Features
Past, present and future
Addresss on the twin launch of books on father and son
The first edition of the book “My Diplomat,”authored by Ms Sivanandini Duraiswamy, as a biography of her late husband Yogendra Duraiswamy was published in 2000.This was at the beginning of new Millennium, a year after his passing in 1999. I thank Ms Duraisawmy and her son Naresha for inviting me to speak to you this evening, at the launch of the second edition of this book. The family and I have had some connections.
When Mr Duraiswamy’s father and Dr Naresha’s grandfather Sir Waitialingam Duraiswamy was a distinguished Speaker of the State Council, my maternal grandfather was a member of the Board of Ministers, as Minister of Health. Both became “Knights” of some obscure colonial “Order”, an honour conferred by Queen Victoria, British Empress of our island, then Ceylon.
Sir Waitialingam wore his traditional dress, as did my grandfather. Sir Waitialingam acquired the name of Porter from his colonial sponsor. My grandfather kept the first generation Kandyan name of Tikiri Banda, and named his son the third generation TB, Theodore Braybrooke ! So we have had colonial connections that we have happily shed in succeeding generations. as the publications launched this evening, clearly demonstrates for the Duraiswamys.
I had mixed feelings when I read this book. It was inspiring to read a testimony to a life well lived, with equanimity, integrity and courage in difficult times in our country. Mr. Yogendra Duraiswamy lived in the best of times at the dawn of independence, and the worst of times, of armed conflict. Mr. Duraiswamy, like those of his generation was a son of independent Sri Lanka at the dawn of freedom from centuries of colonial rule. There were anticipations and promises of a clear path to national progress and development.
Yet when Mr Duraiswamy passed away just at the end of that century, he had lived through a fratricidal and violent armed conflict, that impacted especially the North and East of the country, with which he had a deep sense of roots both in his personal and professional life. We meet this evening 25 years after Mr.Duraiswamy’s passing, 15 years after the end of the armed conflict in the North and East. We concluded an armed conflict of 30 years. Is not peace and development after conflict, still an unfulfilled dream?
Readers of this book will I think find that its record of past times, experiences and events, will provide some relevant insights and wisdom. The book comes as an expanded second edition, with documents that provide an opportunity for thought and reflection in Election Year 2024 for resolution to our National Question of power sharing. The book also provides insights on the leadership needed for accountable governance and public administration, based on a social contract that is not misunderstood by the rulers and their officials.
I hope the Book will receive the publicity that it deserves, and will be read by concerned citizens, despite the current focus on google searches WhatsApp messages and the internet, as a mode of communicating thoughts and ideas. The book comes in two parts. The first focuses on memories and events linked to Mr. Duraiswamy’s personal and professional life. This is usual in biographies.
I would like to share some thoughts on the first part which, is closely linked to the second part, that deals with substantive issues of public concern. This part also includes what I would describe as archival material of value. I would like to describe the former as the “He and Me” chapters of Ms. Duraiswamy’s book,”My Diplomat”. Crafted with an easy style and clarity, by someone who has received a national award for creative writing, this really is what is often described now as a “good read”.
Feminists tend to dismiss what is sometimes called “pativatha”or adulation of a husband. I think readers will appreciate a human story that speaks to a close relationship of love, and companionship, after a traditional arranged marriage, that was abundantly fulfilling and enriching for both partners. Indeed the idea of recording Mr Duraiswamy’s experiences in his “Jaffna Story” in a book, was a common project that interested both, and encouraged a shared approach to carrying this forward.
That relationship also extended to a strong bond of love and affection with their son Naresha. On one occasion when he actually sets their apartment on fire by lighting a match left by a careless maid, he is showered with affection. Modern mothers now understand that connectivity to the unborn in pregnancy is vital. Mrs Duraiswamy not only had stimulating conversations with her beloved spouse and companion. She began her conversation with her son before he was born and forged a bond that has helped her cope with the desolation of grief and loss and come through.
They have been fortunate to experience what is referred to as “the matchless blessing of a happy home and family”. These personal reflections to me are important, capturing a world of bonding and close familial relationships enriched by traditions of human communication and connectivity that seem to be disappearing in a brave new world of Internet connectivity. I recall Nelson Mandela once saying that all his core values were formed with his connectivity to his elders in the Transkei region of South Africa. Intergenerational connectivity is celebrated in this book.
Mrs. Duraiswamy’s introduction to life in Jaffna in colonial times also makes interesting reading, capturing as it does the impact of the American missionaries on education in the colonial period. The connection to conversion to Christianity in some ways contrasts with the British missionaries in other parts of the country, where secular school Principals in mission schools focused on giving a secular education to both Christians and Non Christians in an ethos of Christian values.
