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Need for an epistemological break

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A file photo of a People’s Struggle Alliance press conference

A critical note on People’s Struggle Alliance press briefing in Jaffna

By Ragavan

The People’s Struggle Alliance, a coalition including the Front-Line Socialist Party, the New Democratic Marxist-Leninist Party, various student activists, and individuals, held a press conference in Jaffna on July 23, 2024. This date holds symbolic significance due to the state-sponsored violence against Tamils in July 1983.

I watched the conference online and wish to critically engage with the issues addressed by the speakers. I concur with their views on the economic challenges faced by Sri Lankans and their opposition to the IMF deal for managing the debt crisis. The argument that an unmandated government entered into an agreement with the IMF, thereby burdening ordinary citizens with debt repayment while those responsible for accruing the debt face no consequences, is accurate. The Alliance strongly opposed the IMF agreement and the involvement of multinational corporations and foreign governments.

The Alliance’s stance on the majoritarian Sinhala-Buddhist state structure, violence against Tamils and other minorities, the brutal conflict waged against Tamils by the armed forces, military occupation in the north and east, land grabbing under the guise of archaeological excavations using distorted history, and the lack of justice for the disappeared are all positive indicators.

Contradictory statements

However, I am deeply concerned about the contradictory statements from three Tamil speakers from the Alliance regarding the ‘national question.’ There appears to be no consistent approach to this issue. The speakers asserted that, unlike other parties, the Alliance’s political programme is genuine and people-centered, and they called on Tamils to join their struggle. However, they did not clearly define the solution to the ‘national question.’ The speakers introduced themselves as members of the Alliance and stated that the press conference aimed to briefly outline the party’s position on socio-economic issues and the ‘national question.’

One speaker, Swasthika Arulingam, mentioned that the 13th Amendment is part of the constitution and that political parties are claiming they will fully implement it. She stated that such declarations would not solve the ‘national question,’ and instead, the Alliance proposed suyadchi units (self-rule units). However, she did not explain why the 13th amendment has not been fully implemented. The Alliance also failed to clarify what these self-rule units entail. Will they retain the province as the self-rule unit as outlined in the 13th Amendment, or are they proposing a different model? Any move to relegate the unit of devolution without substantial power-sharing will likely be viewed with suspicion by Tamils in the North and East, and Muslims in these provinces may also be wary. Therefore, it is crucial for the Alliance to clarify its position on the unit of devolution, the powers to be devolved, and mechanisms to prevent the central government or the Executive President from unilaterally retracting devolved powers without the province’s consent.

My understanding is that the lack of political will in the south, coupled with the immense power vested in the executive presidential system, is a major impediment to the full implementation of the 13th amendment. Provincial Governors, appointed by the President, have the authority to dissolve Provincial Governments. The unitary government has been reluctant to grant police and land powers to Provincial Governments due to its majoritarian nature and fear of backlash from Sinhala Buddhist elements. Furthermore, if the southern polity is unwilling to fully implement the 13th Amendment, which is already part of the constitution, how does the Alliance plan to convince them that self-rule is the solution to the national question? The key political task is to campaign for the abolition of the executive presidency, advocate for devolution of powers, and disseminate a counter-hegemonic discourse to challenge the majoritarian mindset. Without creating such a discourse, these proposals have no meaning.

Meaning of Suyadchi

Let me elaborate on the meaning of Suyadchi in the Sri Lankan Tamil political parlance. The Federal Party in Sri Lanka campaigned for a federal state structure where Tamils in the north and east could form a federal government within a united Sri Lanka. However, in 1968, V. Navaratnam, a Federal Party parliamentarian, left the party and founded Tamil Suyadchi Kazhagam (Tamil Self Rule Party), advocating for an independent Tamil homeland. The LTTE leader Prabakaran was inspired by the Suyadchi Kazhagam’s campaign and formed the LTTE in the 1970s. Thus, Suyadchi implies the right to secession and the formation of an independent, sovereign state. Therefore, when a political party invokes Suyadchi, it suggests the right to self-determination and secession. A more appropriate political term might be regional autonomy (Manila Suyadchi), meaning granting more political powers to regions within a united state. However, regional autonomy should not be defined along ethnic lines, as this could create divisions among Tamils, Muslims, and Sinhalese within those territories.

