

The two Tamil National Alliance (TNA) candidates shot and killed in 2006 were persons who sought to be our representatives, namely Joseph Pararajasingam and Nadarajah Raviraj. Yet, for several reasons we could think of, we largely ignored their murders as an issue and it has retarded or almost wholly destroyed the way we make our political choices and lead our lives. Their deaths have been discussed in a not unfriendly vein, with those who wish us ill, namely our top political leaders, so much so that even those who think murder cowardly and dishonorable, tend to treat it as normal. It is a long story, but to cut it short, we will refer to the shocking manner in which the murders of the two named have been treated, not merely by the State that was responsible, but also by us Tamils reeling in fear.

At the hearings following 7 Sept. 2016 into the murder of the two Tamil MPs above, Liyanarachchige Abeyratne, an ex-constable, told the court that former Defence Secretary, Gotabaya Rajapaksa was aware of the murder of former MP Nadaraja Raviraj and arranged a payment of Rs. 50 million to the Karuna faction. Abeyratna’s testimony was refuted by Nilantha Jayewardene, who was then SIS director. Sumanthiran MP’s challenge to Nilantha Jayawardena was refused through deliberately misleading the court.

Vavunativu, where it begun

In the five years following the victory in war of 2009, the government failed to better its chances at elections. The Government went on trying to show that the LTTE was alive and powerful through artificial instances of terror.

In the Vavunativu killing of two police constables on 29th November 2018, the information from the police under SIS Director Nilantha Jayewardena was that the killers were from the supposedly rejuvenated LTTE. While this was supported by nearly all police sources, it was decisively opposed by Director CID, Shani Abeysekera. The system, especially the police department connived to place Shani in a hopeless minority. Shani Abeysekera stated: “On several occasions, intelligence operatives misled criminal investigators chasing suspects and planted “evidence” in the run up to April 2019 Easter bombings.”

The Commission of Inquiry into the Easter bombings, under Justice Janak de Silva, of the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka, signed the verdict on 31st January 2021, while Gotabhaya Rajapaksa was still president (from 18th November 2019 to 14th July 2022). Shani Abeysekera appears in this narrative mainly as a shadowy figure, whose conclusions are rejected by the commission. His name appears on p 216 of the commission report as Director CID (under Interdiction). Though an outstandingly honest officer, he was not given much credit thereafter in official communiques, precisely because he could not be browbeaten by those in power. His statements retain their value because of his un-faulted honesty in situations where many others would have thrown in the towel.

Shani Abeysekera’s petition to the Supreme Court of Sri Lanka of 19th February 2022, explained what he had been through. Gotabhaya Rajapaksa who had him sacked was still in power. Shani Abeysekara rather than blaming Zahran alone, pointed to a political hand behind the terror that killed 269 people. SSP Abeysekera’s investigations have revealed the shadowy hand of state intelligence services (SIS) in the Easter terror attacks and exposed prominently, the Gotabhaya Rajapaksa regime’s failure to bring the perpetrators of wanton murder to justice.

In this connection, an investigation by Shani ties up with Hanzeer Azad Maulana’s testimony in the attempted bombing incident at Taj Samudra Hotel on the fatal Easter Sunday, Apr. 21, 2019.

Hanzeer’s Testimony:On the morning at 7.00 AM on the fatal Sunday, Hanzeer reportedly received a telephone call from Major General Suresh Sally, incumbent Director of State Intelligence Service (head of intelligence), asking him to go immediately to the Taj Samudra Hotel in Colombo, to pick up a person who was waiting there and ‘take the person’s phone.’ Hanzeer replied that he was currently in Batticaloa and not in Colombo. 

About an hour later, there were simultaneous terrorist attacks across the country.  It was much later, says Hanzeer, that he learnt through the President’s Investigation Commission and the inquiries of the CID that the person whom Suresh Sallay had wanted him to meet was Abdul Latif Jameel Mohamed, who had been tasked to carry out a suicide attack at the Taj Samudra Hotel but then, apparently in a last-minute change of plans by those who sent him, left the Taj and later exploded himself in a small hotel in Dehiwela. We have below, the testimony by Shani Abeysekara:

S.S.P. Abeysekara: What follows is the testimony of SSP Abeysekara, the chief investigating officer: “The man [the bomber] had received a telephone call, as seen on CCTV footage, and then left the Taj hotel without setting off his backpack of explosives. DMI operatives were [meanwhile] at Jamil’s house and speaking with his wife just before he carried out a bombing at Tropical Inn, Dehiwala, after leaving the Taj … The DMI man was at Jamil’s house and had been listening to the conversation between the mosque’s security officer and Jamil’s wife. Abeysekara raises questions about DMI links to Jamil and the others involved. 

