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Legislative reforms in Ceylon under the British up-to-date

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By Nihal Seneviratne

It is widely accepted by all that the early beginnings of legislative reforms in Ceylon started with the arrival of the Colebrook and Cameron Commission in 1833. The commission named after its two prominent members, Johnston Colebrook and Charles Hay Cameron, played a pivotal role in shaping the future of the island.

This commission was established by the British colonial office with the aim of comprehensively studying and reforming various aspects of Ceylon society. One of the key areas of focus for the commission was the legal system of Ceylon. The commission recommended the establishment of a unified legal system based on the English common law which became the foundation for the modern legal system in Ceylon.

It also recommended the establishment of English medium schools which laid the groundwork for the introduction of Western education. In 1835 was established the Colombo Academy which in later years turned out to be Royal College founded by the Governor Horton.

However it is important to acknowledge that the commission recommendations were not without controversy. Some argued that the reforms favoured the interests of the British colonial administration and the emerging local elite while neglecting the rights and aspirations of the major population.

While the commission’s work has been the subject of debate and critique, it serves as a reminder of the complex dynamics between colonial powers and the societies they governed. It was over a long period that the British wanted to gradually handover power to the people. They were entirely conscious of the Sinhala and Tamil elite who did much for British interests and the rulers wanted to adjust the order of things to partly meet their demands.

Thus was established our Executive and Legislative Councils – the two cornerstones along with the Governor and the Colonial Secretary. The Executive Council comprised of six plus the governor and the Legislative Council consisted of all six members of the Executive Council plus four other members (the GA of the Western Province, the Surveyor General, the Principal Collector of Customs and the Attorney General). The unofficial members comprised Sinhalese, Tamils and Burghers. The European community was also represented.

Some of the Sinhalese representatives were Philip Panditaratne, J G Dias, E J Dedigama, James d’ Alwis, J P Obeysekere, William Ellawala and S W Wanninayake. The Tamil representatives were A Coomaraswamy Pulle, Simon Casie Chetty, Muttu Coomaraswamy, Ponnambalam Coomaraswamy, Ponnambalam Ramanathan, Dr W G Rockwood and A Kanagasabey. The Burgher representatives were R J Morgan, C A Lorensz, C A Ferdinando, J Vanculenberg, P D Anthonisz, A L Wendt, and J C Loos.

The functioning of these two councils were found to be ineffectual as there was a need to grant more power to the people. It was then that the Secretary of State for the Colonies appointed the Donoughmore Commission.

Dr Drummond Shields, Francis Butler and Lord Donoughmore arrived in Ceylon in 1927. They recommended universal suffrage for all men and women over 18-yers to be entitled to vote which was indeed a rare move for the countries in South East Asia. They recommended that the two Councils be replaced by a State Council. There were two State Councils elected – one from 1931 to 1936 and the other from 1936 to 1939.

The first State council was composed of 28 low country Sinhalese, 10 Kandyan Sinhalese, three Ceylon Tamils, two Indian Tamils, two Europeans and two Muslims.The second State Council comprised 31 low country Sinhalese, eight Kandyan Sinhalese, eight Ceylon Tamils, two Indian Tamils and one European.

The State Council had increased powers and could make laws on specific subjects – the State Council had a board of ministers which acted as the executive body. The board was responsible for the day-to-day administration of the country and the board had a minister for each subject and was appraised by the Governor.

The functioning of the two State Councils was found to be wavering and mediocre. So the British government appointed the Soulbury Commission to visit Ceylon and grant wider powers.

The Soulbury Commission comprised of (first Baron later Viscount Soulbury, J F Rees and S J Burrows. The British government, just after World War II was not quite ready to prepare a new constitution for Ceylon. The colonial office was not ready at all and they consulted Prime Minister D S Senanayake about drafting new legislation in Ceylon itself. The legal draftsmen at that time were two Britishers, Drayton and Nevill.

So the task of drafting a new constitution was passed on to the draftsmen, like Namasivayam Mahadeva and B P Pieris, who undertook the work. Sir Ivor Jennings was in Ceylon at the time and had prepared a draft – there was also the report of the Soulbury Commission, a whole paper embodying the demands of the UK government.