Swasthika Arulingam did not say that suyadchi (self-rule) was based on the right of self -determination concept. She said that it was only a proposal.

In contrast, another speaker, Senthivel, stated that the ‘national question’ has long remained unresolved by the state or political parties in Sri Lanka, and the Alliance’s solution is to acknowledge the right to self-determination for Tamils and establish ‘suyadchi’ (self-rule). He also mentioned that there are four nationalities and several ethnic groups in Sri Lanka.

Unitary state structure

Another speaker, Rajeevkanth, expressed the Alliance’s position as fully opposing the unitary state structure and advocating for Suyadchi (self-rule) for Tamils. He said that Tamils have waited for a long time for Suyadchi and that the Alliance has proposed a solution for Tamils to govern themselves under Suyadchi. He emphasised that while the Alliance does not oppose the 13th Amendment, it acknowledges that the amendment does not resolve the ‘national question.’ He further stated that, unlike other southern parties, which often say one thing in Tamil regions to gain favour and propagate racism in the south, the Alliance has a written policy statement clearly defining Suyadchi as the solution for the Tamil people.

This position seems similar to Gajendrakumar Ponnambalam’s party’s ‘one country, two nations’ policy.

Furthermore, Rajeevkanth mentioned that in 1983, thousands of Tamils were killed and there has been no accountability until now. This statement is factually incorrect. When the People’s Alliance government came to power in 1994, former President Chandrika Kumaratunga made a public apology. In 2001, she appointed a truth commission, and 1, 278 people submitted claims for compensation. The commission submitted a report on the violence, accepted 949 cases, and a total of 72 million rupees was paid to the victims. In 2004, at a meeting to mark the 21st anniversary of the pogrom, she made a second public apology, declaring that every citizen in the country should collectively accept the blame and apologise to the tens of thousands who suffered. While these measures may not be sufficient and exception, at least the head of state made a public apology and accepted accountability. Tamil nationalists, however, seem to have a selective memory on this issue.

‘National question’

I do not understand Sinhala and am not fully aware of what the Sinhala speakers said about the solution to the ‘national question.’ Unfortunately, their speeches were not translated into Tamil or English (except Pathirana, who spoke in English, and Uduwaragedara, who briefly spoke in Tamil). Uduwaragedara also mentioned that the Alliance’s proposal is Suyadchi. My understanding is that the Alliance’s official position is to devolve power to regions, not based on ethnicity or identity, with regional governments established as self-governing bodies without central government interference, operating under a bicameral legislative system.

Instead of clearly presenting the Alliance’s proposals, Rajeevkanth invoked Tamil nationalist sentiments in a populist manner. Senthivel also stated that the solution was based on the right to self-determination and ‘suyadchi.’

In the Sri Lankan context, especially in the north, not only social class but also caste plays a crucial role in social stratification. The conspicuous absence of addressing caste discrimination at the press conference is notable. If the Alliance has a social justice agenda, it is questionable why caste and gender issues were not highlighted. While it is true that Tamils, Muslims, hill country Tamils, and other minorities lack political power, full democratic rights, and social justice in Sri Lanka, experience has shown that competing nationalist ideologies are often exclusive, intolerant, and undemocratic, as ethnic identities are constructed in terms of superiority and cultural uniqueness rather than equality, fraternity, and liberty. Historically, divisions between ethnic groups have deepened due to competing Sinhala and Tamil nationalisms and the war.