Ranga Jayasooriya: “Maulana says during the day of the Easter Sunday attack, Sallay called him and wanted him to transport an attacker [i.e. Jameel] from the Taj Samudra Hotel to an undisclosed location.” Ranga continued that his bomb is believed to have malfunctioned; and proceeds, “he was seen in the CCTV cameras trying to reset the switch before he left the hotel and took a three-wheeler to Tropical Inn guest house in Dehiwala.”   

To be more accurate, what Hanzeer said is, “About an hour after this conversation, simultaneous terrorist attacks took place across the country. Immediately after the attacks Pillaiyan sent a message through a prison guard and asked me to meet him urgently. When I saw him in [Batticaloa] Prison at about 11 a.m. on Easter Sunday he told me that the mastermind behind the Easter attack was Suresh Sallay and that he had assumed that an attack like this would happen.”

Abeysekara who would have been careful, given his experience and position, has not been disputed and gives credit to Hanzeer’s testimony. If you take the long list of state crimes, even starting with the murder of Five Students in 2005, and the systematic naval killings for money during 2007 to 2009, Shani Abeysekara comes out brave and clean.

The one attempt to implant honesty into the system by appointing Travis Sinniah as navy commander barely lasted two months, from August – October 2017. His address to his men in the first few days of his promotion must have set off alarms:

The Vice Admiral told reporters at his first press conference at navy headquarters on 23 August 2017 that “even the biggest war hero” could not escape the full face of the law if a crime had been committed during or after the war. “Even if you are a hero, it does not give you the sanction to do acts that are crimes…If you have done something wrong, there is no forgiveness for that act.” “Whatever you have done during the war, if you are the biggest hero, wearing this uniform does not give you the sanction to murder, or commit torture.” He was removed after a mere two months of service.

Today, we are in the midst of economic ruin without hope. Whether we would be better off with the country divided into three states with significant autonomy, as in the early days of the 18th Century, is something we should seriously consider, given the scale of our enwrapment in crime and murder, the only features that have burgeoned since the early 1950s and accelerated in the 2000s.



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Opinion

Remembering Douglas Devananda on New Year’s Day 2026

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Douglas in Geneva

I have no intention of even implicitly commenting on the legality of the ongoing incarceration of Douglas Devananda.

I’ve no legal background, and that’s because having been selected for the Law faculty at the University of Colombo on the basis of my A level results, I opted to study Political Science instead. I did so because I had an acute sense of the asymmetry between the law and justice and had developed a growing compulsion on issues of ethics—issues of right and wrong, good and evil.

However, as someone who has had a book published in the UK on political ethics, I have no compunction is saying that as a country, as a society, there has to be a better way than this.

It is morally and ethically wrong, indeed a travesty, that Douglas, a wounded hero of the anti-LTTE war, should spend New Year 2026 in the dreaded Mahara prison.

Douglas should be honoured as a rare example of a young man, who having quite understandably taken up arms to fight against Sinhala racism and for the Tamil people, decided while still a young man to opt to fight on the side of the democratic Sri Lankan state and to campaign for devolution for the North and East within the framework of a united Sri Lanka and its Constitution.

Douglas was an admired young leader of the PLA, the military wing of the Marxist EPRLF when he began to be known.

Nothing is more ironic than the historical fact that in July 1983 he survived the horrifying Welikada prison massacres, during which Sinhala prisoners, instigated and incentivized from outside (Gonawela Sunil is a name that transpired), slaughtered Tamil prisoners and gauged out their eyes.

Having escaped from jail in Batticaloa, Douglas came back to Sri Lanka in 1989, having had a change of heart after hundreds of youngsters belonging to the EPRLF, PLOT, and TELO had been massacred from 1986 onwards by the hardcore separatist, totalitarian Tigers. He was welcomed by President Premadasa and Minister Ranjan Wijeratne who took him and his ‘boys’ under their wing. There are photos of Douglas in shorts and carrying an automatic weapon, accompanying Ranjan Wijeratne and the Sri Lankan armed forces after the liberation of the islands off Jaffna from the Tiger grip.

