Features
NM’s 117th Birthday: Abolishing Executive Presidency never more topical
By Dr. Jayampathy Wickramaratne
On 06 June, we remember Dr N.M. Perera, Leader of the Lanka Sama Samaja Party, parliamentarian par excellence, Leader of the Opposition and Minister of Finance on his 117th birthday. Hardly a week passes without references to analyses and predictions made by NM and his comrade and friend, Dr Colvin R. De Silva. Professor Harold Laski, NM’s guru at the London School of Economics, thought that NM would make an excellent Chancellor of the Exchequer, while Sir Ivor Jennings said that he would be an excellent Labour Prime Minister. Ajit Samaranayaka described NM as “the best Prime Minister Sri Lanka never had”. To the people of Thun Korale, he was “parippu mahattaya” who, with his colleagues of the LSSP, saved hundreds of lives of the poor during the malaria plague by distributing medicine and essential food items. A path that NM and his comrades cleared to access a remote malaria-stricken village in the present Panaakura Grama Niladhari division in Deraniyagala is still called “malaria para”. For us who grew up in the Sama Samaja movement, he was “NM sahodaraya”.
NM and Parliament
As we celebrate NM’s life on his birthday, the large majority of the people demand that the Presidential system of government be completely abolished. It was NM who made the most penetrating analysis of the 1978 Constitution, which almost entrenched the Executive Presidency. This was by way of a series of articles he wrote to the Socialist Nation, later published as a booklet, A Critical Analysis of the 1978 Constitution of Sri Lanka, which has become the Bible for those who wish a return to a parliamentary form of government. Justice cannot be done to NM by briefly summarising his writings on the subject. Instead, readers are encouraged to read and re-read them.
NM was unhesitatingly for a parliamentary form of government, not surprising given that he was one of Sri Lanka’s best-known parliamentarians who was awarded a DSc degree by the University of London for his comparative study of the parliamentary procedures of the United Kingdom, United States, France and Germany. He pointed out that the parliamentary form of government had worked for thirty years in Sri Lanka with a degree of success that had surprised many Western observers. A few weeks before the Second Amendment to the 1972 Constitution introduced the executive presidency, NM wrote:
“We look in vain in the speeches of [Prime Minister J.R. Jayewardene] for a clear and concise enumeration of the defects of the present Constitution which make the wholesale rejection of the present structure desirable. His lame contention that the present system of Government makes for instability and lack of continuity scarcely bears examination. He mentions the case where Prime Minister Dudley Senanayake was compelled to resign and call for fresh elections in July 1960, after his defeat on the Throne Speech following the March elections. Similarly he cites the case of Mrs. Bandaranaike, who was defeated on the Throne Speech debate in Parliament in December, 1964. One would have thought that these, the only two examples he cited, strengthened the case for the present Parliamentary system. They neatly reinforce the power of democracy. In both cases the elections that ensued registered a change in the complexion of the Government that existed. Surely, it is in crucial moments like this that the true worth of democracy is manifested. Judged by any standards, the examples he cities only prove that the present Parliamentary system has been tested and found not wanting.”
People are for abolition
If there were sceptics about the desirability of the abolition of the Presidential form of government, the conduct of Presidents Sirisena and Gotabhaya Rajapakse has helped assuage their fears. Acting through a Presidential Task Force, President Sirisena banned the pesticide Glyphosate with devastating results for agriculture, especially the tea industry. He acted not on the advice of scientists but of a politician monk. The unilateral decision by President Gotabhaya Rajapakse to completely ban agrochemicals as part of his ambitious programme to make Sri Lanka the first country with 100% organic agriculture, again egged by the same monk and a trade unionist doctor, ended up in disaster. The mishandling of the economy under his watch has left the country in shambles.
A survey conducted by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) in October-November 2021 revealed that just over half (50.3%) of those interviewed were of the opinion that more powers should be given to the Parliament by reducing the powers of the President. One-fourth of the respondents thought that more powers should be given to the President. When a survey was conducted just six months later, in April 2022, 74% of the respondents opined that the Executive Presidency should be abolished. It is significant that among Sinhala respondents, the figure was 74.2%, higher than the national percentage. Thanks especially to President Gotabhaya Rajapakse, people have now become wiser.
It is apt to quote from a recent statement of the United Left Front: “If anyone had reservations about abolition, recent events that led to an economic and agricultural crisis unprecedented in Sri Lankan history and the breakdown of law and order should convince them that such crises could have been averted if there was collective decision-making through the Parliamentary process rather than unilateral decisions being taken by a President.”