Lessons from the past

Lessons from the past suggest that territorialising ethnic identities has an exclusivist agenda, as evidenced by the eviction of the Muslims from the north during the LTTE rule. Therefore, while combating Sinhalisation and Buddhisisation is crucial, and any move re-draw the provincial boundaries of the Northern and Eastern provinces in a manner favouring Sinhala majoritarianism should be resisted, the demand for autonomy from the North and East should be rearticulated in regional terms as opposed to ethnic terms in order to ensure power-sharing is not exclusive to one ethnic group. There is a need to shift the discourse of resistance in the North-East of the country from one predicated on exclusivist narratives like Tamil homelands to inclusive ones that embrace all the people who currently inhabit these two provinces regardless of their ethnicity, religion, culture and language. It is through such an epistemological shift accompanied by inclusive policies and programmes that a new, robust idea of regional autonomy that can challenge the ongoing Sinhalisation and Buddhisisation of the region can be created.

Devolution of power to regions is essential for a democratic society. However, as Rosa Luxemburg warned, national self-determination can be a dangerous distraction from the imperative to collaborate with labour movements. Sri Lanka faces a severe economic crisis, debt burden, and exploitation of labour and natural resources by multinational corporations and governments. The marginalised, such as workers, peasants, plantation workers, women, LGBT+ individuals, and oppressed castes, are the most affected. The Alliance, as a progressive movement, ought to address fundamental issues such as devolution of powers and class, caste, and gender divisions, as well as exploitation and dispossession, to unite the people.

Furthermore, the most affected community in Sri Lanka is the Malayaga Tamils, especially plantation workers, who have been disenfranchised, ostracized, exploited, and marginalised. Malayaga Tamils are often overlooked in the national consciousness and treated as outsiders. The speakers were silent on Malayaga Tamils when discussing suyadchi, as if it applies only to Tamils in the north.

Therefore, the Alliance should clarify what they mean by self-governing units and their solution to the ‘national question’ (I prefer the term “question of minorities”). I also want to point out that the interpretations by Senthivel and Rajeevkanth are misleading and may reinforce the conventional belief among Tamils that the Alliance proposes self-rule for Tamils in the north and east or regional autonomy based on ethnic/linguistic lines. Additionally, any mechanism created for the implementation of regional autonomy should address caste, gender, and class-based discrimination in the north, east, and other provinces.

Marx once said, “The tradition of all dead generations weighs like a mountain on the brains of the living’. He said that it is like a beginner learning a new language tends to translate back into their mother tongue. They only truly assimilate the new language and express themselves freely when they stop recalling their native language and fully immerse themselves in the new one.

In a country like Sri Lanka, where ethno-nationalist politics has polarized the communities and made them see each other as enemies, we need a new language to talk about our political future under a framework of devolution which emphasizes inclusiveness rather than exclusiveness.

During the Aragalaya protests, a democratic atmosphere emerged organically, leading to critical reflections and engagement within Left and progressive groups regarding past injustices committed in the name of nationhood, the failures of nation-state building in the post-colonial context, and the exclusion of ethnic minorities. These issues have been extensively discussed and debated. Within the communities, there is a growing consensus that political leaders have distorted the facts to wield power, using divisive politics as their tool to deceive the people.

Although there was a crack in the Sinhala Buddhist majoritarian ideology during Aragalaya, a century old political and social discourse cannot be expected to be transformed within a short period of time.

In those protests, a fresh outlook and new modes of thought emerged, highlighting the need for progressive forces to advance the incipient ideas introduced by the youth. However, reactionary and divisive political forces are still present and may attempt to regain their influence. This is only the beginning, and building an inclusive democratic society is challenging but essential. The progressive forces within the Sinhala community have a duty to address state injustices and violence against ethnic minorities, often justified in the name of nation, patriotism, and sovereignty.

Historically, to oppose the majoritarian nationalist ideology, the Tamil political leadership in the north and east constructed a defensive Tamil nationalist ideology, which mirrors Sinhala nationalism in its discursive relationship to the minorities within the region. Tamils from these regions are depicted as a unique people with an inalienable right to a separate state. These ideologies operate within the socio-political landscape and continue to play a divisive role, framing political, social, and economic crises in reductive ways solely in ethnic terms.

