Midweek Review

Parliament reels as Easter Sunday accusations tarnish members’ credibility

Published

2 years ago

2023/09/27

The LTTE used to mark 'Lt. Col.' Thileepan and Vaithilingam Sornalingam aka Col Sankar remembrance event together. The founder of the Tamileelam Air Force (TAF). Col. Sankar was killed by the Army on September 26 in 2001. (Tamil Net pic taken on Sept 26, 2008)

By Shamindra Ferdinando

The Parliament last week wasted two days on a much hyped debate on national security and the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage carried out by local Muslim extremists radicalized by ISIS ideology. The debate didn’t help political parties represented in Parliament to reach consensus on the post-Easter Sunday reconciliation plan.

But, the ruling ‘Pohottuwa’ party and the solitary UNP National List MP Wajira Abeywardena defended the handling of the Easter Sunday investigations, whereas those who were in the Yahapalana Cabinet, that ruled the country at the time, attacked the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government over its alleged failure.

A careful consideration of speeches made on September 21 and 22 clearly reflected the fact that political parties remained committed to their original positions, though the political landscape has changed. The exchange between former President Maithripala Sirisena, MP, and war-winning Army Commander Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka, MP, on the first day of the debate, underlined the pathetic state of affairs.

Polonnaruwa District ‘Pohottuwa’ lawmaker Sirisena’s claim that the war veteran wouldn’t have received the Field Marshal’s rank without his intervention proved again he didn’t have any sense of what he was talking about. If not for Fonseka’s strategic, courageous, ruthless and relentless leadership in pursuit of his goal to destroy the Tigers, the LTTE wouldn’t have collapsed in less than three years (Aug 2006-May 2009) though the successful war effort hinged on the combined forces commitment, and leadership in their respective fields.

MP Sirisena owes an explanation as to why wartime Navy and Air Force commanders, Wasantha Karannagoda and Roshan Gunathilake, respectively, were denied honorary ranks of Admiral of the Fleet and Marshal of the Air Force when Fonseka was awarded the rank of Field Marshal in March 2015. Karannagoda and Gunathilake finally received their due honours in Sept. 2019, several months after the Easter Sunday carnage, the subject of the two-day debate that didn’t achieve anything.

Lawmaker Sirisena should be reminded that he held the public security portfolio as the then President and Commander in Chief at the time of the Easter attacks. Sirisena steadfastly refused to swear in an UNPer as Public Security Minister though he reluctantly swore in Ranil Wickremesinghe as the Premier after the Supreme Court thwarted his constitutional coup. In fact, an influential section of the Yahapalana setup wanted Fonseka appointed as the Public Security Minister, though the proposal didn’t find favour with Premier Wickremesinghe.

While Parliament debated the Easter Sunday carnage, President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who served as the Premier at the time of the near simultaneous suicide attacks, was away in Washington to attend the 78th sessions of the UN General Assembly in New York. Let me reproduce verbatim the assessment made by the Presidential Commission of Inquiry on the Easter Sunday carnage. “Upon consideration of the evidence, it is the view of the CoI that the lax approach of Mr. Wickremesinghe towards Islamic extremism, as the Prime Minister, was one of the primary reasons for the failure on the part of the then government to take proactive steps towards Islamic extremism. This facilitated the build-up of Islamic extremism to the point of the Easer Sunday attack.” (Final report, Vol

01, p 276-277).

Against the backdrop of lawmaker Sirisena seeking UN intervention following the Channel 4 allegations, based on Hanzeer Azad Maulana (ex-aide to State Minister Sivanesathurai Chandrakanthan aka Pilleyan) over claims of complicity of Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay in the Easter Sunday plot, it would be pertinent to point out the CoI’s assessment on the then President Sirisena. “Upon consideration of evidence of facts before 4th April 2019, the CoI is of the view that President Sirisena has failed in his duties and responsibilities and that his failure transcends beyond mere civil negligence.” (Final report, Vol 01, p 263)

CoI suggested: “….based on the evidence, the CoI is of the view that there is criminal liability on his part for the acts or omissions explained above. The CoI recommends that the Attorney General consider instituting criminal proceedings against President Sirisena under any suitable provision in the Penal Code.” (Final report, Vol 01, p 265)

Supreme Court Justice Janak de Silva chaired the CoI. The other members of the CoI were Court of Appeal Judge Bandula Karunaratne, retired Court of Appeal Judge Sunil Rajapaksa, retired High Court Judge Bandula Atapattu and retired Justice Ministry Secretary W.M.M.R. Adikari. The CoI commenced its hearings on Oct. 31, 2019 and sat on 214 days in total, holding 640 sittings and interviewing 451 witnesses.