Still, there are many who are fixated on the Executive Presidency. Extreme nationalists believe that it ensures Sinhala Buddhist dominance. Added to them are those who dream of becoming President and their cohorts.
Provincial Councils and abolition
Provincial Councils have come to stay in Sri Lanka, and several political parties that opposed devolution have now accepted that they cannot be abolished. Some opponents of abolition argue that there must be a President with executive powers to deal with possible secessionist tendencies. The best example of how a Parliamentary government could successfully deal with separatist and other extremist movements is India. To assuage fears that a Provincial Council might use its powers to move towards secession, the Steering Committee of the Constitutional Assembly of the last Parliament proposed that the Centre should be constitutionally empowered to intervene in a province in case there is a clear and present danger to the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Republic. The proposal was for the President, on the advice of the Prime Minister, to assume to the President all or any of the functions of the administration of the Province and all or any of the powers vested in, or exercisable by, the Governor, the Chief Minister, the Board of Ministers or any body or authority in the Province or even take the ultimate step of dissolving the Provincial Council. The writer would go further to propose that the President be empowered to intervene after consultation with the Prime Minister, instead of on the advice of the latter, as an exception to the rule in a Parliamentary form of government. Such intervention should be approved by Parliament, as is the case of a proclamation of emergency.
It has also been argued that the Executive Presidency is essential for national security. Quite apart from national security, the country saw President Rajapakse being unable even to maintain public order on 09 May and thereafter. His clear directives to the Police not to allow goons to enter Galle Face to attack protestors were countermanded by some unknown force. His own cousin ridiculed him for being unable to prevent the memorial to his parents from being vandalised.
Absurd arguments
One of the most absurd arguments against a Parliamentary form of government is that a person who is not directly elected may become the Prime Minister and thus wield executive power. Whether elected from a district or through the national list, the Prime Minister must command a majority in Parliament; otherwise, he goes home irrespective of whether there is a “PM Go Home” campaign outside. On the other hand, the impeachment of a President is virtually impossible, as NM prophesied and the attempted impeachment of President Premadasa showed.
There have been many instances of politicians becoming head of government without being directly elected. Madam Sirimavo Bandaranaike served her first term as Prime Minister while being a nominated member of the Senate. Indira Gandhi’s first term was as Prime Minister was while being a member of the Rajya Sabha. Premiers I.K. Gujral, Dev Gowda and Manmohan Singh were Rajya Sabha members. Manmohan Singh held office for ten years, all while being elected to the Rajya Sabha from Assam, with which he had no connection. In Germany, Gerhard Schroder opted not to contest a constituency but was Chancellor for seven years, having been elected through the party list. The important thing is that they could have served only as long as they commanded a majority. Madam Bandaranaike lost her majority in December 1964 and had to call fresh elections at which she was elected but could not become Prime Minister.
Political stability
Another argument against abolition is that the Executive Presidency ensures political stability while a Parliament might be unstable. The last few months have shown how even with a President elected with a clear majority, followed by a two-third majority in Parliament and strengthened by the removal of all restrictions imposed by the Nineteenth Amendment, the country became unstable.
Some say that electoral reform that leads to a stable government is imperative if we are to have a Parliamentary government. If the electorate is fractured, no single party will get a working majority. A Parliament reflects the reality of divided opinion. Why have an electoral system that distorts public opinion? The present mess would have been worse if the SLPP had an absolute majority without its coalition allies. We live in an era of coalitions; all governments since 1994 have been coalitions.
The writer is not opposed to a small number of seats being given as bonus seats to the party or coalition that forms the government. The bonus seat at the district level has not served its stated purpose of ensuring stability as the bonus seats get distributed among parties that win the districts. However, the number of bonus seats must not be too large to distort the final result. The Soulbury Constitution provided for six nominated members. A new electoral system should not be a “nokerena vedakama” or an impossible pre-condition as an excuse to continue with the Presidential form of government which has miserably failed.
Each time the flaws of the Executive Presidency surface, we are reminded of how NM had predicted them. Now, when the country has been brought to near ruin by it, let us abolish the Executive Presidency once and for all.
(The writer is a member of the Politburo of the United Left Front).
Features
Peace march and promise of reconciliation
The ongoing peace march by a group of international Buddhist monks has captured the sentiment of Sri Lankans in a manner that few public events have done in recent times. It is led by the Vietnamese monk Venerable Thich Pannakara who is associated with a mindfulness movement that has roots in Vietnamese Buddhist practice and actively promoted among diaspora communities in the United States. The peace march by the monks, accompanied by their mascot, the dog Aloka, has generated affection and goodwill within the Buddhist and larger community. It follows earlier peace walks in the United States where monks carried a similar message of mindfulness and compassion across communities but without any government or even media patronage as in Sri Lanka.
