Features
New government takes over, transition to SLBC
With the new government about to be sworn in, there was an immediate issue, which confronted WT Jayasinghe and myself. Had we to be present at President’s House when the new Prime Minister took his oaths? We were still holding the posts of Secretary, Ministry of Defence and Foreign Affairs, and Secretary to the Prime Minister respectively. As such, there was an element of duty in our being present.
On the other hand, given all the circumstances and the Sri Lankan context, there was the real possibility that our presence could be misinterpreted by both sides. Those in the SLFP camp could believe that we rushed to participate at the swearing in, in order to curry favour with the new government. Those in the UNP could think the same, and at the same time, hold us in contempt for being there. Under these circumstances, both of us decided that we would not go to President’s House.
It was up to the new government to decide, what to do with us. WT was convinced that he was heading home, after the passport incident relating to Mr. JR Jayewardene, which I have narrated. As for me, I was a public servant, and was well aware that I was bound to serve in any area and in any post the government wanted me to. But, at this time, I was somewhat worriedly hoping that I would not be transferred out of Colombo to some distant place.
The reason for this was that my father, who was over 88 years in age had, according to the doctors, entered upon the last stages of his life. He was confined to bed and under close treatment. My mother, my wife and I were looking after him. Both as an only child, as well as out of a sense of gratitude for what he had done for me, I wanted very much to be near my father, and do whatever I could personally for him during these last stages.
Invitation by the President
Our decision not to go to President’s House was unexpectedly overridden. WT rang me at home and said that Mr. Gopallawa, the President had rung him up, and requested his presence at the swearing in ceremony. The President had also asked WT to contact and convey to me that I should be present too. This was typical of the sense of propriety and thoroughness of the President. He would have been reviewing all the arrangements for the swearing in, and in that context decided that we should officially be there.
WT ended the telephone conversation with me by asking the startling but what was to him, the most important question of whether it was necessary for him to wear a suit! WT hated wearing suits, and one of the major irritations he would have undergone as Foreign Secretary, would undoubtedly have been the number of occasions he would have had to wear one. I would have been surprised at this question had it come from anyone else but WT. But I knew something about his tastes and distastes. I told him not to be silly. I told him, that for one, the President, who was always quite proper would think that we had taken leave of our senses, if we ambled into the ceremony in shirt and tie. I told him further that casualness in dress, on a formal occasion, where we were present at the invitation of the President, would constitute disrespect to him, and could also be misunderstood by the new Prime Minister. WT, philosophically bowed to the law of inevitability.
Mr. JR Jayewardene was sworn in as Prime Minister on the morning of 23rd July 23, 1977. When WT and I went to President’s House there was the bustle usual on these occasions. Important members of the UNP were strutting around. Some not so important ones, were even more conspicuous walking about in the President’s House with a proprietary air. It was as if the whole country now belonged to them, and President’s house was but an insignificant portion of it.
I witnessed a similar phenomenon in 1970 when the coalition government headed by the SLFP came in. On both occasions, this display of power and inflated importance was not visible in the Prime Ministers or some of their senior advisors or colleagues. But it was the general spectacle of a majority who were basking in reflected glory.
WT and I were standing around, trying to look inconspicuous, which was not easy given WT’s towering- height and my own height and build. Mr. JR Jayewardene had arrived and was in conversation with the President. The oath had not been administered as yet. We were downstairs in the lobby, and wondering whether to go upstairs or not when Mr. Menikdiwela came briskly down the stairs. He saw us and asked WT to go up immediately.
He then turned to me and advised, that I should go to the Prime Minister’s office, next door, straightaway and receive the Prime Minister when he first came into the office, which he said he was going to do immediately after taking his oaths. This was, he said, because I was still officially Secretary to the Prime Minister. I told him that the President wanted me to be at President’s House. Mr. Menikdiwela, undertook to tell the President of this change of plan.
By now a large crowd, consisting mainly of UNP supporters were thronging the roads and a particularly heavy contingent were gathered opposite the General Post Office, facing President’s House. I walked through the crowds to the Prime Minister’s office next door, and prepared the office to receive the new Prime Minister. Mr. Jayewardene, however, after taking his oath did not come to office as was expected. Instead, he drove home to see his wife Mrs. Elina Jayewardene.