The ‘Pohottuwa’ caused suspicions among the Catholics by appointing a six-member team to study the report prepared by such an eminent group. The group, headed by Chamal Rajapaksa, and included Johnston Fernando, Udaya Gammanpila, Ramesh Pathirana, Prasanna Ranatunga and Rohitha Abeygunawardena, was named on Feb. 19, 2021. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa received the report on Feb 01, 2021.

The Catholic Church repeatedly pointed out that none of the recommendations made by the CoI had been implemented.

Retired AVM doubts C4 claims

Air Vice Marshal [retired] A.B. Sosa V S V, psc, emphasized the pivotal importance of what he called maximum possible legal punitive action against those responsible for the attacks and security failure at all levels.

The former coordinating Officer of the Hambantota District at the height of the JVP-inspired insurgency (1987/88) and Mahiyanganaya in 1989 where the JVP declared a curfew to sabotage President Ranasinghe Premadasa’s Gam Udawa project explained how various interested parties exploited the developing situation to their advantage.

Declaring that the Easter Sunday carnage is a crime against humanity, Sosa examined the sequence of events as presented by C4, based on Hanzeer Azad Maulana, ex-CID Officer Nishantha Silva, who sought political asylum in Switzerland a week after Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s election as the President in Nov. 2019, and an anonymous Sri Lankan Government Official.

C4 accusations pertained to the period about four years prior to the Easter bombings. They rely on the accusations of Maulana and Nishantha Silva. C4 dealt with circumstances Pilleyan’s involvement in the murder of a sitting Member of Parliament Joseph Pararajasingham while attending holy mass on Christmas day 2005. That killing took place in Batticaloa.

One-time LTTEer and sidekick of Karuna Amman who served Mahinda Rajapaksa’s parliamentary group had been entrusted with the task of eliminating those opposed to the Rajapaksas, according to Moulana, who lucidly explained the role played by his former boss over the years.

Sosa questioned Moulana’s claim that Pilleyan’s group had been accommodated at the former Tripoli market premises and was named the ‘Tripoli Platoon.’ The former Director of Operations and Training declared: “This is an outrageous claim. As there had been an Army detachment therein, a motley crowd of civilians couldn’t have been positioned there under any circumstances. Such a situation is not possible in any disciplined military organization.”

Reiterating his concerns over the failure on the part of successive governments to punish those responsible for the assassination of Sunday Leader Editor Lasantha Wickrematunga in January 2009, the Air Force veteran said that Moulana’s claim that the wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa directed the so-called Tripoli ‘platoon’ to eliminate the eminent journalist is nothing but a blatant lie.

Sosa said that the ex-CID officer’s unsubstantiated claims regarding the Wickrematunga assassination and his removal from the investigation should be examined against the backdrop of his failure to produce any documents or incriminating tapes. The retired AVM emphasized decisions couldn’t be made or consensus reached merely on a statement. Reference was made to an unprecedented Swiss Embassy ‘drama’ that followed the CID officer leaving the country along with his family.

During his career, Sosa, who had received training in the UK and Pakistan, held several command appointments, including as the Commander of the Katunayake Air Force Base.

Commenting on the alleged meeting arranged by Moulana between Sallay and the would-be Easter Sunday suicide bombers in a coconut estate called Lactowatta in the Puttalam district in Feb. 2018, Sosa emphasized this allegation should be examined taking into consideration the officer concerned was based in Malaysia as Sri Lanka’s Minister Counsellor. Sallay is on record as having said that he never left Malaysia in 2018 to visit Sri Lanka or any other country. Sosa stressed that Sallay, who had served as head of the Directorate of Military Intelligence (DMI) at the time of the 2015 presidential election, was removed and sent out of the country. Malaysia could help Sri Lanka and other interested parties to establish/ascertain the then Minister Counsellor’s movements. Sosa said: “Sallay could not have been simultaneously in two countries.”

The retired AVM also disputed C4 claim that Moulana had received instructions from Sallay on April 19, 2019, over the phone on the basis the officer was on a National Defence College, India, course. The government and other interested parties could easily verify this with Indian authorities, Sosa said, pointing out that both Malaysia and India must have examined claims.

The retired officer said: “In such circumstances, it is obvious that some ill-considered notions had been accepted by C4. Did C4 engage in a deliberate project to discredit Sri Lanka? I hold no brief for anyone. I have never met those who had been interviewed by C4 or persons mentioned, including Maj. Gen. Suresh Sallay. There is absolutely no doubt that the heinous Easter Sunday attacks and other allegations must be thoroughly investigated and perpetrators punished. However, it is necessary to sift out red herrings such as the farcical so-called C 4 hatchet job meant to discredit Sri Lanka. Perhaps, C4 is among those who pursued a different agenda as they couldn’t stomach our victory over terrorism.”