This initiative has the potential to unfold into an effort to nurture a culture of peace in Sri Lanka. Such a culture is necessary if the country as the country prepares to move beyond its history of conflict towards a more longlasting reconciliation and a political solution to its ethnic and religious divisions. The government’s support for the peace march can be seen as part of a broader attempt to shape such a culture. The Clean Sri Lanka programme, promoted by the government as a civic responsibility campaign focused on environmental cleanliness, ethical conduct and social discipline, provides a useful framework within which such initiatives can be situated. Its emphasis on collective responsibility and shared public space makes it sit well with the values that peacebuilding requires.
government’s previous plan to promote a culture of peace was on the occasion of “Sri Lanka Day” celebrations which were scheduled to take place on December 12-14 last year but was disrupted by Cyclone Ditwah. The Sri Lanka Day celebrations were to include those talented individuals from each and every community at the district level who had excelled in some field or the other, such as science, business or arts and culture and selected by the District Secretariats in each of the 25 districts. They were to gather in Colombo to engage in cultural performances and community-focused exhibitions. The government’s intention was to build up a discourse around the ideas of unity in diversity as a precursor to addressing the more contentious topics of human rights violations during the war period, and issues of accountability and reparations for wrongs suffered during that dark period.
Positive Response
The invitation to the international monks appears to have emerged from within Buddhist religious networks in Sri Lanka that have long maintained links with the larger international Buddhist community. The strong support extended by leading temples and clergy within the country, including the Buddhists Mahanayakes indicates that this was not an isolated effort but one that resonated with the mainstream Buddhist establishment. Indeed, the involvement of senior Buddhist leaders has been particularly noteworthy. A Joint Declaration for Peace in the world, drawing on Sri Lanka’s own experience, and by the Mahanayakes of all Buddhist Chapters took place in the context of the ongoing peace march at the Gangaramaya Temple in Colombo, with participation from the diplomatic community. The declaration, calling for compassion, dialogue and sustainable peace, reflects an effort by religious leadership to assert a moral voice in favour of coexistence.
The popular response to the peace march has also been striking. Large numbers of people have been gathering along the route, offering flowers, water and support to the monks. Schoolchildren have been lining the roads, and communities from different religious backgrounds extend hospitality. On the way, the monks were hosted by both a Hindu temple and a mosque, where food and refreshments were provided. These acts, though simple, carry a message about the possibility of harmony among Sri Lanka’s diverse communities. It helps to counter the perception that the Buddhist community in Sri Lanka is inherently nationalist and resistant to minority concerns that was shaped during the decades of war and reinforced by political mobilisation that too often exploited ethnic identity.
By way of contrast, the peace march offers a different image. It shows a readiness among ordinary people to embrace values of compassion and coexistence that are deeply embedded in Buddhist teaching. The Metta Sutta, one of the most well-known discourses in Buddhism, calls for boundless goodwill towards all beings. It states that one should cultivate a mind that is “boundless towards all beings, free from hatred and ill will.” This emphasis on universal compassion provides a moral foundation for peace that extends beyond national or ethnic boundaries. The monks themselves emphasised this point repeatedly during the walk. Venerable Thich Pannakara reminded those who gathered that while acts of generosity are commendable, mindfulness in everyday life is even more important. He warned that as people become unmindful, they are more prone to react with anger and hatred, thereby contributing to conflict.
More Initiatives
The presence of political leaders at key moments of the march has emphasised the significance that the government attaches to the event. Prime Minister Harini Amarasuriya paid her respects to the peace march monks in Kandy, while President Anura Kumara Dissanayake is expected to do so at the conclusion of the march in Colombo. Such gestures signal an alignment between political authority and moral aspiration, even if the translation of that aspiration into policy remains a work in progress. At the same time, the peace march has not been without its shortcomings. The walk did not engage with the Northern and Eastern parts of the country, regions that were most affected by the war and where the need for reconciliation is most acute. A more inclusive geographic reach would have strengthened the symbolic impact of the initiative.
In addition, the positive impact of the peace march could have been increased if more effort had been taken to coordinate better with other civic and religious groups and include them in the event. Many civil society and religious harmony groups who would have liked to participate in the peace march found themselves unable to do so. There was no place in the programme for them to join. Even government institutions tasked with promoting social cohesion and reconciliation found themselves outside the loop. The Clean Sri Lanka Task Force that organised the peace march may have felt that involving other groups would have made it more complicated to organise the events which have proceeded without problems.