It is Douglas who kept those vital islands safe, together with the Navy, throughout the war.

Douglas stayed with the democratic Sri Lankan state, remaining loyal to the elected president of the day, without ever turning on his or her predecessor. He probably still wears, as he did for decades, the fountain pen that President Premadasa gifted him.

During the LTTE’s offensive on Jaffna after the fall of Elephant Pass, the mass base built up by Douglas which gave the EPDP many municipal seats, helped keep Jaffna itself safe, with more Tamil civilians fleeing into Jaffna than out of it. I recall President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga giving him a satellite phone. Army Chief Lionel Balagalle gave him a pair of mini-Uzis for his safety.

Douglas was no paramilitary leader, pure and simple. His public speech on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the founding of the Sri Lanka Freedom Party, delivered without a teleprompter, is an excellent roadmap for the graduated implementation of the 13th amendment and the attainment of maximum devolution within a unitary state.

Like Chandrika, Douglas has had his sight severely impaired by the LTTE. As a Minister he had visited Tamil detainees imprisoned in wartime, and been set upon by a group of LTTE prisoners who had planned for his visit, concealing sharpened handles of steel buckets in the ceiling, and slammed the pointed metal through his skull. Douglas still needs repeated daily medication for his eyes which were miraculously saved by the Sri Lankan surgeons who repaired his skull, but at a subsequent stage, he was also treated by surgeons overseas.

No Sri Lankan, Sinhala or Tamil, civilian politician or military brass, has survived as many attempted assassinations by the Tigers as has Douglas. I believe the count is eleven. There’s a video somewhere of a suicide bomber blasting herself in his office, yards away from him.

Under no previous Sri Lankan administration since the early 1980s has Douglas found himself behind bars. He has served and/or supported seven democratic Presidents: Premadasa, Wijetunga, Chandrika, Mahinda, Sirisena, Gotabaya and Wickremesinghe. He has been a Minister over decades and a parliamentarian for longer.

He was a firm frontline ally of the Sri Lankan state and its armed forces during the worst challenge the country faced from the worst enemy it had since Independence.

During my tenure as Sri Lanka’s ambassador/Permanent representative to the UN Geneva, Douglas Devananda came from Colombo to defend Sri Lanka in discussions with high level UN officials including UN Human Rights High Commissioner Navanethem Pillay. This was in April 23, mere weeks before the decisive battle of the UN HRC Special session on Sri Lanka which we won handsomely. The media release on his visit reads as follows:

A high-level delegation led by the Hon. Minister Douglas Devananda, Minister of Social Services and Social Welfare, which also included the Hon. Rishad Bathiudeen, Minister of Resettlement and Disaster Relief Services, H.E. Dr. Dayan Jayatilleka, Ambassador/ Permanent Representative of Sri Lanka to the United Nations Office in Geneva, Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha, Secretary to the Ministry of Disaster Management and Human Rights, and Mr. Yasantha Kodagoda, Deputy Solicitor General, Attorney General’s Department, represented Sri Lanka at the Durban Review Conference.

“Organized by the United Nations, the Durban Review Conference provides an opportunity to assess and accelerate progress on implementation of measures adopted at the 2001 World Conference against Racism, including assessment of contemporary forms of racism, racial discrimination, xenophobia and related intolerance. On the opening day of this conference, Hon. Douglas Devananda made a statement behalf of the Government of Sri Lanka.

“On the sidelines of the Durban Review Conference which is being held from 20th to 24th of April 2009, the Sri Lankan delegation met with senior UN officials, and a number of dignitaries from diverse countries and updated them on the current situation in Sri Lanka against the backdrop of Sri Lanka’s fight against separatism and terrorism.

Hon. Devananda and Hon. Bathiudeen, along with the rest of the delegation, held meetings with Ms. Navanethem Pillai, UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Mr. Antonio Guterres, UN High Commissioner for Refugees (and a former Prime Minister of Portugal) and Mr. Anders Johnsson, Secretary-General of the Inter-Parliamentary Union.’

(https://live.lankamission.org/index.php/human-rights/676-minister-devananda-meets-un-high-commissioners-for-human-rights-and-refugees-2.html)

In contemporary world history, a leader from a minority community who defends the unity of his country against a separatist terrorist force deriving from that minority is hailed as a hero. A leader who takes the side of the democratic state, arms in hand, against a totalitarian fascistic foe, is hailed as a hero. Evidently, not so in current-day Sri Lanka.