The impact of the religious revival linked to nationalism is reflected in the establishment of Hindu Secondary schools in Jaffna, rather like the establishment of schools like Visakha in Colombo and Mahamaya Girls School in Kandy. This trend was to have significant impact on educational policy in later years. Mrs Duraiswamys writing on their diplomatic postings also captures times past, in countries of the Middle East like Iraq Iran and Palestine – trapped today in violence generated by power politics.
Experiences in the “Forbidden City” of the times, Beijing, speak to the austerity and rigidity of an environment that has changed dramatically.
The second part of the book , beginning with the Chapter “Return to Jaffna”, has I think archival value in two important areas of continuing concern for our country. These chapters record various facets of Mr. Yogenndra Duraiswamy’s life, his experience of public office and governance, and what we would call today “civil society activism”. We now live in a country that has seen the collapse of public institutions, and adversarial or confrontational politics that has prevented us from winning the peace after 30 years of armed conflict.
Mr Duraiswamys experiences and his writings are carefully documented, with a sense of history, rather than personal emotions and bias, that can surface in writing on the national question or governance. Mr Duraiswamy articulated his vision of solutions to the National Question in terms of maximum devolution of power to the Tamil regions, and maximum and shared resource allocation for economic growth and development. He saw this as a necessary and possible path to peaceful coexistence of the majority and minority communities in our country. He was articulate in his rejection of separatism.
He celebrated his identity as a member of the Tamil community in his life and work but respected the diversity of Peoples and the shared religious and cultural connectivity of the Sinhala and Tamil communities. These ideas are reflected in his contribution in public life, and the speeches and writings published in this book. Articulating this position required courage at a time when a completely different and dominant political discourse prevailed in his community. Criticism and his rejection when he tried to enter active politics did not change his views in this regard. He was a role model of integrity and personal commitment to ideas and values he believed in.
Compare this with today’s politicians in public life. and public office. Mr Duraiswamy was a person who Tagore describes as “men and women whom the lust for office cannot buy.” Mr Duraiswamy perhaps like many others of his generation was active in Civil Society after retirement. A central area of his engagement was working towards peaceful coexistence in a plural society through interfaith religious and cultural connectivity.
He gave leadership in the Hindu Council and facilitated expression of a collective opinion on issues of public concern, not just for that community, but for Sri Lankans. The attack on the Temple of the Tooth was condemned by the Council in a public statement (p193). He helped to establish the Bauddha Hindu Maha Sabha in 1990, that brought both communities together to explore areas in which they could communicate and create awareness of common concerns.
He also connected with the Muslim community through a close personal friendship with a Minster at that time late Mr MHM Ashraff, the leader of the Muslim Congress. Mr Duraiswamy’s Civil Society activism also extended to the Education sector. Today with the controversies on IMF support in our economic crisis, there is a discourse that refers to an “entitlement culture”, where the public expect hand outs from government on health and education.
Mr Duraiswamy can be described perhaps correctly as “a famous son of a famous father”, born to wealth and privilege. But imbued with an ideal of service and social responsibility embedded in his religious beliefs as a Hindu, he could respond to economic deprivation and disadvantage. He helped grass roots organizations he worked with, to access international funding. He worked with the Alumni Association of my University of Colombo, to enable low income students from the outstations to access hostel facilities.
He understood the Kannagara vision that equal access to the public good of education was the right of all students and the State had a duty to provide that without ethnic or class discrimination. His writing on education policy critiquing affirmative action that benefited rural students in the Sinhala areas was because he believed passionately in the idea of equal access to education without discrimination.
He pointed to the disastrous impact of these policies in denying Tamil students equal access. That contribution expresses an interesting point of view . It is very relevant today where affirmative action or positive discrimination to address historical discrimination is being questioned, including in a controversial recent decision of the US Supreme Court.
It is important to make some remarks on Mr Duraiswamy’s contribution to public administration, as recorded in this book. The manner in which he held public office after retirement as a very senior official and, in our Foreign Service, demonstrates commitments that seem almost unreal today. The capacity of public servants to resist political pressures while holding public office was central to Mr Duraiswamy’s concept of fulfilling the public trust.
He himself had experienced disappointments because of politicised decision making while he served in the Foreign Ministry. But without bitterness and rancour he was committed to policy changes that would ensure non discrimination and appointments on merit, by the establishment of an independent Police Commission, Public Service Commission and Elections Commission.