The hope is that the positive energy and goodwill generated by this peace march will not dissipate but will instead inspire further initiatives with the requisite coordination and leadership. The march has generated public discussion, drawn attention to the values of mindfulness and compassion, and created a space in which people can imagine a different future. It has been a special initiative among the many that are needed to build a culture of peace. A culture of peace cannot be imposed from above nor can it emerge overnight. It needs to be nurtured through multiple efforts across society, including education, religious engagement, civic initiatives and political reform. It is within such a culture that the more difficult questions of power sharing, justice and reconciliation can be addressed in a constructive manner.
by Jehan Perera
Features
Regional Universities
The countryside and peripheral regions have been neglected in the national imagination for many decades. This has also been the case with regional universities which were seen as mere appendages to the university system, and sometimes created to appease political constituencies in the regions. The exclusion of the rural world and the institutions in those regions was not accidental nor inevitable, but the consequence of conscious policies promoted under an extractive and exploitative global order. Neoliberalism globalisation, initiated in the late 1970s with far-reaching policies of free trade and free flow of capital, or the “open economy,” as we call it in Sri Lanka, is now dying. The United States and the Western countries that promoted neoliberalism, as a class project of finance capital to address the falling profits during the long economic downturn in the 1970s, are themselves reversing their policies and are at loggerheads with each other. However, those economic processes will continue to have national consequences into the future.
At the heart of such policies is the neoliberal city, which has become the centre of the economy with expanding financial businesses and a real estate boom. Such financialised cities also had their impact on universities, in lower income countries, where commercialised education with high fees, rising student debt, research for businesses and transnational educational linkages with branch campuses of Western universities, have become a reality.
In the case of Sri Lanka, while neoliberal policies began with the IMF and World Bank Structural Adjustment Programmes, in the late 1970s, the long civil war forestalled the accelerated growth of the neoliberal city. I have argued, over the last decade and a half, that it is with the end of the civil war, in 2009, coinciding with the global financial crisis, that a second wave of neoliberalism in Sri Lanka led to global finance capital being absorbed in infrastructure and real estate in Colombo. The transformation of Colombo into a neoliberal city was overseen by Gotabaya Rajapaksa as Defence Secretary with even the Urban Development Authority brought under the security establishment. While Colombo was drastically changing with a skyline of new buildings and shiny luxury vehicles drawing on massive external debt, there were also moves to promote private higher education institutions. The Board of Investment (BOI) registered many hundred so-called higher education institutions; these were not regulated and many mushroomed like supermarkets and disappeared in no time when they incurred losses.
In contrast to these so-called private higher education institutions that proliferated in and around Colombo, Sri Lanka, drawing on its free education system, has, over the last many decades, also created a number of state universities in peripheral regions. However, these regional universities lack adequate funding and a clear vision and purpose. The current conjuncture with the neoliberal global order unravelling, and the immediate global crisis in energy and transport are grim reminders of the importance of local economies and self-sufficiency. In this column I consider the role of our regional universities and their relationship to the communities within which they are embedded.
Regional context
The necessity and the advantage of robust public services is their reach into peripheral regions and marginalised communities. This is true of public transport, as it is with public hospitals. Private buses will always avoid isolated rural routes as their margins only increase on the busy routes between cities and towns. And private hospitals and clinics flock to the cities to extract from desperate patients, including by unscrupulous doctors who divert patients in public hospitals to be served in the private health facilities they moonlight. Similarly, it is affluent cities and towns that are the attraction for private educational institutions.
Public institutions, including universities, can only ensure their public role if they are adequately funded. Over the last decade and a half, with falling allocations for education, our state universities have been pushed into initiating fee levying courses, both at the post-graduate level and also for undergraduate international students. These programmes are seen as avenues to decrease the dependence of universities on budgetary support. However, the reality is that it is only universities in Colombo that can draw in students capable of paying such high fees. Furthermore, such fee levying courses end up pushing academics into overwork including by offering additional income.
Therefore, allocations for underfunded regional universities need to be steadily increased. Housing facilities and other services for academics working in rural districts would ensure their continued presence and greater engagement with the local communities. Increased time away from teaching and research funding earmarked for community engagement will provide clear direction for academics. Indeed, such funding with a clear vision and role for regional universities can provide considerable social returns. In a time when repeated crises are affecting our society, agricultural production to bolster our food system as well as rural income streams and employment are major issues. Here, regional universities have an important role today in developing social and economic alternatives.