It seems that the Alliance has not properly engaged with these burning issues. Instead, it is attempting to appease Tamil nationalist elements, which is counterproductive. The paramount task is to ideologically challenge the undemocratic, ethnocratic, neoliberal state structure, which is the root cause of the political and economic crisis that Sri Lanka is faced with today. Changing/ challenging the character of the state in the ideological terrain and disseminating a counter-hegemonic ideology—a new language that partially emerged during the Aragalaya — is the foremost task. Without such an epistemological shift, proposals and statements are meaningless.

Ragavan is a Tamil activist based in London who participated in Aragalaya protests in London. He is also a member of the Movement for People’s Struggle – UK, a solidary group supporting Aragalaya.



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Opinion

Living with Lenin and Risking HELL

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Lenin and Latha Jayasinghe

The name was a conversation piece. He was known as ‘Lenin,’ but that was actually an afterthought. Born Hirohito Edward Jayasinghe to a radical communist—Jones Alexander Jayasinghe—and his Eurasian bride, Myra Nesta Crutchley, my father underwent a name substitution just two days before his first birthday in October 1937. His parents dropped “Hirohito Edward” and replaced it with ‘Lenin’ and ‘Lindbergh.’

What was Lenin like? How did he influence his family and friends? Did he follow the great Russian leader? For much of his life, he was sympathetic to the communist state. He embraced leftist trade union activism throughout his career in the postal department. He also became a defence counsel, a legal representative for public servants facing disciplinary action and built a considerable practice. In the true socialist spirit, his services were free—the only fee was the ‘batta,’ the official stipend, he collected as a public servant and a huge reservoir of goodwill.

My brother, Lakal, and I grew up in a home imbued with egalitarian values. The most impressionable time of our childhood was during Mrs Bandaranaike’s rationing regime when each household had ration books—one per person. Among other items, everyone was entitled to a quarter pound (100 grams) of sugar a month. Lenin was a true leftist and embraced the bitter austerity as a necessary hell for a better future.

Early in their marriage, my mother, Latha, feared that Lenin would use all his names in the order they were given—Hirohito Edward Lenin Lindbergh (HELL). Theirs was a love marriage made in heaven, but ‘HELL’ being part of it was not what my mother had bargained for—or so she told us.

One-year old Lenin sporing a beret with the Hammer and Sickle emblem

My father became better known by his new first name, Lenin. On his first birthday, he was photographed wearing a beret adorned with the hammer and sickle, the symbol of the world communist movement. This was considered an act of defiance at a time when communists were not tolerated in British-ruled Ceylon. That was six years before the launch of the Communist Party of Ceylon in 1943. Jones Alexander Jayasinghe was reportedly arrested for defying the colonial authorities. How he escaped trouble is unclear, but family photos place Jones Alexander in the company of many figures at the forefront of Ceylon’s independence movement. Jones Alexander was a friend of the then-young Pieter Keuneman, who went on to become the Secretary of the Communist Party of Ceylon as well as trade union stalwart H. G. S. Ratnaweera.

Lenin was initially named ‘Hirohito,’ apparently because my grandfather admired the Japanese emperor. I have been unable to verify claims that he was among the first to use a Japanese-made Datsun model ‘DB,’ a 722 cc petrol-powered car that was infamous for its lack of reliability, unlike the Western-made vehicles dominating the British Empire at the time. The second name, Edward, honoured the UK’s King Edward VIII, who had ascended the throne in January 1936, ten months before my father was born. The two later names, Lenin and Lindbergh, were substituted a year later, though the reasons for this change remain unclear.

This was likely because Jones Alexander Jayasinghe had begun to rebel against colonial rule and opposed imperial Japan. The substituted names reflected his leanings towards Red Russia and the global human interest story of Charles Lindbergh after the murder of his baby. The name ‘Lindbergh’ referred to the American aviator who completed the first solo transatlantic flight in his aircraft, Spirit of St. Louis. The kidnapping and subsequent murder of Lindbergh’s 20-month-old son in 1932 had shocked the world and was widely known in Ceylon at the time of my father’s birth four years later.