The importance of that vision is seen today as we witness destructive politicization that has led to inertia in the prosecutors office. Loss of public confidence in the administration of justice, and law enforcement agencies has become a matter of concern when the Police Commission fails to take disciplinary action against officers who contravene the law. Assuming public office again by taking a controversial appointment as District Secretary and Government Agent Jaffna, Mr Duraswamy was witness to the political interference and violence associated with the District Development Council Election of 1981.
He had the satisfaction of using his office to engage in development work and programmes in the region, in the tradition of an early cadre of government officials who saw their mandate as public service for the benefit of the People in the region. Following a past tradition in public service, he preserved documents and papers in all his official work whether in the foreign office or in public administration and his personal life. This is remarkable in a country that is now familiar with a practice of destruction of records.
He received accolades for his development work. But the chapters in this book on this period in his life are testimony to the pressures he had to experience from many quarters. The situation culminated in violence by a police force seeking reprisals for police killings by militants, and the burning of the treasure that was the Jaffna Public Library. This was in a sense a portent of things to come in the appalling and tragic violence loss of lives and property of the Tamil community on 1983.
Yet Mr Duraswamy guided by the power of his spiritual beliefs seems to have coped with all this with equanimity. Despite criticism and pressure he made his decisions firmly and quietly and then resigned from the posts he held. How many public servants holding high posts can say that they have held office in this manner? How many would have witnessed the destruction of a much loved family home, in the armed conflict, and continued to live by his ideal of public service, contributing to public life and civil society in those traumatic years of armed conflict.
A few years before his passing Mr Duraiswamy had the satisfaction of serving on a Committee established by President Chanadrika Kumaranatunga and late Minister Mangala Samaraweera to reconstruct and resource the destroyed Jaffna Public Library. I interacted with him briefly when this initiative was in its final stages with leadership from late Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar.
Mr. Duraiswamy was able to witness in his lifetime a shift in national policy that led to the recognition of Sinhala and Tamil as “national languages” in public administration, administration of justice and education, through Constitutional Reforms of the 13th and 16th amendments. The failure to proactively implement the changes is documented in published research. However those changes have not been eliminated by the power politics that has impacted Constitutional Reform.
His vision of maximum devolution and power sharing remains embedded in controversy, with no efforts to implement the promise of the 13th Amendment. This book reveals that at the time of his passing Mr Duraswamy had great hopes of peaceful conflict resolution and Constitutional Reform, led by a Chandrika Bandaranaike government. He believed that these reforms would help realize his own passionate vision of a united country that gave sense of national identity and belonging, to all its diverse people.
When Constitutional Reform was proposed in 1989 as a way forward for resolving the armed conflict and the national question, Mr Duraiswamy stated publicly that there was collective responsibility in “acts of omission and commission by society in general and governments in particular.” (p228). He recommended an All Party National Government, as a preparatory step to a general election and a mandate of the People for Constitutional Reform including the continuation of the Executive presidency. These are ideas that seem pertinent to current discussions on Constitutional changes as the country moves into 2024.
In Mr Duraiswamy’s submissions on the draft Constitutional Reforms in 1996, as part of the Hindu National Council, he commended President Kumaranatunga’s leadership in agreeing to proposals on power sharing, and a political settlement on devolution of power on “specified subjects”.in a new Constitution (p322). Yet, one year after his passing the Constitution of 2000 with significant provisions on devolution and power sharing in important areas, and many other extremely important and relevant changes including the abolition of the Executive Presidency and return to a Parliamentary system of governance, was torn to shreds physically by the current President Ranil Wickremesinghe and his MPs.
This irresponsible and destructive behaviour was motivated by a petty concern in regard to who should succeed as Prime Minister in a government formed according to the new Constitution. We have witnessed over the years a lack of consistency in those who assume public office. Those who abuse power, transform into human rights experts and activists. Liberals tend to become autocrats in the seats of power, especially when they don the mantle of the Executive Presidency.
In our Dissolution of Parliament case 2018 our Supreme Court reminded that “Since 1972 (when we became a Republic) this country has known no monarch, and the President has not inherited that mantle”. A body of jurisprudence including the recent judgments on national bankruptcy and torture by the Police including the Acting IGP, focus on the doctrine of official duties and powers exercised for the well-being of the public, and held in “public trust”.This concept is considered embedded in democratic governance and the Rule of Law.
Yet the incorporation of a kingship concept into a powerful Executive Presidency, has permeated legislative and executive institutions and eroded any perception that public office is held in public trust. The Executive Presidency which Mr.Duraiswarny critiqued in his responses to Constitutional reform in 1998 remains the dominant institution in governance, in all its toxic manifestations. He recognized the dangers of concentrating executive power in one individual. He wanted it modified to incorporate checks and balances essential to prevent abuse of power and facilitate good governance.