Sosa retired in Aug. 1990 on reaching the mandatory 55 years, several weeks after the eruption of Eelam War 11. Having successfully met the JVP challenge in the hotbed of subversive activities, where he served as CO for a year, Sosa received appointment as Base Commander, Karunayake, even though the Security Council wanted him appointed as CO, Kegalle. Sosa recalled how President Ranasinghe Premadasa, having succeeded JRJ, sent him to Mahiyangana to neutralise the JVP threat to facilitate the holding of Gam Udawa there. “Immediately after I took over security at Mahiyangana, President Premadasa met me there. We had a very cordial one-to-one meeting. The President told me to ensure that power supply was not interrupted and normalcy restored. The JVP had sabotaged the entire fleet of around 30 buses in the depot. I flew down motor fitters and mechanics from Katunayake air base who got the buses going by cleaning the sand spiked gear boxes and oil tanks. Army troops were placed on 24-hour patrols to ensure the power pylons were not destroyed by the JVP. These troops had to be maintained by helicopters as the area was not accessible by road. During the Gam Udawa period, President Premadasa met me every morning. The Gam Udawa drew a large crowd and everything went off well except for a minor incident after closing time on one occasion. When leaving in the morning after the final day the President said “Thank you, see me in Colombo.” Sosa said that he opted to get back to Katunayake air base and remained there until retirement.

The Thileepan affair

Amidst the ongoing controversy over the Easter Sunday carnage and ahead of the two-day debate in Parliament, a vehicle carrying a portrait of Thileepan was attacked by villagers at Shardhapura, Uppuveli.

Thileepan died of a hunger strike at Nallur Kandasamy Kovil on Sept. 26, 1987. His fast lasted 11 days. A section of the media reported that National List MP Selvarajah Kajendran (a member of the Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam led Ahila Illankai Thamil Congress) accompanying the vehicle was also attacked. It would be pertinent to mention that Kajendran first entered Parliament in 2004 on the Tamil National Alliance (TNA) ticket. The one-time President of the Jaffna University Students Union received the backing of the LTTE at that election in the wake of the TNA recognizing Velupillai Prabhakaran as the sole representative of the Tamil speaking people, amidst the shocking split caused by then LTTE Eastern Commander Vinayagamoorthy Muralitharan aka Karuna Amman defecting to the government.

The portrait-carrying vehicle began its journey at Pottuvil and was on its way to the Jaffna peninsula, where the final remembrance was to be held. A section of the media depicted Thileepan as a person who died for the rights of the Tamil speaking people.

Let us examine the circumstances 26-year-old Thileepan died following the 11-day fast after Velupillai Prabhakaran ‘deployed’ him as a suicide bomber. Actually, Thileepan’s fast unto death was meant to cause mayhem in the Jaffna peninsula. The LTTE mounted its first suicide attack on July 05, 1987, on the Nelliady Army detachment.

Former LTTE terrorist Niromi de Soyza (adopted pseudonym) dealt with Thileepan’s fast unto death, in her debut as a writer. ‘Tamil Tigress’ first published two years after the Sri Lankan military decimated the LTTE’s conventional military capability, the writer, who had been 17 at the time she joined the group in 1987, discussed Thileepan’s death against the backdrop of Velupillai Prabhakaran’s decision to take on the Indian Army. Sri Lanka was forced to accept the deployment of the Indian Army in late July 1987.

The writer ‘Niromi’ questioned Velupillai Prabhakaran’s choice as Thileepan was physically fragile and too intelligent to be sanctified. She had been one of those assigned for crowd controlling duties at Nallur Kandasamy Kovil where she witnessed Thileepan being welcomed onto the makeshift podium. The LTTE’s No. 02 at the time Mahattaya had been with Thileepan at the launch of his fast. ‘Niromi’ had been at the scene of the hunger strike on many days and experienced the LTTE propagating the lie that the dying man’s wish was for the LTTE to defeat the Indian Army. Recalling the opportunity she received to get onto the podium, the writer translated four lines of a Tamil song heard about a week after Thileepan launched his much advertised action.

A sweet-smelling flower is withering

It cannot speak, it cannot walk

Will Thileepan anna’s desire be satisfied?

Won’t the foreign army flee?

The writer named Thileepan as the person who conscripted her, handed her first assault rifle as well as a cyanide capsule which the writer called kuppie.

She had been present when a doctor who examined Thileepan on Sept. 26, 1987, pronounced him dead.