My mother may also be the exception that proved the rule that marriage won’t make a man change. A promise to give up alcohol if she married him was kept, and Lenin never touched spirits—until I cajoled him into enjoying a glass of white wine. Giving up alcohol underscored my mother’s spirited determination to instil some discipline in him. A nasty motorcycle accident that saw him flying over the Dehiwala roundabout and narrowly escaping death shortly before his wedding may also have contributed to his temperance.

However, my father’s greatest failing was his inability to give up smoking. Unable to make him quit cigarettes, my mother, in a tit-for-tat move, threatened to cut off her long hair—something my father was ready to accept in exchange for continuing to smoke two to three packets of ‘Three Roses,’ the popular filter-less cigarettes, daily. After a life-changing heart bypass surgery in 1999, he finally gave up chain-smoking—at least in public.

Lenin’s heart and kidney-related health issues later in life were blamed on cigarettes. Neither my brother nor I developed any interest in smoking or drinking.

With my father being a postmaster and my mother a mathematics teacher, we learned to be frugal and count our blessings. Given the country’s economic circumstances at the time, with import restrictions being the norm, there was little pressure to buy things and no one was spoilt for choice. Most Sri Lankans endured the same miseries. Replacing a headlamp on my father’s old English motorcycle, which he had bought second-hand before his marriage, required hours in a queue at the State Trading Corporation. Even then, it was only possible after collecting approvals from several local officials to prove that the Velocette MAC motorcycle had a fused headlamp.

Even in tough times, my parents instilled in us the importance of helping others and sharing—a practice they continued until their dying days. I also owe my driving skills to my father, who would place me on the petrol tank of the 350cc single-cylinder motorcycle and let me take the controls when I was just 10 years old. Two decades later, he repeated this with my son, Navin on a newer, faster Honda 250N. After an accident that resulted in both my parents fracturing their limbs, my father reluctantly gave up his beloved two-wheelers for the safety of four wheels, though he was never comfortable driving cars.

Looking back, I am amazed at how I used to sneak out the heavy motorcycle for joyrides, even when both my feet couldn’t reach the ground. But those were quieter times when there were few private vehicles on the road, and a 10-year-old on a motorcycle didn’t pose much risk to himself or others.

As the younger of two sons, I rebelled by pursuing a career path that did not align with my teacher mother’s expectations of academic excellence. “My youngest son is a reporter at the Daily News, but my other son is a graduate,” she would tell her friends and colleagues, underscoring both her disappointment and pride simultaneously. But as years passed and I became a foreign correspondent, she came to terms with her youngest son’s high-risk but low-paying career, taking comfort in an astrologer’s not entirely accurate prediction that I would be a “writer known overseas.” Even after her retirement, she continued to teach neighbourhood children as part of her social work until Lenin’s passing in January 2018. With her beloved partner gone, she steadily declined and passed away in her sleep three years later on November 15, 2021.

On 10 January 2025, we marked the seventh death anniversary of Lenin Lindbergh Jayasinghe – a steadfast egalitarian, dedicated public servant, and a man whose influence left an indelible mark on all who knew him.

Amal Jayasinghe

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Opinion

Prof. Acchi M. Ishak

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Prof. Acchi M. Ishak

It is with profound sadness that we announce the passing of Professor Acchi M. Ishak, of 23, Kassapa Road, Colombo 5, and a former lecturer at King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals (KFUPM) in Dhahran, who passed away in Makkah at the age of 85 on Wednesday evening, December 25th, 2024.

His remains are currently at the Makkah Hospital, and the funeral will be held in the holy city itself following the completion of preliminary arrangements.

Hailing from the village of Nintavur in the Eastern Province, Professor Ishaq was an exceptional student during the renowned Azeez Era of Zahira College, excelling in both academics and sports.

After graduating from the University of Ceylon in Colombo in 1962, he embarked on a remarkable journey of higher education and professional achievement. Following his initial training in the Survey and Irrigation Departments in Sri Lanka, he pursued advanced studies in the Netherlands on a Nabuta Fellowship, specializing in Aerial Surveys and Hydraulic Engineering. As a Fulbright Fellow, he completed his Master’s Degree and PhD in Civil and Environmental Engineering at the University of Washington, Seattle, and the University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA.