The destructive impact of this model of governance on the national life of our country, would have amazed Mr. Yogendra Duraiswamy, as it has citizens who have lived with that experience. 2024, is a critical year for making important decisions on the progress and development of a country that we all love. The launch of the second edition of the book has given us an opportunity to recall Mr Duraiswamys vision, documented by Mrs Sivanandini and Dr Naresha Duraiswamy through the book “My Diplomat “.
At the inaugural meeting of the Jaffna Library Committee by President Chndarika Kumaranatunga Mr. Yogendra Duraiswamy said that “this was surely the forerunner of many efforts at nation building. The day has dawned when we as sons and daughters of Mother Lanka should work unitedly to create a new nation where peace equality freedom and justice shall prevail, and where every citizen shall live with honour and self respect, free from fear or want”.
Let us hope that we as citizens do not repeat our past follies, as rulers and citizens at Election time in 2024. I hope that we can collectively. recognize the relevance and importance of a new commitment to give life and meaning to that vision of peace and harmony, and accountable governance to the People of Sri Lanka.
Features
An innocent bystander or a passive onlooker?
After nearly two decades of on-and-off negotiations that began in 2007, India and the European Union formally finally concluded a comprehensive free trade agreement on 27 January 2026. This agreement, the India–European Union Free Trade Agreement (IEUFTA), was hailed by political leaders from both sides as the “mother of all deals,” because it would create a massive economic partnership and greatly increase the current bilateral trade, which was over US$ 136 billion in 2024. The agreement still requires ratification by the European Parliament, approval by EU member states, and completion of domestic approval processes in India. Therefore, it is only likely to come into force by early 2027.
An Innocent Bystander
When negotiations for a Free Trade Agreement between India and the European Union were formally launched in June 2007, anticipating far-reaching consequences of such an agreement on other developing countries, the Commonwealth Secretariat, in London, requested the Centre for Analysis of Regional Integration at the University of Sussex to undertake a study on a possible implication of such an agreement on other low-income developing countries. Thus, a group of academics, led by Professor Alan Winters, undertook a study, and it was published by the Commonwealth Secretariat in 2009 (“Innocent Bystanders—Implications of the EU-India Free Trade Agreement for Excluded Countries”). The authors of the study had considered the impact of an EU–India Free Trade Agreement for the trade of excluded countries and had underlined, “The SAARC countries are, by a long way, the most vulnerable to negative impacts from the FTA. Their exports are more similar to India’s…. Bangladesh is most exposed in the EU market, followed by Pakistan and Sri Lanka.”
Trade Preferences and Export Growth
Normally, reduction of price through preferential market access leads to export growth and trade diversification. During the last 19-year period (2015–2024), SAARC countries enjoyed varying degrees of preferences, under the EU’s Generalised Scheme of Preferences (GSP). But, the level of preferential access extended to India, through the GSP (general) arrangement, only provided a limited amount of duty reduction as against other SAARC countries, which were eligible for duty-free access into the EU market for most of their exports, via their LDC status or GSP+ route.
However, having preferential market access to the EU is worthless if those preferences cannot be utilised. Sri Lanka’s preference utilisation rate, which specifies the ratio of eligible to preferential imports, is significantly below the average for the EU GSP receiving countries. It was only 59% in 2023 and 69% in 2024. Comparative percentages in 2024 were, for Bangladesh, 96%; Pakistan, 95%; and India, 88%.
As illustrated in the table above, between 2015 and 2024, the EU’s imports from SAARC countries had increased twofold, from US$ 63 billion in 2015 to US$ 129 billion by 2024. Most of this growth had come from India. The imports from Pakistan and Bangladesh also increased significantly. The increase of imports from Sri Lanka, when compared to other South Asian countries, was limited. Exports from other SAARC countries—Afghanistan, Bhutan, Nepal, and the Maldives—are very small and, therefore, not included in this analysis.
Why the EU – India FTA?
With the best export performance in the region, why does India need an FTA with the EU?
Because even with very impressive overall export growth, in certain areas, India has performed very poorly in the EU market due to tariff disadvantages. In addition to that, from January 2026, the EU has withdrawn GSP benefits from most of India’s industrial exports. The FTA clearly addresses these challenges, and India will improve her competitiveness significantly once the FTA becomes operational.
Then the question is, what will be its impact on those “innocent bystanders” in South Asia and, more particularly, on Sri Lanka?