‘Niromi de Soyza’ wrote: With his life Thileepan had paved the way for war (Chapter 09: There’s still time to change your mind).

Less than 10 days after Thileepan’s death, the Sri Lanka Navy intercepted a trawler carrying a group of hardcore LTTE terrorists in the northern seas. Their detention and their subsequent mass suicide in Sri Lankan custody led to the resumption of war in the second week of Oct. 1987.

Niromi de Soyza quoted Velupillai Prabhakaran as having told a group of cadres, including herself, soon after the mass suicide at Palaly, “The Indian government engineered the so-called peace process as a plot to gradually eliminate us.”

Propaganda war will continue unabated until Sri Lanka countered lies. Fifteen years after the conclusion of the war, Sri Lanka is still struggling to counter various narratives. There cannot be a better example than the bid to exploit deliberately caused Thileepan’s death to launch a fresh rift between the Sinhalese and Tamil speaking people. The vehicle convoy that had been launched from Pottuvil was meant to cause maximum harm to these yet fragile relations. Unless the government takes tangible measures against such exploiting tactics to create fresh wounds between the two communities, the day the country erupts again is not far off.

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Midweek Review

‘Aragalaya’ could have been thwarted and GR’s presidency saved: Mahinda Siriwardana

Published

7 days ago

2025/06/11

Sahan Weerasooriya

Outgoing Secretary to the Ministry of Finance launched "Sri Lanka's Economic Revival – Reflection on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery," on April 8, 2025, at the Galle Face Hotel, Colombo. Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe receiving a copy of Siriwardana's book that dealt with the 2019-early 2025 period.

Outgoing Treasury chief Mahinda Siriwardana has appealed to the public not to be deceived by various interested parties responsible for the worst post-independence economic crisis. Declaring that the country had lost its economic sovereignty, Siriwardana emphasised that the situation remained fragile as the country was moving on what he called a narrow path of recovery with very limited options available to maneuver. Warning of catastrophic consequences if the country failed to continue on the IMF track, whatever the political compulsions were, Siriwardana urged the public to support it to regain lost economic sovereignty.

There had been several books on ‘Aragalaya’ that forced President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to give up the presidency in July 2022. Prolific writer Sena Thoradeniya (Galle Face Protest: Systems Change or Anarchy?) and National Freedom Front leader Wimal Weerawansa dealt with ‘Aragalaya’ (Nine: The Hidden Story) in April and October 2023. The writers alleged an external hand in the high profile protest campaign with the focus on the US covert intervention. They portrayed US Ambassador Julie Chung as the villain and one of the major players in the conspiracy.

‘Aragalaya’ time Speaker Mahinda Abeywardena gave a new twist to the plot when he declared in Parliament direct foreign intervention in President Rajapaksa’s ouster, though the ousted leader in his memoirs ‘Conspiracy to oust me from presidency,’ refrained from making direct allegation against the US.

Having perused exposes by Thoradeniya, Weerawansa and Rajapaksa, the writer believes ‘Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival: Reflections on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery,’ authored by outgoing Secretary to the Treasury and Finance, Planning and Economic Development Ministry Mahinda Siriwardana is a must read. It will also be available in Sinhala in the near future.

Siriwardana’s narrative of the circumstances leading to the public protest campaign is explosive. The Treasury Chief built his case on the basis of a series of speeches/power-point presentations delivered during the volatile 2022 to 2025 period. The first speech was delivered on June 24, 2022 at the Royal Colombo Golf Club amidst the ‘Aragalaya’ build-up for the final push, and the final on February 25, 2025 at Shangri-La, Colombo.

In 34 speeches/power-point presentations, Siriwardana cautiously examined how the Central Bank leadership, as well as the so-called economic leadership of the Pohottuwa (Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna) administration, during the 2019-2022 period, deliberately deceived President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The author authoritatively asserted that ‘Aragalaya’ could have been thwarted and Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency saved if not for the utterly wrong advice given to him.

The treacherous actions/failures of the Central Bank and the Monetary Board should be examined taking into consideration the massive borrowings over the past several decades and minimal taxing, ridiculously shortsighted policies, Covid-19 pandemic and the Russia-Ukraine war.

In a key note speech delivered at ‘ICC Sri Lanka workshop on trade finance’ at the Colombo Ramada, on February 17, 2024, Siriwardana dropped a bombshell. The soft spoken Finance Secretary didn’t mince his words when he declared the economy collapsed because the then President was given wrong advice on managing the economy. The author hinted at possible conspiracy at the highest level by asserting that it was not a case of providing wrong data to the President but misguiding him on the overall course of economic policy.