Reimagining development
In recent months, there have been interesting initiatives in the Northern Province, where the Universities of Jaffna and Vavuniya have been engaging state institutions on issues of development. In an initiative to bring different actors together, high level meetings have been convened between the staff of the Agriculture Faculty and officials of the Provincial Agriculture Ministry to figure out solutions for long pending agricultural problems. Similar meetings have also been organised between provincial authorities and the Faculties of Technology and Engineering in Kilinochchi. These initiatives have led to academics engaging communities and co-operatives on their development needs, particularly in formulating new development initiatives and activating idle projects and assets in the region. Such engagement provides opportunities for academics to share their knowledge and skills while learn from communities about challenges that lead to new problems for research.
One of the most rewarding engagements I have been part of is an internship programme for the Technology Faculty of the University of Jaffna, where four batches of final year students, from food technology, green farming and automobile specialities, have been placed for six months within the co-operative movement through the Northern Co-operative Development Bank. This initiative has created a strong relationship between the Technology Faculty and the co-operative movement, with a number of former students now working fulltime in co-operative ventures. They are at the centre of developing solutions for rural co-operatives, including activating idle factories and ensuring quality and standards for their products.
I refer to these concrete initiatives because universities’ role in research and development in Sri Lanka, as in most other countries, are often narrowly conceived to be engagement with private businesses. However, for rural regions, the challenge, even with technological development, is the generation of appropriate technologies that can serve communities.
In Sri Lanka, we have for long emulated the major Western universities and in the process lost sight of the needs of our own youth and communities. Rethinking the development of our universities may have to begin with an understanding of the real challenges and context of our people. Our universities and their academics, if provided with a progressive vision and adequate resources and time to engage their communities, have the potential to address the many economic and social challenges that the next decade of global turmoil is bound to create.
Ahilan Kadirgamar is a political economist and Senior Lecturer, University of Jaffna.
(Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies)
by Ahilan Kadirgamar
Features
‘Disco Lady’ hitmaker now doing it for Climate Change
The name Alston Koch is generally associated with the hit song ‘Disco Lady.’ Yes, he has had several other top-notch songs to his credit but how many music lovers are aware that Alston is one of the few Asian-born entertainers using music for climate advocacy, since 2008.
He is back in the ‘climate change’ scene, with SUNx Malta, to celebrate Earth Day 2026, with the release of ‘A Symphony for Change’ – a vibrant Dodo4Kids video by Alston.
The inspiring musical video highlights ocean conservation and empowers children as future climate champions, honouring Maurice Strong’s legacy through education, creativity, and global collaboration for a sustainable planet.
The four-minute animated musical, composed and performed by platinum award-winning artiste Alston Koch, brings to life a resurrected Dodo, guiding children on a mission to clean up marine environments.
With a catchy melody and an uplifting message, the video blends entertainment with education—making climate awareness accessible and engaging for the next generation.
SUNx Malta is a Climate Friendly Travel system, focused on transforming the global tourism sector that is low-carbon, SDG-linked, and nature-positive.
Professor Geoffrey Lipman, President of SUNx Malta, described the project as a joyful collaboration with purpose:
“It’s always a pleasure to produce music with Alston for the good of our planet. And this time, to incorporate our Dodo4Kids in the video urging the next generation of young climate champions to help save our seas.”
For Alston, now based in Australia, the collaboration continues a long-standing journey of climate-focused creativity:
Says Alston: “I have been working on climate songs since the first release, in 2009, of the video ‘Act Now.’ Since then, I’ve performed at major global events—from Bali to Glasgow. I wrote this song because the climate horizon is darkening, and our kids and grandkids are our best hope for a brighter future.”
Alston’s very first climate song is ‘Can We Take This Climate Change,’ released in 2008.
It was written by Alston for the World Trade Organisation presentation, in London, and presented at ‘Live the Deal Climate Change’ conference in Copenhagen.
The Sri Lankan-born singer was goodwill ambassador for the campaign, and the then UK Minister Barbara Follett called it a “gift in song to the world suffering due to climate change.”
Alston said he wrote it after noticing butterflies, birds, and fruit trees disappearing from his childhood days.
In 2017, his creation ‘Make a Change’ was released in connection with World Tourism Day 2017.
Alston Koch’s work on climate advocacy is pretty inspiring, especially as climate change is now creating horrifying problems worldwide, and in Sri Lanka, too.
Alston also indicated to us that he has plans to visit Sri Lanka, sometime this year, and, maybe, even plan out a date for an Alston Koch special … a concert, no doubt.
Can’t wait for it!
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