To provide a reasonable answer to this question, one has to undertake an in-depth product-by-product analysis of all major exports. Due to time and resource constraints, for the purpose of this article, I took a brief look at Sri Lanka’s two largest exports to the EU, viz., the apparels and rubber-based products.
Fortunately, Sri Lanka’s exports of rubber products will be only nominally impacted by the FTA due to the low MFN duty rate. For example, solid tyres and rubber gloves are charged very low (around 3%) MFN duty and the exports of these products from Sri Lanka and India are eligible for 0% GSP duty at present. With an equal market access, Sri Lanka has done much better than India in the EU market. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of solid tyres to the EU and during 2024 our exports were valued at US$180 million.
On the other hand, Tariffs MFN tariffs on Apparel at 12% are relatively high and play a big role in apparel sourcing. Even a small difference in landed cost can shift entire sourcing to another supplier country. Indian apparel exports to the EU faced relatively high duties (8.5% – 12%), while competitors, such as Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, are eligible for preferential access. In addition to that, Bangladesh enjoys highly favourable Rules of Origin in the EU market. The impact of these different trade rules, on the EU’s imports, is clearly visible in the trade data.
During the last 10 years (2015-2024), the EU’s apparel imports from Bangladesh nearly doubled, from US$15.1 billion, in 2015, to US$29.1 billion by 2024, and apparel imports from Pakistan more than doubled, from US$2.3 billion to US$5.5 billion. However, apparel imports from Sri Lanka increased only from US$1.3 billion in 2015 to US$2.2 billion by 2024. The impressive export growth from Pakistan and Bangladesh is mostly related to GSP preferences, while the lackluster growth of Sri Lankan exports was largely due to low preference utilisation. Nearly half of Sri Lanka’s apparel exports faced a 12% tariff due to strict Rules of Origin requirements to qualify for GSP.
During the same period, the EU’s apparel imports from India only showed very modest growth, from US$ 5.3 billion, in 2015, to US$ 6.3 billion in 2024. The main reason for this was the very significant tariff disadvantage India faced in the EU market. However, once the FTA eliminates this gap, apparel imports from India are expected to grow rapidly.
According to available information, Indian industry bodies expect US$ 5-7 billion growth of textiles and apparel exports during the first three years of the FTA. This will create a significant trade diversion, resulting in a decline in exports from China and other countries that do not enjoy preferential market access. As almost half of Sri Lanka’s apparel exports are not eligible for GSP, the impact on our exports will also be fierce. Even in the areas where Sri Lanka receives preferential duty-free access, the arrival of another large player will change the market dynamics greatly.
A Passive Onlooker?
Since the commencement of the negotiations on the EU–India FTA, Bangladesh and Pakistan have significantly enhanced the level of market access through proactive diplomatic interventions. As a result, they have substantially increased competitiveness and the market share within the EU. This would help them to minimize the adverse implications of the India–EU FTA on their exports. Sri Lanka’s exports to the EU market have not performed that well. The challenges in that market will intensify after 2027.
As we can clearly anticipate a significant adverse impact from the EU-India FTA, we should start to engage immediately with the European Commission on these issues without being passive onlookers. For example, the impact of the EU-India FTA should have been a main agenda item in the recently concluded joint commission meeting between the European Commission and Sri Lanka in Colombo.
Need of the Hour – Proactive Commercial Diplomacy
In the area of international trade, it is a time of turbulence. After the US Supreme Court judgement on President Trump’s “reciprocal tariffs,” the only prediction we can make about the market in the United States market is its continued unpredictability. India concluded an FTA with the UK last May and now the EU-India FTA. These are Sri Lanka’s largest markets. Now to navigate through these volatile, complex, and rapidly changing markets, we need to move away from reactive crisis management mode to anticipatory action. Hence, proactive commercial diplomacy is the need of the hour.
(The writer can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)
By Gomi Senadhira
Features
Educational reforms: A perspective
Dr. B.J.C. Perera (Dr. BJCP) in his article ‘The Education cross roads: Liberating Sri Lankan classroom and moving ahead’ asks the critical question that should be the bedrock of any attempt at education reform – ‘Do we truly and clearly understand how a human being learns? (The Island, 16.02.2026)
Dr. BJCP describes the foundation of a cognitive architecture taking place with over a million neural connections occurring in a second. This in fact is the result of language learning and not the process. How do we ‘actually’ learn and communicate with one another? Is a question that was originally asked by Galileo Galilei (1564 -1642) to which scientists have still not found a definitive answer. Naom Chomsky (1928-) one of the foremost intellectuals of our time, known as the father of modern linguistics; when once asked in an interview, if there was any ‘burning question’ in his life that he would have liked to find an answer for; commented that this was one of the questions to which he would have liked to find the answer. Apart from knowing that this communication takes place through language, little else is known about the subject. In this process of learning we learn in our mother tongue and it is estimated that almost 80% of our learning is completed by the time we are 5 years old. It is critical to grasp that this is the actual process of learning and not ‘knowledge’ which tends to get confused as ‘learning’. i.e. what have you learnt?