Siriwardana, who had been a Deputy Governor of the Central Bank at the time he first issued a warning to the Monetary Board, found fault with those who proposed home-grown solutions to the developing crisis for the eventual collapse of the economy. President Rajapaksa, according to Siriwardana, had been deprived of an opportunity to hear whatever views expressed, contrary to the home-grown solution touted as the panacea for Sri Lanka’s ills.

In the same speech, Siriwardana alleged that those who had propagated home-grown solutions at the expense of economic, political and social stability of post-war Sri Lanka, out of hand rejected assessments provided by international credit rating agencies.

In his preface, Siriwardana, without hesitation whatsoever emphasised that (1) the economic crisis was man-made (2) it could have been prevented or at least the impact mitigated (3) decision makers within the Central Bank and the government turned down timely recommendation for an early engagement with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). The Treasury chief asserted that President Gotabaya Rajapaksa hadn’t been in a position either to receive proper briefing on the developing situation and, therefore, wasn’t able to take remedial measures.

Prime Minister Mahinda Rajapaksa had served as the Finance Minister till July 2021. Basil Rajapaksa was brought in as the Finance Minister in July 2021 while Dr. P. B. Jayasundera served as Secretary to President Rajapaksa. Prof. W.D. Lakshman had been the SLPP’s choice as the Governor but was unceremoniously removed in early September 2021 and replaced with Ajith Nivaard Cabraal. At the time of the new appointment, Cabraal, who had served as Governor, Central Bank, during previous instances, was the State Finance Minister. S.R. Attygalle had been the Secretary to the Treasury.

A letter too late

Delivering the inaugural Prof. K. Dharmasena memorial lecture at the University of Kelaniya on January 30, 2024, Siriwardana explained how President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in a letter dated March 18, 2022 sought immediate IMF engagement. However, by then the irreversible damage had been done and the The President found himself in a very dicey situation. Obviously the President felt deeply letdown by the developing situation and the realisation that his own team caused irrevocable damage to the post-war economy must have come as quite a shock to the wartime Defence Secretary.

In a no holds barred attack on the Monetary Board of the Central Bank, Siriwardana emphasised in spite of him personally briefing the Monetary Board in mid-2021 of the growing danger in allowing the government to continue on the wrong path, the powers that be disregarded the advice. Having decided not to seek IMF engagement in mid-2020, the government continued to depend on a nonexistent home-grown solution until the country ran out of foreign exchange.

By the time President Rajapaksa realised his folly, it was too late. The President had no option but to bring back retired Senior Deputy Governor Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe as the Governor of the Central Bank and appoint Siriwardana as the Secretary to the Treasury and Finance, Planning and Economic Development Ministry. Their simultaneous appointments in early April 2022 paved the way for UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe’s entry as Prime Minister a couple of weeks later.

At the time of Dr. Weerasinghe’s retirement, he had been holding the position of Senior Deputy Governor which is the No 2 position in the management. Dr. Weerasinghe was supposed to retire on 18 January 2021 at the age of 60. But the top banker had stipulated three months leave and some other leave prior to retirement. Therefore, his retirement took effect at the end of September 2020. Although Deputy Governors are invited to serve until the end of retirement age by the Monetary Board, the then Monetary Board, chaired by Prof W.D. Laxman, in his capacity as the Governor of the Central Bank, ex-officio member Finance Secretary S.R. Arttygalla and appointed member Samantha Kumarasinghe had disagreed. Therefore Dr. Weerasinghe and other Deputy Governor H.A. Karunaratne wasn’t invited to serve that three-month period.

Dr. Weerasinghe and Karunaratne earned the wrath of the establishment by warning the powers that be of the government’s economic strategy. Ironically the same government had to invite Dr. Weerasinghe to take the Governor position in April 2022. But by then the national economy had suffered irreversible damage and the country was in an utterly helpless situation.

Dr. Weerasinghe and Siriwardana and Ranil Wickremesinghe as the Prime Minister (May to July 2022) and President (July 2022 to Sept 2024) spearheaded Sri Lanka’s recovery efforts. Whatever the criticism directed at Wickremesinghe over the years, resolute political leadership given by him during volatile periods should be appreciated, regardless of political differences.

The Chief Guest at Siriwardana’s April 08, 2025 book launch at the Galle Face Hotel was none other than President Anura Kumara Dissanayake, one of the two main beneficiaries of ‘Aragalaya.’ Had the Monetary Board acted on concerns raised by Dr. Weerasinghe and Siriwardana and taken remedial measures at an early stage as repeatedly stressed by the author, economic ruin could have been averted The other main beneficiary is Ranil Wickremesinghe, leader of the UNP. The truth is Wickremesinghe who had even failed to retain his Colombo district seat at the 2020 parliamentary election ended up being elected by Parliament as President in July 2022, thanks to the SLPP’s generosity.