His wife, a gracious, cultured and simple lady had declined to go to President’s House for the swearing in. It was in her nature to eschew ostentation and to shun the limelight. Mr. Jayewardene and she were a very close couple, and I was told later that that was the reason why he went to see his wife first before coming to office and beginning to function as Prime Minister.
The new Prime Minister visits his office
Mr. Jayewardene arrived at the office a little before noon, accompanied by Mr. Menikdiwela. I greeted and welcomed him at the portico and ushered him up the rather imposing staircase to the prime minister’s room. While I was walking behind him, Mr. Menikdiwela whispered to me to speak to him about my future. As I had already described in an earlier chapter, Mr. Jayewardene was a person of few words.
As he sat in his chair, he asked both of us to sit. He then informed me that he had decided to appoint Mr. Menikdiwela as his Secretary. This was expected, and therefore no surprise. Then he inquired from me “Where do you want to go? o? What do you want to do?” I said, that I was a public servant and that I would go where the government wanted me to. Mr. Jayewardene thought awhile, and said “I have a problem at the SLBC. I am told that there is trouble there and the place is breaking down. I understand that the previous Chairman had to be taken out of the place under armed escort. I want you to go there and take charge immediately. I have to announce my Cabinet.”
Mr. Menikdiwela inquired “Sir, is he to go as Chairman or Director-General?” “Let him be both,” replied the prime minister. I was at least happy that I would be in Colombo, to see to my father’s needs. But this happiness was considerably diluted by the thought of the place to which I was going. The Sri Lanka Broadcasting Corporation at the best of times had a reputation of being a difficult place to manage.
Immediately after a general election and a change of government the prospect was daunting. Those days some people called it “The snake pit.” The previous Chairman, Ridgeway Tillekeratne had to be protected and escorted out by the Navy guards who were responsible for guarding the SLBC. But Ridgeway had at least partly brought this on himself. He did a great deal to improve the program content in particular, but gradually became openly identified with the SLFP.
I remember speaking to him about this, on a couple of occasions. Nevertheless, he went on heedless. I was taken aback by this sudden appointment and when my wits started to function again, I wanted to try to get out of it, if possible. I therefore told the Prime Minister, “Sir, I don’t know much about broadcasting.” Mr. Jayewardene was not to be denied. He suavely replied, “You know, I was once Minister in Charge of Broadcasting. But at the end of that period, I couldn’t say I knew much about broadcasting either!”
It was clear that there was no getting out of the situation. The Prime Minister was now clearly in a hurry, and I did not wish to delay him. I rose, said “Thank you,” and began walking out. Half way to the door, I turned around, walked back and asked the Prime Minister “Sir, before I go and assume duties, could you please tell me what your broadcasting policy is?” The question clearly caught him by surprise. He pondered for a moment and said, “Mr. G.V.P. Samarasinghe is on his way here. Speak to him before you go. You will also have a Minister soon. But please go very early. I don’t want a major breakdown in that place.”
Mr. G.V.P. Samarasinghe was a former Senior Civil Servant who functioned as Permanent Secretary to important Ministries such as Industries; and Defence and External Affairs, and who since his retirement from service had been assisting the UNP in a tangible way. The Prime Minister was to appoint him as Secretary to the cabinet. Pending his arrival, I quickly went round the office and the adjoining Ministry of Defence and Foreign Affairs bidding good bye to the many whom I had been working with for over seven years.
When I went back to my former office, Mr. Menikdiwela who was seated in my chair got up and offered me the chair, and I had to insist that he sit in it. He treated me with utmost courtesy and consideration, the same manner I had treated him in May 1970, when I walked into the Prime Minister’s office, where he was Assistant Secretary. Mr. Samarasinghe came in and I had a brief discussion with him. His advice was, not to make any major changes until I had had an opportunity to discuss matters with the new Minister.
I had decided, that I would quickly go home, change, grab some lunch, and then go to the SLBC. I anticipated that once I got there, I was going to be stuck there for quite awhile.
(Excerpted from In Pursuit of Governance, autobiography of MDD Peiris)
(Next week: Taking over at SLBC)
Features
Mannar’s silent skies: Migratory Flamingos fall victim to power lines amid Wind Farm dispute
By Ifham Nizam
A fresh wave of concern has gripped conservationists following the reported deaths of migratory flamingos within the Vankalai Sanctuary—a globally recognised bird habitat—raising urgent questions about the ecological cost of large-scale renewable energy projects in the region.