Professor Ishaq served as a faculty member at Michigan State University and for over 30 years at the prestigious King Fahd University of Petroleum and Minerals. He was a Fellow of the American Society of Civil Engineers, a Chartered Civil Engineer, and a consultant to numerous international organizations.

In Sri Lanka, he generously contributed his expertise as an honorary consultant to the Ministry of Ports and Shipping and the Ministry of Environment and Natural Resources. He served as the Chancellor of South Eastern University from 2007 to 2022, leaving an enduring legacy in academia and public service.

Professor Ishaq’s life was a testament to dedication, excellence, and service to humanity. His loss will be deeply felt by his family, friends, colleagues, and all who had the privilege of knowing him.

May Allah (SWT) grant him the highest place in Jannah and provide strength to his loved ones during this time of grief.

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Opinion

Manmohan Singh, economist, and FM and PM of India; Amiya Kumar Bagchi, economist, author and Chancellor, University of Tripura

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Dr. Manmohan Singh

by Usvatte-aratchi

Manmohan Singh, a brilliant economist, distinguished public servant, and remarkable Minister of Finance and Prime Minister of India, died on December 27, and his body was disposed of with state honours. Amiya Kumar Bagchi was a brilliant economist, scholar, deep thinker, unexcelled public intellectual, most distinguished author, and the Chancellor of Tripura University. He died on December 28.

 I barely knew Singh, personally. We may have formally greeted each other twice or thrice when he was in Colombo in 1969 (?) to write a paper at the invitation of Lal Jayawardena, then of the Ministry of Planning. Turbanned and in a short-sleeved white cotton shirt, Singh was very quiet and it surprised me that he was later the Prime Minister among ‘argumentative Indians’. Amiya was a close friend of mine for 60 years. I met him when we were both at Cambridge, he was two years my senior. He had completed his thesis and was elected a Fellow of Jesus College. Soon after my thesis was approved, I gave Amiya a copy to read. After three days, he reported back that there was a major error in a chapter and that I should not do anything further with the thesis until that chapter was re-written. (That chapter remains unwritten to date!) Amiya and I met wherever I happened to work or live in: New York City, Bangkok or Colombo. He and Jasodhara (She was a professor of English (at Jadavpur) spent a few days with us in Colombo.) The last time he called me was to tell me he had been made Chancellor of Tripura.

 In the early 1960s, a small band of brilliant young men from India came to Cambridge to study economics. They included Man Mohan Singh, A. K. Sen, A.K. Bagchi, Pranab Bardhan, and Amit Bhaduri. Immediately before them were I.G. Patel and Shukhomoy Chakravarthy. Every one of them was an alpha-magnitude star and when assembled, they formed a brilliant galaxy that illuminated, for several years, the firmament that was economics. Sen was awarded a Nobel Memorial Prize in Economics. I.G. Patel was a distinguished economics administrator who worked, for a short period, for the United Nations Development Programme. A.K. Bagchi was a brilliant academic and prominent author and the Chancellor of Tripura University. Pranab Bardhan taught at both Harvard and Berkeley and authored several books, some on development. In their contributions to the development of the Indian economy, Singh was unsurpassed. In his successive positions as Economic Advisor to the government, Governor of the Reserve Bank, Finance Minister and Prime Minister he had unrivalled opportunities that he grasped with both hands. In his varied contributions to enrich the discipline of economics and understanding of the economy of India, Bagchi stands unexcelled. Amit Bhaduri, the youngest of them all, has taught at JNU and has been a peripatetic professor in many European universities, especially in Italy, and continues enriching the economics literature as he has done over several decades.

Lal Jayawardene and M.R.P. Salgado were Singh’s contemporaries at Cambridge and Singh and Jayawardene were life-long close friends. Amiya Bagchi delivered a lecture in Colombo at the invitation of the Central Bank and he and Jasodhara (She taught English at Jadavpur) were our guests for a few days. Amit Bhaduri delivered the Dr. N. M. Perera Memorial Lecture and was one of our guests more than once.