Anura Kumara Dissanayake, leader of two registered political parties namely the JVP and NPP, received such a boost via ‘Aragalaya’ he secured a staggering 5.7 mn votes at the 2024 presidential election. At the previous presidential election conducted in 2019, Dissanayake secured a distant third position with just 418,553 votes. His percentage was pathetic. Just 3.16% whereas Gotabaya Rajapaksa obtained a staggering 6.9 mn votes which amounted to 52.25% of the total accepted votes.

Dr. Coomaraswamy’s take on developments

Both Siriwardana and Dr. Indrajith Coomaraswamy, in his incisive foreword commended successive Presidents Gotabaya Rajapaksa, Ranil Wickremesinghe and incumbent Anura Kumara Dissanayake for what they have done post- ‘Aragalaya’ period.

Both lauded President Dissanayake for continuing with the IMF-led programme, the 17th since 1965. Siriwardana earned Dr. Coomaraswamy’s appreciation for his role in spearheading the efforts to secure parliamentary approval for the Public Financial Management Act (PFMA). Dr. Coomaraswamy who received the appointment as Governor of the Central Bank in June 2016, at the height of the Treasury bond controversy, commended Dr. Weerasinghe’s role in ensuring the enactment of Central Bank of Sri Lanka Act (CBA).

Siriwardana meticulously explained the arduous road the country had to take after key economic decision makers of Pohottuwa hastily vacated their offices by late March/early April 2022.

Siriwardana lamented the absence of a mechanism in case the Central Bank and the Monetary Board disregarded well founded concerns raised by a senior officer. The Supreme Court ruling (SC FR No 195/2022) harshly dealt with the irresponsible lot. Siriwardana’s assessments are compatible with the landmark Supreme Court judgment. Against the backdrop of the politically devastating judgment, Siriwardana examined the absurdity in propagating home-grown solutions disregarding time-tested globally accepted strategies to overcome daunting economic challenges.

Perhaps political parties should make Siriwardana’s book available to at least their members in Parliament. A Sinhala version of Siriwardana’s narrative would definitely help to educate the members of the legislature as part of the overall efforts to educate the Parliament of the dangers on the economic front.

Siriwardana dealt with a number of contentious issues that had been raised by various interested parties seeking to exploit the situation to their advantage. One such issue had been the declaration of debt standstill in April 2022 by Dr. Weerasinghe.

Some of those responsible for the worst post-independence crisis experienced by the country alleged that President Rajapaksa’s administration caused the economic meltdown by unilateral declaration of debt standstill. Siriwardana explained the desperate situation the country was in at the time of the announcement. Liquid and usable reserves had been low as USD 24 mn and the country lacked the wherewithal to meet mandatory debt service requirements. The debt standstill allowed the government to free available foreign currency to pay for critically required imports.

Siriwardana confidently described debt standstill as the first step in the economic recovery process. Political parties represented in Parliament should pay attention to Siriwardana’s assertions. The book launched on April 08, 2025, exactly three years after Siriwardana assumed the responsibilities as the Secretary to the Treasury and Finance, Planning and Economic Development Ministry didn’t receive the deserved attention. Political parties that issue statements at the drop of a hat and call special media briefings to explain their stand remained tight-lipped. Siriwardana’s narrative had been as devastating as the Supreme Court judgment on the ruination of the national economy.

The court found fault with the Rajapaksa brothers, Mahinda, Gotabaya and Basil, Ajith Nivard Cabraal, Prof. W.D. Lakshman, S.R. Attygalle, Dr. P.B. Jayasundara and members of the Monetary Board.

The apex court in its November 2023 judgment rejected their efforts to justify failure to take remedial measures on policy decisions.

Actually, the 10th Parliament should appoint an all-party committee to study the Supreme Court judgment and Siriwardana’s narrative. Whatever the differences over other matters, political parties must ensure that they do not undermine the ongoing IMF-led programme under any circumstances. Major trade unions only concerned about their membership should be briefed of the Supreme Court judgment and Siriwardana’s assessments.

A frightening picture

Appearing before the Committee on Public Finance (COPF) on July 23, 2024, Siriwardana painted a frightening picture of the irresponsible conduct of those who exercised political power. The outspoken official warned Parliament that unlike in the past the current crisis was so severe the country needed a special mechanism to prevent political parties from repeating what he called policy errors of the past. Declaring that those who had been in power always returned to their old ways after adhering to the IMF conditions initially, Siriwardana acknowledged that even now there was no guarantee that the political party system wouldn’t breach the understanding with the IMF.