The term mother tongue is used here as many of us later on in life do learn other languages. However, there is a fundamental difference between these languages and one’s mother tongue; in that one learns the mother tongue- and how that happens is the ‘burning question’ as opposed to a second language which is taught. The fact that the mother tongue is also formally taught later on, does not distract from this thesis.
Almost all of us take the learning of a mother tongue for granted, as much as one would take standing and walking for granted. However, learning the mother tongue is a much more complex process. Every infant learns to stand and walk the same way, but every infant depending on where they are born (and brought up) will learn a different mother tongue. The words that are learnt are concepts that would be influenced by the prevalent culture, religion, beliefs, etc. in that environment of the child. Take for example the term father. In our culture (Sinhala/Buddhist) the father is an entity that belongs to himself as well as to us -the rest of the family. We refer to him as ape thaththa. In the English speaking (Judaeo-Christian) culture he is ‘my father’. ‘Our father’ is a very different concept. ‘Our father who art in heaven….
All over the world education is done in one’s mother tongue. The only exception to this, as far as I know, are the countries that have been colonised by the British. There is a vast amount of research that re-validates education /learning in the mother tongue. And more to the point, when it comes to the comparability of learning in one’s own mother tongue as opposed to learning in English, English fails miserably.
Education /learning is best done in one’s mother tongue.
This is a fact. not an opinion. Elegantly stated in the words of Prof. Tove Skutnabb-Kangas-“Mother tongue medium education is controversial, but ‘only’ politically. Research evidence about it is not controversial.”
The tragedy is that we are discussing this fundamental principle that is taken for granted in the rest of the world. It would not be not even considered worthy of a school debate in any other country. The irony of course is, that it is being done in English!
At school we learnt all of our subjects in Sinhala (or Tamil) right up to University entrance. Across the three streams of Maths, Bio and Commerce, be it applied or pure mathematics, physics, chemistry, zoology, botany economics, business, etc. Everything from the simplest to the most complicated concept was learnt in our mother tongue. An uninterrupted process of learning that started from infancy.
All of this changed at university. We had to learn something new that had a greater depth and width than anything we had encountered before in a language -except for a very select minority – we were not at all familiar with. There were students in my university intake that had put aside reading and writing, not even spoken English outside a classroom context. This I have been reliably informed is the prevalent situation in most of the SAARC countries.
The SAARC nations that comprise eight countries (Sri Lanka, Maldives, India, Pakistan Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan) have 21% of the world population confined to just 3% of the earth’s land mass making it probably one of the most densely populated areas in the world. One would assume that this degree of ‘clinical density’ would lead to a plethora of research publications. However, the reality is that for 25 years from 1996 to 2021 the contribution by the SAARC nations to peer reviewed research in the field of Orthopaedics and Sports medicine- my profession – was only 1.45%! Regardless of each country having different mother tongues and vastly differing socio-economic structures, the common denominator to all these countries is that medical education in each country is done in a foreign language (English).
The impact of not learning in one’s mother tongue can be illustrated at a global level. This can be easily seen when observing the research output of different countries. For example, if one looks at orthopaedics and sports medicine (once again my given profession for simplicity); Table 1. shows the cumulative research that has been published in peer review journals. Despite now having the highest population in the world, India comes in at number 16! It has been outranked by countries that have a population less than one of their states. Pundits might argue giving various reasons for this phenomenon. But the inconvertible fact remains that all other countries, other than India, learn medicine in their mother tongue.
(See Table 1) Mother tongue, medium of education in country rank order according to the volume of publications of orthopaedics and sports medicine in peer reviewed journals 1996 to 2024. Source: Scimago SCImago journal (https://www.scimagojr.com/) has collated peer review journal publications of the world. The publications are categorized into 27 categories. According to the available data from 1996 to 2024, China is ranked the second across all categories with India at the 6th position. China is first in chemical engineering, chemistry, computer science, decision sciences, energy, engineering, environmental science, material sciences, mathematics, physics and astronomy. There is no subject category that India is the first in the world. China ranks higher than India in all categories except dentistry.
The reason for this difference is obvious when one looks at how learning is done in China and India.