Although my personal acquaintance with Singh was very little, I decided to write this note lest we pass unnoticed publicly by a man who molded economic policy in India both to cut down poverty massively and to generate billionaires by the dozen. Singh designed policies that went against the widely accepted orthodoxy at that time and remained a beacon to policymakers worldwide. Amiya Kumar Bagchi did not hold public office and his contributions fall into four categories: modern studies of the history of financial systems in India; explorations of the nature of processes of economic development, wherever; distinguished teacher at Presidency College, Calcutta (Kolkata) and prolific writer, especially in Economic and Political Weekly on a wide spread of subjects that included movie reviews. He spent some time at the Centre for the Study of Social Sciences and founded the Institute of Development Studies in Calcutta. He spent some time in the Maison des Sciences de l’homme, Paris and spent a few months in a research institute in Denmark. (I called him there once and as he answered the telephone, a phonograph played Suchitra Mitra singing in Bengali.)

Until the 1990s, the Indian economy was subject to many controls, creating a permit raj. The economy had grown so slowly for several decades that it was derisively called a Hindu growth rate. Singh was appointed finance minister in 1991, when the economy was in crisis, after forty years of permit raj and Hindu growth rates. Ever since then, the economy has been differently managed and continues to grow at spectacular rates. In China, at about the same time, Deng Xiao Ping, (no economist) set out on a voyage essentially similar and these two economies are now the second and third largest economies in the world. (They both have continental-sized populations and income per capita remains low.) Both departed from the economic orthodoxy that prevailed in the last 40 years of the 20th century. Those ideas owed much to Ragnar Nurkse’s book Problems of Capital Formation in Underdeveloped Economies (1953) and the success with which the economy of the USSR grew until 1980 or so. Some economists and other intellectuals strongly espoused those ideas. They included Raul Prebisch of Argentina, Samir Amin of Egypt and Gamani Corea. In 1964, the underdeveloped countries at the UN established UNCTAD in Geneva with Raul Prebisch as Executive Secretary. These ideas were so universally held at that time that when a group of countries following policies contradicting them grew rapidly, their stellar achievements were classified by the World Bank as The East Asian Miracle. There was no miracle there and Singh and Deng both performed it in the normal course of government policy making.

The essential elements of these policies were seeking and establishing wider domestic and foreign markets. (That should remind you of physiocrats and Adams Smith.) Japan, Korea, Taiwan (China) and a few other economies grew fast selling their output in rich countries, where there was purchasing power. The European Common Market was an early success story. Singh recognized the value of ‘free markets’ to economic growth, which are free because goods and services could move with as little interference in domestic and international markets. The state played a leading role in those economies.

Three principal innovations helped, after the 1939-1945 war, to reduce the cost of transporting goods with a consequent rapid growth in trade. The first was containerizing shipments, beginning in 1952. The second was the fall in the mass (volume and weight) of goods because of miniaturisation (The transistor radio is a good example.) and the consequent fall in the cost of transport. The widespread use of transistors was a major factor there. The third was the development of technology that permitted the production of components in different countries and the transport of parts to be assembled, at a point to be put together, finally. These and other developments permitted the production of goods, wherever the cost of doing so was cheapest. Cheap labour economies found opportunities to compete profitably in markets where high-income countries bought them. Both capital and technology swiftly moved seeking profits. Service industries grew rapidly in most economies and a lively market for both skilled and unskilled labour grew rapidly.

The processes of economic growth that took place in both, India and China, resulted in increased inequality in the distribution of household income. However, income at both ends increased. In China and India, together perhaps a billion people began to receive incomes above poverty levels. Those developments satisfied Sen’s understanding of ‘development as freedom’ and John Rawls’ test of ‘justice as fairness’.

(My collection of books (2383) was gifted to four universities and my notes were thrown away recently. I kept a few for company till the end. Consequently, I can write only from memory and mistakes are almost inevitable.)

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