That is a very serious statement to make and underscored the pathetic situation faced by the country. Referring to the Economic Transformation Bill and other Bills enacted to ensure overall financial discipline, Siriwardana discussed ways and means to proceed with the IMF-led four-year project meant to stabilise the country.

The tax policy is a case in point. Our parliamentarians should know tax policy is no longer in their hands. Instead decisions are taken by the Treasury in consultation with the IMF in line with the Extended Fund Facility (EFF) programme worth USD 3 bn.

Siriwardana, in the 13th chapter, explained how some of those responsible for economic ruination of the country sought political advantage at the expense of the ongoing EFF programme. The author asserted that had they acted responsibly at the time they were entrusted with the task of taking decisions on behalf of the country Sri Lanka wouldn’t have been in current predicament.

Siriwardana will retire at the end of this month. He’ll be assuming duties as an Alternate Executive Director at the Asian Development Bank (ADB), representing Sri Lanka and six other countries. President Dissanayake and his NPP government should ensure that a suitable person capable of handling the tough job is chosen. Siriwardana should make available the Sinhala version of his shocking book as soon as possible for all parliamentarians to understand the gravity of the situation. The responsibility in making suitable appointments lies with the executive and the Constitutional Council depending on the vacancy/appointment. As Siriwardana lucidly explained President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s downfall was caused by persons appointed by his own administration at the behest of various parties.

Siriwardana’s ‘Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival: Reflections on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery’ is the story of deterioration of governance and accountability. How the war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa administration allowed economic ruin by pursuing absolutely foolish nonexistent home-grown solutions to a developing economic crisis hitherto not seen. Siriwardana’s take on ‘Aragalaya’ is clear. Whatever the accusations directed at external powers engineering President Gotabaya Rajapakasa’s downfall, that despicable project couldn’t have been brought to a successful conclusion without the Central Bank and Monetary Board creating an environment conducive for ‘Aragalaya.’

Make no mistake, the NPP won’t bother to investigate the alleged conspiracies as they were the main beneficiaries of the high profile project. Let me end this comment with what the outgoing Treasury chief said about the steady decline in revenue collection and the response of our irresponsible Parliament whoever exercised political power. Alleging that revenue collection declined from a healthy 20% of GDP to record low of 8.3% of GDP in 2021, successive governments simply borrowed to cover the shortfall in revenue deficit. The bottom line is the author blamed the Parliament for the ruination of the national economy.

Instead of accepting everything said by the outgoing Treasury Secretary as being the gospel truth we also call upon our readers to delve into Confessions of an Economic Hit Man, which is a semi-autobiographical book written by American essayist John Perkins.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

Midweek Review

Govt . should take cognisance of threats and challenges

Published

7 days ago

2025/06/11

Sahan Weerasooriya

Drone technology as new warfare:

Over the past several years, drone technology has revolutionised the face of warfare. Once regarded as primarily reconnaissance systems, drones have been reengineered into sophisticated combat Arms capable of precision attacks, intelligence gathering, and surveillance spied in never-before ways. Their coming signals an end to the age of traditional war tactics, ushering with it the dawn of a new era of automation, less human interference, and strategic advantage that redefines warfare encounters.

Drones in the present context are user-friendly and cheaper to buy. Drones that are used to transport goods can vary in price Professional/Industrial Drones in the range of $3,500 – $50,000+ in the USA. In the US, Alphabet-owned drone company Wing and Walmart are expanding their drone delivery partnership to five new U.S. cities: Atlanta, Charlotte, Houston, Orlando, and Tampa. This expansion will allow customers in these areas to receive online orders via drone delivery. Currently, the service operates at around 15 Walmart stores in northwest Arkansas and the Dallas-Fort Worth area, and the new rollout will add approximately 100 more stores to the programme. Despite being used as a social welfare service object, drones can be used in warfare, as in the case of Ukraine and Soviet Russia war. This capability has a danger that the governments should take into consideration, as terrorist groups can operate drones to make large scale destruction to infrastructure and social life.

The evolution of drones in Warfare

Initially meant for spy operations, drones have developed at a rapid rate. It was the period around the early 2000s that saw military soldiers embracing armed drones for operations, enabling precision bombing with minimal collateral damage. The most frequent examples include the use of Predator and Reaper drones by US military forces in counterterrorism operations, where they have been in use in taking out high-priority targets without exposing soldiers to danger.

Outside of airstrikes, drones have assumed numerous other roles in modern warfare, including electronic warfare, logistics, and battlefield communications. The ability to use them autonomously or remotely places them as a multi-purpose tool within offense as well as defence strategies.