[Dayan Jayatilleka, Sri Lanka’s former Ambassador to the UN Geneva; France, Spain, Portugal and UNESCO; and the Russian Federation, was a Vice-President of the UN Human Rights Council and Chairman, ILO.]

by Dr Dayan Jayatilleka  ✍️

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A national post-cyclone reflection period? – II

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A post-disaster school clean-up. (File photo courtesy Sri Lanka Red Cross)

A call to transform schools from shelters of safety into sanctuaries of solidarity

(Part I of this article appeared on 10 Dec. 2025— https://island.lk/a-national-post-cyclone-reflection-period/)

What Could NPCRP Look Like in School?

In the aftermath of Cyclone Ditwah, Sri Lankan schools can play a crucial role in helping children process their experiences, rebuild their sense of safety, and find meaning in collective healing. To achieve this, schools can employ a period of at least two or three weeks of continuous reflection and creative processing, a rich set of classroom, school-wide, and community-level activities, tailored to the needs of students in the post-disaster landscape.

Classroom Level: Beyond morning assemblies and daily curricular learning, classrooms can engage in reflection-based group projects that deepen understanding and reconstruct a sense of narrative around the disaster. Students may create timelines of the cyclone, maps of affected areas, and “hero stories” honoring rescuers, first responders, volunteers, teachers, parents, and neighbours. They can also explore environmental dimensions by studying land management, erosion, and deforestation—connecting personal trauma with broader ecological lessons. Using ordinary mobile phones, groups may produce mini documentaries capturing their community’s stories, strengthening both empathy and agency.

One powerful approach could be to dedicate the first period of each school day to guided sharing circles facilitated by teachers. During these sessions, students can explore gentle prompts such as: What did I experience? What did I witness? What am I feeling now—and why? What do I need to feel safe? How can I help my family or community? What have I or haven’t I done that would have contributed to natural disasters? What am I or am I not doing to contribute to environmental preservation? What more could I or couldn’t I do to avoid further ecological harm? Children may express themselves through spoken reflection, creative writing, drawing, painting, journaling, storytelling, role-play, poetry, song, or even handicrafts made from safely cleaned, recycled flood debris.

School Level: At the school level, exhibitions of student expressions, multi-faith remembrance ceremonies, guest talks by mental-health professionals, environmental awareness workshops, tree-planting memorials, disaster drills, and student-led volunteer clubs can bring the whole school community together in collective learning and restoration. Peer-support groups and simple grounding exercises can help students process emotions gently and safely. Collaborative murals and wall paintings portraying hope and resilience can serve as both an emotional outlet and a communal act of rebuilding.

Community Level: Beyond the school walls, community-based initiatives—such as joint parent-student rebuilding projects, clean-up campaigns, home-visit systems for affected families, partnerships with clergy and village leaders, parental sharing groups, and collaborations with NGOs for counselling and disaster training—help weave stronger bonds between families, educators, and local institutions.

Throughout the NPCRP process, teachers and parents can play an essential psychosocial role by observing children with quiet attentiveness. Signs such as withdrawal, silence, unusual aggression, disturbed sleep routines, anxiety triggered by rain or thunder, sudden academic decline, or persistent sadness may indicate deeper distress. Those showing significant symptoms can be gently referred to school counsellors, psychosocial officers, or local mental-health teams for additional support. Early identification can be life-changing, especially for children who may otherwise suffer in silence.

After the NPCRP period, schools might organize a simple but meaningful internal exhibition showcasing student artwork, posters on resilience and disaster preparedness, documentary videos, and a “wall of gratitude” dedicated to rescue workers and volunteers. A remembrance corner honoring victims and survivors can provide a quiet space for communal reflection. Parents, guardians, religious leaders, and community members may be invited to witness the strength and vulnerability of their young people and to reaffirm a shared commitment to rebuilding lives and landscapes.

The reflection period may culminate in a closing ceremony of remembrance and resolve—an inclusive event that reflects Sri Lanka’s multicultural and multi-religious identity. The program could include a moment of silence, the lighting of oil lamps or candles, blessings from clergy of different faith traditions, and the felicitation of survivors and volunteer responders. Schools may also unveil a small, simple memorial—perhaps a stone, a tree, or a bench—created collaboratively by students, parents, and teachers, bearing a message such as: “From suffering, we rise — Cyclone Ditwah, 2025.” Even the simplest symbol can become a powerful reminder of shared endurance and collective hope.