The incident comes at a time when a fundamental rights petition, challenging the proposed wind power project, linked to India’s Adani Group, remains under examination before the Supreme Court, with environmental groups warning that the very risks they highlighted are now materialising.
At least two flamingos—believed to be part of the iconic migratory flocks that travel thousands of kilometres to reach Sri Lanka—were found dead after entanglement with high-tension transmission lines running across the sanctuary. Another bird was reportedly struggling for survival.
Professor Sampath Seneviratne, a leading ornithologist, expressed deep concern over the development, noting that such incidents are not isolated but indicative of a broader and predictable threat.
“These migratory birds depend on specific flyways that have remained unchanged for centuries. When high-risk infrastructure, like poorly planned power lines, intersect these routes, collisions become inevitable,” he said. “What we are witnessing now could be just the beginning if proper mitigation measures are not urgently implemented.”
Environmentalists argue that the Mannar region—particularly the Vankalai wetland complex—is one of the most critical stopover sites in South Asia for migratory waterbirds, including flamingos, pelicans, and various species of waders. The sanctuary’s ecological value has also supported a niche with growing eco-tourism sector, drawing birdwatchers from around the world.
Executive Director of the Centre for Environmental Justice, Dilena Pathragoda, said the incident underscores the urgency of judicial intervention and stricter environmental oversight.
“This tragedy is a direct consequence of ignoring scientifically established environmental safeguards. We have already raised these concerns before court, particularly regarding the location of transmission infrastructure within sensitive bird habitats,” Pathragoda said.
“Renewable energy cannot be pursued in isolation from ecological responsibility. If due process and proper environmental impact assessments are bypassed or diluted, then such losses are inevitable.”
Conservation groups have long cautioned that the installation of wind turbines and associated grid infrastructure—especially overhead transmission lines—within or near sensitive habitats could transform these landscapes into lethal zones for avifauna.
An environmental activist involved in the ongoing legal challenge said the latest deaths validate earlier warnings.
“This is exactly what we feared. Development is necessary, but not at the cost of biodiversity. When projects of this scale proceed without adequate ecological assessments and safeguards, the consequences are irreversible,” the activist stressed.
The debate has once again brought into focus the delicate balance between renewable energy expansion and biodiversity conservation. While wind energy is widely promoted as a clean alternative to fossil fuels, experts caution that “green” does not automatically mean “harmless.”
Professor Seneviratne emphasised that solutions do exist, including rerouting transmission lines, installing bird diverters, and conducting comprehensive migratory pathway studies prior to project approval.
“Globally, there are well-established mitigation strategies. The issue here is not the absence of knowledge, but the failure to apply it effectively,” he noted.
The timing of the incident is particularly worrying. Migratory flamingos typically remain in Sri Lanka until late April or May before embarking on their return journeys. Conservationists warn that if hazards remain unaddressed, larger flocks could face similar risks in the coming weeks.
Beyond ecological implications, experts also highlight potential economic fallout. Wildlife tourism—especially birdwatching—contributes significantly to local livelihoods in Mannar.
Repeated reports of bird deaths could deter eco-conscious travellers and damage the region’s reputation as a safe haven for migratory species.
Environmentalists are now calling for immediate intervention by authorities, including a temporary halt to high-risk operations in sensitive zones, pending a thorough environmental review.
They stress that protecting animal movement corridors—whether elephant migration routes or avian flyways—is a fundamental pillar of modern conservation.
As the controversy unfolds, one question looms large: can Sri Lanka pursue sustainable energy without sacrificing the very natural heritage that defines it?
Pathragoda added that for now, the sight of fallen flamingos in Mannar stands as a stark reminder that development, if not carefully planned, can carry a heavy and irreversible cost.
Features
‘Weaponizing’ religion in the pursuit of power
A picture of US President Donald Trump apparently being prayed for by supporters, appearing in sections of the international media, said it all loud and clear. That is, religion is being flagrantly leveraged or prostituted by politicians single-mindedly bent on furthering their power aspirations.
Although in the case of the US President the trend took on may be an exceptionally graphic or dramatic form, the ‘weaponizing’ of religion is nothing particularly new, nor is it confined to only religiously conservative sections of the West. For example, in South Asia it is an integral part of politics. The ‘South Asian Eight’ are notorious for it and it could be unreservedly stated that in Sri Lanka, the latter’s ethnic conflict would be more amenable to resolution if religion was not made a potent weapon by ambitious politicians of particularly the country’s South.