The Chinese learn in their mother tongue. From primary to undergraduate and postgraduate levels, it is all done in Chinese. Therefore, they have an enormous capacity to understand their subject matter just not itself, but also as to how it relates to all other subjects/ themes that surround it. It is a continuous process of learning that evolves from infancy onwards, that seamlessly passes through, primary, secondary, undergraduate and post graduate education, research, innovation, application etc. Their social language is their official language. The language they use at home is the language they use at their workplaces, clubs, research facilities and so on.
In India higher education/learning is done in a foreign language. Each state of India has its own mother tongue. Be it Hindi, Tamil, Urdu, Telagu, etc. Infancy, childhood and school education to varying degrees is carried out in each state according to their mother tongue. Then, when it comes to university education and especially the ‘science subjects’ it takes place in a foreign tongue- (English). English remains only as their ‘research’ language. All other social interactions are done in their mother tongue.
India and China have been used as examples to illustrate the point between learning in the mother tongue and a foreign tongue, as they are in population terms comparable countries. The unpalatable truth is that – though individuals might have a different grasp of English- as countries, the ability of SAARC countries to learn and understand a subject in a foreign language is inferior to the rest of the world that is learning the same subject in its mother tongue. Imagine the disadvantage we face at a global level, when our entire learning process across almost all disciplines has been in a foreign tongue with comparison to the rest of the world that has learnt all these disciplines in their mother tongue. And one by-product of this is the subsequent research, innovation that flows from this learning will also be inferior to the rest of the world.
All this only confirms what we already know. Learning is best done in one’s mother tongue! .
What needs to be realised is that there is a critical difference between ‘learning English’ and ‘learning in English’. The primary-or some may argue secondary- purpose of a university education is to learn a particular discipline, be it medicine, engineering, etc. The students- have been learning everything up to that point in Sinhala or Tamil. Learning their discipline in their mother tongue will be the easiest thing for them. The solution to this is to teach in Sinhala or Tamil, so it can be learnt in the most efficient manner. Not to lament that the university entrant’s English is poor and therefore we need to start teaching English earlier on.
We are surviving because at least up to the university level we are learning in the best possible way i.e. in our mother tongue. Can our methods be changed to be more efficient? definitely. If, however, one thinks that the answer to this efficient change in the learning process is to substitute English for the mother tongue, it will defeat the very purpose it is trying to overcome. According to Dr. BJCP as he states in his article; the current reforms of 2026 for the learning process for the primary years, centre on the ‘ABCDE’ framework: Attendance, Belongingness, Cleanliness, Discipline and English. Very briefly, as can be seen from the above discussion, if this is the framework that is to be instituted, we should modify it to ABCDEF by adding a F for Failure, for completeness!
(See Figure 1) The components and evolution of learning: Data, information, knowledge, insight, wisdom, foresight As can be seen from figure 1. data and information remain as discrete points. They do not have interconnections between them. It is these subsequent interconnections that constitute learning. And these happen best through the mother tongue. Once again, this is a fact. Not an opinion. We -all countries- need to learn a second language (foreign tongue) in order to gather information and data from the rest of the world. However, once this data/ information is gathered, the learning needs to happen in our own mother tongue.
Without a doubt English is the most universally spoken language. It is estimated that almost a quarter of the world speaks English as its mother tongue or as a second language. I am not advocating to stop teaching English. Please, teach English as a second language to give a window to the rest of the world. Just do not use it as the mode of learning. Learn English but do not learn in English. All that we will be achieving by learning in English, is to create a nation of professionals that neither know English well nor their subject matter well.
If we are to have any worthwhile educational reforms this should be the starting pivotal point. An education that takes place in one’s mother tongue. Not instituting this and discussing theories of education and learning and proposing reforms, is akin to ‘rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic’. Sadly, this is not some stupendous, revolutionary insight into education /learning. It is what the rest of the world has been doing and what we did till we came under British rule.
Those who were with me in the medical faculty may remember that I asked this question then: Why can’t we be taught in Sinhala? Today, with AI, this should be much easier than what it was 40 years ago.
The editorial of this newspaper has many a time criticised the present government for its lackadaisical attitude towards bringing in the promised ‘system change’. Do this––make mother tongue the medium of education /learning––and the entire system will change.
by Dr. Sumedha S. Amarasekara
Features
Ukraine crisis continuing to highlight worsening ‘Global Disorder’
The world has unhappily arrived at the 4th anniversary of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and as could be seen a resolution to the long-bleeding war is nowhere in sight. In fact the crisis has taken a turn for the worse with the Russian political leadership refusing to see the uselessness of its suicidal invasion and the principal power groupings of the West even more tenaciously standing opposed to the invasion.