Finally, schools could document this entire journey by gathering student photographs, stories, artwork, and personal reflections into a printed booklet or digital archive. Such a record would serve not only as a testimony of what the children endured, but also as a chronicle of resilience, solidarity, and renewal, something future generations can look back on as they continue the work of building a safer, more compassionate, and more environmentally conscious Sri Lanka.

Why Does NPCRP Matter?

Creating space for reflection and healing after Cyclone Ditwah should not be an optional exercise, but a national imperative. Emotional healing is essential because children recover best when they are encouraged to express what they have lived through; silence, on the other hand, often deepens fear, while shared storytelling strengthens resilience. This process, when adhered to within an established framework such as the Canadian sharing model or Jesuit spiritual conversation, is therefore therapeutic, nurturing respect and community-building through active listening and intentional speaking. As young people hear one another’s experiences, they develop empathy, and empathy in turn strengthens social cohesion—the foundation of a healthy democracy. Psychosocial activities that students engaged in during this period further facilitate opportunities to identify and support those students who show early signs of distress, while transforming schools into nurturing spaces that form whole persons, not just exam-takers.

Crucially, this period allows schools to integrate values that often remain outside the syllabus—emotional intelligence, ecological responsibility, national solidarity, and ethical reflection—contributing to strengthening national identity, as young people from diverse ethnic, linguistic, and social backgrounds discover a common narrative of suffering and survival. Also, fostering an understanding of environmental responsibility encourages sustainable behaviors that benefit the nation’s ecosystems for decades to come. Ultimately, these efforts strengthen the triangle of school–home–community relationships, building trust networks that not only support healing now but fortify the Sri Lankan nation against the uncertainties of the future. In that light, the cyclone, devastating as it was, offers a real-world context through which these values can be meaningfully taught and internalized.

Just as early psychosocial support leads to healthier long-term mental health outcomes, preventing deep-seated trauma from taking root, the long-term benefits of reflection extend well beyond the current disaster. Sri Lanka’s increasing vulnerability to monsoons and cyclones underscores the need to prepare the next generation for future disasters; children who learn to respond proactively, intelligently, and compassionately today will grow into adults who can lead communities safely through tomorrow’s crises. Children who are given tools to process trauma today will mature into resilient, compassionate, and confident adults capable of leadership in difficult times. A culture of solidarity can begin to take root when young people learn to care for “the other”, helping to soften and heal the country’s longstanding divisions. Improved disaster preparedness becomes a natural by-product of an educated and emotionally informed younger generation, reducing future loss of life and enhancing community responsiveness.

Conclusion

Cyclone Ditwah has forced Sri Lanka into a moment of profound reckoning—one that goes beyond the damaged infrastructure and broken landscapes. It has confronted us with the emotional and moral responsibility we hold toward our children, who have witnessed, endured, and responded to this disaster in countless ways. As the nation embarks on the long road to recovery, the reopening of schools becomes more than a logistical necessity; it becomes a national act of renewal, a declaration that our commitment to healing is as strong as our commitment to rebuilding.

If we are courageous enough to embrace this moment, schools can become powerful spaces of transformation. Not only can they restore stability and routine, but they should be the first places to cultivate empathy, resilience, ecological responsibility, and a shared sense of belonging, the qualities that Sri Lanka urgently needs as it confronts both old and emerging challenges. By creating structured opportunities for reflection, dialogue, creativity, and community engagement, we ensure that our children do not merely “move on” but move forward with understanding, resilience, educated solidarity, and purpose.

To that end, if the experiences carried by Sri Lankan children today are met with guided reflection and compassionate mentorship at school, they can become the seeds of a more humane and united nation. But if ignored, suppressed, or treated with less urgency and priority, they risk hardening into private wounds that isolate rather than connect. This is why the Ministry of Education’s choices in the coming weeks matter so profoundly. Like NPCRP, an intentional, well-structured reflective period within schools is not a delay in learning; it is learning in its highest form. It is the education that acknowledges life, loss, dignity, and responsibility, the kind of education that prepares children not only for examinations but for citizenship. Reopening schools without systematically addressing the emotional and moral dimensions of this tragedy, therefore, would be a missed opportunity

Hence, let us allow this disaster to teach us something enduring: that Sri Lanka rises strongest not when it focuses solely on rebuilding walls and bridges, but when it rebuilds its people, beginning with the youngest among us. Let us empower children to speak, share, create, question, and hope. Let us help them connect their experiences to a greater moral and ecological awareness. Let us show them that solidarity is not a distant ideal but a lived reality, learned through compassion and strengthened through community.