The more enlightened sections of Christian believers in the US may not have been able to contain their consternation at the sight of the US President apparently being ‘blessed’ by pastors claiming adherence to Christianity. Any human is entitled to be blessed but not if he is leading his country to war without exhausting all the options at his disposal to end the relevant conflict by peaceful means.
More compounded would be his problem if his directives lead to the death of civilians in the hundreds. In the latter case he is stringently accountable for the spilling of civilian blood, that is, the committing of war crimes.
However, the US along with Israel did just that in the recent bombings of Iran, for instance. The majority of the lives lost were those of civilians. If the US President is endowed with a Christian conscience he would have paused to consider that he is guilty of ordering the taking of the life of another human which is forbidden in the teachings of Jesus Christ.
Moreover, the ‘pastors’ praying over the US President should have thought on the above lines as well. May be they were in an effort to curry the President’s favour which is as blame-worthy as legitimizing in some form the taking of civilian lives. Apparently, the realisation is not dawning on all Christian conservatives of the US that some of these ‘pastors’ could very well be the proverbial false prophets and the latter are almost everywhere, even in far distant Sri Lanka.
However, the political reality ‘on the ground’ is that the Christian Right is a stable support base of the Republican Right in the US. Considering this it should not come as a surprise to the seasoned political watcher if the Christian Right, read Christian fundamentalists, are hand-in-glove, so to speak, with President Trump. But it is a scathing indictment on these rightist sections that they are all for perpetrating war and destruction and not for the fostering of peace and reconciliation. Ideally, they should have impressed on their President the dire need to make peace.
That said, political commentators should consider it incumbent on themselves to point out that religion is being ‘weaponized’ in Iran as well. Theocratic rule in Iran has been essentially all about perpetuating the power of the clerical class. The reasons that led to the Islamic Revolution in Iran are complex and the indiscreet Westernization of Iran under the Shah dynasty is one of these but one would have expected Iran to develop from then on into a multi-party, pluralistic democratic state where people would be enjoying their fundamental rights, as enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, for example.
Moreover, Iran should have taken it upon itself to be a champion of world peace, in keeping with its Islamic credentials. But some past regimes in Iran had vowed to virtually bomb Israel out of existence and such regional policy trajectories could only bring perpetual conflict and war. Considering the current state of the Middle East it could be said that the unfettered playing out of these animosities is leading the region and the world to ‘reap the whirlwind’, having recklessly ‘sowed the wind’.
However, religious fundamentalism-inspired conflict and war has spread well beyond the Middle East into almost every region since 1979, the year of the Islamic Revolution in Iran. So much so, knowledgeable opinion now points out that religious identity has come to replace nationalism as a principal shaper of international politics or “geopolitics”, as quite a few sections misleadingly and incorrectly term it.
Elaborating on the decisive influence of religious identity, the well known and far traveled Western journalist Patrick Cockburn says in his authoritative and comprehensive book titled, ‘The Age of Jihad – Islamic State and the Great War for the Middle East’ at page 428 in connection with the war in Chechnya ; ‘If nationalism was not entirely dead, it no longer provided the ideological glue necessary to hold together and motivate people who were fighting a war. Unlike the Islamic faith, it was no longer a belief or a badge of identity for which people would fight very hard.’ (The book in reference was published by VERSO, London and New York).
In his wide coverage of Jihadist Wars the world over Cockburn goes on to state that today a call from a cleric could motivate his followers to lay down no less than their lives for a cause championed by the former. The 9/11 catastrophe alone should convince the observer that this is indeed true.
However, as often pointed out in this column, there is no alternative but to foster peace and reconciliation if a world free of bloodshed and strife is what is being sought. Fortunately we are not short of illustrious persons from the East and West who have shone a light on how best to get to a degree of peace. Besides Mahatma Gandhi of India, who was the subject of this column last week, we have former President of Iran Mohammad Khatami, who made a case for a ‘Dialogue of Civilizations’ rather than a ‘Clash of Civilizations’.
The time is more than ripe to take a leaf from these illustrious personalities, for, the current state of war in the Middle East has raised the possibility of a war that could transcend regional boundaries. The antagonists are obliged to exhaust all the peaceful options with the assistance of the UN system. Besides, war cannot ever have the blessings of the sane.