One fatal consequence of the foregoing trends is relentlessly increasing ‘Global Disorder’ and the heightening possibility of a regional war of the kind that broke out in Europe in the late thirties at the height of Nazi dictator Adolph Hitler’s reckless territorial expansions. Needless to say, that regional war led to the Second World War. As a result, sections of world opinion could not be faulted for believing that another World War is very much at hand unless peace making comes to the fore.
Interestingly, the outbreak of the Second World War coincided with the collapsing of the League of Nations, which was seen as ineffective in the task of fostering and maintaining world law and order and peace. Needless to say, the ‘League’ was supplanted by the UN and the question on the lips of the informed is whether the fate of the ‘League’ would also befall the UN in view of its perceived inability to command any authority worldwide, particularly in the wake of the Ukraine blood-letting.
The latter poser ought to remind the world that its future is gravely at risk, provided there is a consensus among the powers that matter to end the Ukraine crisis by peaceful means. The question also ought to remind the world of the urgency of restoring to the UN system its authority and effectiveness. The spectre of another World War could not be completely warded off unless this challenge is faced and resolved by the world community consensually and peacefully.
It defies comprehension as to why the Russian political leadership insists on prolonging the invasion, particularly considering the prohibitive human costs it is incurring for Russia. There is no sign of Ukraine caving-in to Russian pressure on the battle field and allowing Russia to have its own way and one wonders whether Ukraine is going the way of Afghanistan for Russia. If so the invasion is an abject failure.
The Russian political leadership would do well to go for a negotiated settlement and thereby ensure peace for the Russian people, Ukraine and the rest of Europe. By drawing on the services of the UN for this purpose, Russian political leaders would be restoring to the UN its dignity and rightful position in the affairs of the world.
Russia, meanwhile, would also do well not to depend too much on the Trump administration to find a negotiated end to the crisis. This is in view of the proved unreliability of the Trump government and the noted tendency of President Trump to change his mind on questions of the first importance far too frequently. Against this backdrop the UN would prove the more reliable partner to work with.
While there is no sign of Russia backing down, there are clearly no indications that going forward Russia’s invasion would render its final aims easily attainable either. Both NATO and the EU, for example, are making it amply clear that they would be staunchly standing by Ukraine. That is, Ukraine would be consistently armed and provided for in every relevant respect by these Western formations. Given these organizations’ continuing power it is difficult to see Ukraine being abandoned in the foreseeable future.
Accordingly, the Ukraine war would continue to painfully grind on piling misery on the Ukraine and Russian people. There is clearly nothing in this war worth speaking of for the two peoples concerned and it will be an action of the profoundest humanity for the Russian political leadership to engage in peace talks with its adversaries.
It will be in order for all countries to back a peaceful solution to the Ukraine nightmare considering that a continued commitment to the UN Charter would be in their best interests. On the question of sovereignty alone Ukraine’s rights have been grossly violated by Russia and it is obligatory on the part of every state that cherishes its sovereignty to back Ukraine to the hilt.
Barring a few, most states of the West could be expected to be supportive of Ukraine but the global South presents some complexities which get in the way of it standing by the side of Ukraine without reservations. One factor is economic dependence on Russia and in these instances countries’ national interests could outweigh other considerations on the issue of deciding between Ukraine and Russia. Needless to say, there is no easy way out of such dilemmas.
However, democracies of the South would have no choice but to place principle above self interest and throw in their lot with Ukraine if they are not to escape the charge of duplicity, double talk and double think. The rest of the South, and we have numerous political identities among them, would do well to come together, consult closely and consider as to how they could collectively work towards a peaceful and fair solution in Ukraine.
More broadly, crises such as that in Ukraine, need to be seen by the international community as a challenge to its humanity, since the essential identity of the human being as a peacemaker is being put to the test in these prolonged and dehumanizing wars. Accordingly, what is at stake basically is humankind’s fundamental identity or the continuation of civilization. Put simply, the choice is between humanity and barbarity.
The ‘Swing States’ of the South, such as India, Indonesia, South Africa and to a lesser extent Brazil, are obliged to put their ‘ best foot forward’ in these undertakings of a potentially historic nature. While the humanistic character of their mission needs to be highlighted most, the economic and material costs of these wasting wars, which are felt far and wide, need to be constantly focused on as well.
It is a time to protect humanity and the essential principles of democracy. It is when confronted by the magnitude and scale of these tasks that the vital importance of the UN could come to be appreciated by human kind. This is primarily on account of the multi-dimensional operations of the UN. The latter would prove an ideal companion of the South if and when it plays the role of a true peace maker.
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