Strategic advantages of drone warfare

One of the most important strengths of drones is that they can minimise human casualties. Deploying unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) on battlefields, military soldiers are able to conduct missions without more risk to soldiers. It enhances operational effectiveness while coping with ethical concerns pertaining to direct human involvement in war.

Drones also provide cheaper alternatives to traditional military assets like fighter planes and soldiers. Being more economical to produce and maintain, they can be afforded by nations that desire an upgrade in their armed forces without having to spend much money.

Second, the ability to field swarms of drones—coordinated entities that make coordinated movements together—literally unleashes new tactical capabilities. Drone swarms are capable of saturating an adversary’s defences, strike simultaneously, and create strategic diversions, again showing the revolutionary capability of this technology in today’s war.

Ethical and Legal Implications

Though being beneficial, drones present ethical and legal issues, most notably autonomous targeting. The employment of artificial intelligence (AI) in the operation of drones creates controversies over accountability and decision-making in military operations. There are questions on who is responsible in instances of accidental targeting of civilians or unauthorised attacks.

International law cannot keep pace with the rate with which drone technology is developing. The absence of universally accepted laws governing their use is generating uncertainty in war policies. Others argue that drones would lower the cost of war, allowing nations to go to war with minimal political and human costs.

The future of drone warfare:

As technology progresses, drones are expected to become even more autonomous, precise, and adaptable. Advances in AI, machine learning, and robotics will have drones that can scan and process complex situations in real-time and perform operations with minimal or no human intervention.

While drones do possess certain undeniable military benefits, they also tend to conflict with conventional understandings of warfare, ethics, and global security. As states increasingly incorporate drones into their armed forces, it is imperative to set specific regulations and ethical standards that balance military prowess with humanitarian concerns.

Governments should take proactive measures

As there are several technologies on the market that can detect, jam, or disable drones, particularly in sensitive or restricted areas such as airports, military bases, or government buildings, the government should use them before any terrorist activity takes place. These technologies are largely adopted by law enforcement, defence organisations, and infrastructure owners concerned about security, privacy, or airspace invasion.

Detection is the very first step in all drone counteroperations. I wonder whether the radar systems in place in Colombo are capable of detecting drones. Radar devices, radio frequency (RF) scanners, acoustic sensors, and infrared or optical cameras can be utilized to detect and recognise airborne drones. Such technologies may detect the flight of drones, intercept signal communication between the drone and operator, or visually recognise an unauthorized drone.

Once a drone is detected, there are several non-lethal methods available to disable its operation. RF jammers would interfere with the control signals and bring drones down or return them to their origin. GPS jammers or spoofers would mislead or divert the navigation system of the drone. In some cases, advanced technology can hijack the control protocols of the drone, remotely controlling the drone and landing it safely. However, one must remember that these signal interference methods are typically illegal for civilian use in the majority of countries, including the U.S., due to communications and airspace control by the government.

Where disruption is not possible or effective, stronger countermeasures may be utilized. These might include directed energy devices such as microwaves or lasers, which can take the electronics of a drone out of action. Physical capture techniques such as net-firing drones, anti-drone rifles, or even trained birds of prey have been employed in certain situations, although the latter is less utilised today. These methods can prove to be effective but also risk damaging property or innocent bystanders, especially in an urban setting.

As most of these technologies are tightly controlled the government should introduce strict measures and restrictions on the use of these technologies and the use of drones. In countries like the United States, only licensed government agencies can use jamming or destructive anti-drone tech. For civilians or businesses looking to protect private property, passive detection gear is typically the only legally obtainable option, and anything must be done within the domestic aviation and telecommunications regulations.

As we discussed, drone technology has initiated a new chapter in warfare, revolutionising war fighting with precision, affordability, and flexibility. Whilst its strategic advantages are apparent, questions about ethical, legal, and security implications remain unsettled. Policy makers, as well as military commanders, must strike a balance between innovation and duty so that drone warfare remains in consonance with international norms and humanitarian values.

One of the major objectives of this article is to bring to the notice of the government the growing threat from drones, particularly now at this juncture in the world and national context where the acts of sabotage by terrorist groups are getting advanced and unpredictable. Drone technology that began to be utilized only for the purposes of hobby or commercial development has, today, evolved into machines that are easily weaponized or employed to bring destruction upon target objects. The ease of availability, movement, and unobtrusiveness of drones make them a perfect device to launch attacks on key infrastructure, government headquarters, or civilian populations. The article aims to raise awareness of this new threat and to highlight the need for urgent and immediate action by government authorities to establish regulation guidelines, invest in anti-drone systems, and ensure the security and safety of the country’s national airspace and public life.