Features
Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year green mission and national Namal Uyana
It was 35 years ago, on March 28, 1991, that Venerable Rahula Thera, then a young monk, embarked on a journey to the Na forest in Ulpathagama, Palagama, in the Anuradhapura District. Today, three and a half decades later, this mission stands as living proof of the enduring bond between Buddhist philosophy and the natural world.
Marking the 35th year of this green mission, Rahula Thera’s relentless dedication has transformed the National Namal Uyana into an environmental landmark admired not only across Sri Lanka but around the globe, as well.
When studying the life of Venerable Rahula Thera, one cannot ignore the profound connection between Buddhism and the environment. Buddhism is a philosophy deeply attuned to nature. The historical use of the sacred “Na Ruka” by all four Buddhas: Mangala Buddha, Sumana Buddha, Revata Buddha, and Sobhita Buddha — for enlightenment —demonstrates that from time immemorial, Buddhism has maintained a sacred bond with the Na tree. From the birth of Siddhartha to his enlightenment, the propagation of the Dharma, and even the great Parinirvana, all of these milestones unfolded in verdant, living landscapes.
Venerable Rahula Thera did not embark on the Namal Uyana mission seeking government support or personal gain. His commitment sprang from a deep devotion to the Buddha’s teachings on grove cultivation. A grove cultivator is one who spreads compassion for nature. As the Vanaropa Sutta teaches:
Venerable Rahula Thera reclaimed Namal Uyana which was then under the control of timber smugglers and treasure hunters. The term “Wanawasi” does not merely mean living in a forest; it signifies finding rest and enlightenment through nature, free from the destructive roots of greed, sin, and delusion.
Another defining aspect of Venerable Rahula Thera’s 35-year mission is the purification of the human mind. He has consistently taught the thousands who visit Namal Uyana that a person who loves a tree will never harm another human being. As the Dhamma proclaims:
It is important to remember that Venerable Rahula Thera devoted his life, without fear, speaking the truth and taking necessary action, tirelessly advancing the national mission he began. From 1991 to the present, he has worked with every government elected by the people, maintaining impartiality and independence from political ideology. Yet, he never hesitated to raise his voice fearlessly against any individual, of any rank or party, who committed wrongdoing.
Religious and Social Mission
The National Namal Uyana is not merely a forest; it is a magnificent heritage site, dating back to ancient times. Scattered across the landscape are boundary walls, the remains of ancient monastery complexes, and stone carvings believed to date back to the reign of King Devanampiyatissa. In earlier centuries, this sacred land had served as a meditation sanctuary for hundreds of monks. The name “National Namal Uyana,” by which this ecological and archaeological treasure is known today, was introduced by Venerable Rahula Thera in 1991. The government’s later recognition of the site as the National Namal Uyana stands as a significant achievement for both religion and national heritage.
Venerable Rahula Thera is a monk who has lived a life of renunciation. A striking example of this is his decision not to assume the position of Chief Incumbent of the National Namal Uyana Viharaya, instead entrusting the temple to the Ramanna Nikaya and its trustees. In doing so, he set a precedent for the contemporary Sangha. The Thera himself stated that he was merely the trustee of Namal Uyana, not its owner.
Legacy and Continuing Inspiration
The 35th anniversary of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera’s arrival at Namal Uyana is not merely the commemoration of a period of time; it is a message of nature to future generations. Through his work, the Thera revived the ancient Hela tradition of loving trees and venerating the environment as something sacred. This religious and environmental mission remains unforgettable.
The revival experienced by Namal Uyana, after the arrival of Venerable Wanawasi Rahula Thera, is beyond simple description. Some of the major accomplishments achieved under his leadership include:
* Securing and protecting the largest Rose Quartz (Rosa Thirivana) reserve in South Asia.
* Restoring the Na forest spread across hundreds of acres, providing shelter to numerous rare plants and animal species.
* Transforming the area into a living centre for environmental education, offering practical learning experiences for thousands of schoolchildren and university students.
* Drawing the attention of world leaders and international environmentalists to Sri Lanka’s unique environmental heritage.
In recognition of his immense contribution to environmental conservation, Venerable Rahula Thera was honoured with the Presidential Environment Award and the Green Award in 2004—a significant moment in his life. Yet the Thera himself has always remained devoted to the work rather than the recognition it brings, making such appreciation even more meaningful.
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