In the months and years to come, a new story will be told about how Sri Lanka responded to Cyclone Ditwah. Let that story be one of unity, vision, and courage. Let it be said that we refused to let our children carry their fears alone. Let it be remembered that our schools became sanctuaries of healing and hubs of civic renewal. And let it be known that from the grief of 2025 emerged a generation—educated, empathetic, and resilient—capable of guiding Sri Lanka toward a more just, prepared, and environmentally conscious future. As the legendary image of the Phoenix reminds us, from mud, we rise, and from learning, we (re)build the Sri Lanka she was always meant to be. (Concluded)

Dr. Rashmi M. Fernando, S.J., is a Jesuit priest, educator, and special assistant to the provost at Loyola Marymount University, Los Angeles, California, USA.

by Dr. Rashmi M. Fernando, S.J. ✍️

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Opinion

Lakshman Balasuriya – Not just my boss but a father and a brother

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Lakshman Balasuriya

It is with profound sadness that we received the shocking news of untimely passing of our dear leader Lakshman Balasuriya.

I first met Lakshman Balasuriya in 1988 while working at John Keells, which had been awarded an IT contract to computerise Senkadagala Finance. Thereafter, in 1992, I joined the E. W. Balasuriya Group of Companies and Senkadagala Finance when the organisation decided to bring its computerisation in-house.

Lakshman Balasuriya obtained his BSc from the University of London and his MSc from the University of Lancaster. He was not only intellectually brilliant, but also a highly practical and pragmatic individual, often sitting beside me to share instructions and ideas, which I would then translate directly into the software through code.

My first major assignment was to computerise the printing press. At the time, the systems in place were outdated, and modernisation was a challenging task. However, with the guidance, strong support, and decisive leadership of our boss, we were able to successfully transform the printing press into a modern, state-of-the-art operation.

He was a farsighted visionary who understood the value and impact of information technology well ahead of his time. He possessed a deep knowledge of the subject, which was rare during those early years. For instance, in the 1990s, Balasuriya engaged a Canadian consultant to conduct a cybersecurity audit—an extraordinary initiative at a time when cybersecurity was scarcely spoken of and far from mainstream.

During that period, Senkadagala Finance’s head office was based in Kandy, with no branch network. When the decision was made to open the first branch in Colombo, our IT team faced the challenge of adapting the software to support branch operations. It was him who proposed the innovative idea of creating logical branches—a concept well ahead of its time in IT thinking. This simple yet powerful idea enabled the company to expand rapidly, allowing branches to be added seamlessly to the system. Today, after many upgrades and continuous modernisation, Senkadagala Finance operates over 400 locations across the country with real-time online connectivity—a testament to his original vision.

In September 2013, we faced a critical challenge with a key system that required the development of an entirely new solution. A proof of concept was prepared and reviewed by Lakshman Balasuriya, who gave the green light to proceed. During the development phase, he remained deeply involved, offering ideas, insights, and constructive feedback. Within just four months, the system was successfully developed and went live—another example of his hands-on leadership and unwavering support for innovation.

These are only a few examples among many of the IT initiatives that were encouraged, supported, and championed by him. Information technology has played a pivotal role in the growth and success of the E. W. Balasuriya Group of Companies, including Senkadagala Finance PLC, and much of that credit goes to his foresight, trust, and leadership.

On a deeply personal note, I was not only a witness to, but also a recipient of, the kindness, humility, and humanity of Lakshman Balasuriya. There were occasions when I lost my temper and made unreasonable demands, yet he always responded with firmness tempered by gentleness. He never lost his own composure, nor did he ever harbour grudges. He had the rare ability to recognise people’s shortcomings and genuinely tried to guide them toward self-improvement.

He was not merely our boss. To many of us, he was like a father and a brother.

I will miss him immensely. His passing has left a void that can never be filled. Of all the people I have known in my life, Mr. Lakshman Balasuriya stands apart as one of the finest human beings.

He leaves behind his beloved wife, Janine, his children Amanthi and Keshav, and the four grandchildren.

May he rest in eternal peace!

Timothy De Silva

(Information Systems Officer at Senkadagala Finance.)

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