B P Pieris’ draft was finally approved by Drayton and Nevill and was submitted to D S Senanayake, the PM. It was widely believed that the Prime Minister had told B P Pieris that he would be hanged by his neck if there was any leak of the draft and moreover the CID had been put on the job to have surveillance over the drafts as it was considered a top secret.

The Soulbury Commission recommended a parliament of two houses- a House of Representatives and a Senate. The House of Representatives comprised a total of 101 MPs consisting of 95 elected members and six others nominated by the Governor General, on the advice of the PM. The Senate (ultimately abolished in 1971) was to comprise 30 members, 15 elected by the House and 15 appointed by the Governor General. The Ceylon Constitution Order-in-Council was approved by His Majesty the King and was gazetted.

The Soulbury Commission had two very important sections included in the new constitution- S 29 (2) which prevented any bill, motion or resolution being entertained in parliament which meant that no special advantage be conceded to any racial or religious group. The other section was re the appointment of a Public Service Commission. Under this no minister could appoint any public servant or transfer or take any disciplinary action against a public servant as the sole power was with the Public Service Commission.

Very sadly the PSC did not have these powers in the subsequent 1972 republican constitution. The standing orders of parliament were drafted by B P Pieris together with the help of Sir Edward Fellowes, clerk to the British House of Commons and by Ralph Deraniyagala the clerk of the House of Representatives.

The new government was established with the promulgation of the new constitution. The new Governor General Henry Monk-Mason Moore called on D S Senanayake to form a cabinet. This first cabinet of Ceylon comprised of 14 – namely J R Jayewardene, L A Rajapakse, S W R D Bandaranaike, Sir Oliver Goonetilleke, George E de Silva, Sir John Kotalawela, Dudley Senanayake, R S S Gunawardene, C. Suntheralingam, T B Jayah, E A Nugawela, A Ratnayake and C Sittampalam.

The very first meeting was held on October 8, 1947. Order-in-Council to remove limitations of self-government in the Ceylon constitution was passed. The following motion was passed in Parliament:

“This House rejoices that after many years of subjugation to foreign rule the struggle of the people of Ceylon for freedom has culminated in the attainment of Independence.” The First Parliament was opened by the Duke of Gloucester.

Birth of the 1972 Constitution: Mrs Sirimavo Bandaranaike was appointed Prime Minister in 1972 and appointed Dr Colvin R de Silva as Minister of Constitutional Affairs. Mrs Bandaranaike moved a resolution in the House in July 1970 that all 225 Members of the House be appointed Members of the Constitutional Assembly to draft a new constitution for Sri Lanka replacing the Soulbury Constitution.

Dr Colvin R de Silva was of the opinion that the Soulbury Constitution was established by the British Government and felt that a Sri Lanka-made constitution should replace it, severing all connections with the Soulbury Commission. It was decided that that all 225 MPs be a part of the Constituent Assembly and decided that they should meet at Navarangahala at the Royal Primary School.

This Constituent Assembly sat on 49 occasions from July 19, 1970 to May 22, 1972 at the Navarangahala Hall and deliberated. Dr de Silva chose Walter Jayawardene, a Barrister from the UK and close friend of his to be Secretary to the Constituent Assembly and Mr Sam Wijesinha and myself were appointed as Asst. Secretaries.

The shift towards a republican constitution was driven by the desire to establish a more independent and sovereign nation, free from the vestiges of colonial influence. One of the key features of the republican constitution was changing the name of the country from Ceylon to the Republic of Sri Lanka and making the last serving Governor-General of Ceylon, Mr. William Gopallawa as the first (Non-executive) President of the Republic. The new constitution symbolized the growing determination for the country to assert its own identity and self governance.

The Republican Constitution emphasized the concept of sovereignty and the unity of Sri Lanka as a multi-ethnic and multi-religious nation. It recognized Sinhalese as the official language promoting the cultural heritage of the majority Sinhala population. However this decision also created tensions and grievances among the Tamil-speaking minority communities leading to political and social unrest in the years to come.

Furthermore the republican constitution introduced a a unicameral legislature called the National State Assembly replaced by the previous bicameral system. The Prime Minister along with the cabinet became the executive body responsible for governing the country and implementing policies.

It is important to write that the 1972 Republican Constitution was not without its controversies and errors. Many argued that it marginalized minority communities and failed to address adequately their concerns. This laid the groundwork for subsequent constitutional reforms. This republican constitution was a significant turning point in the country’s constitutional history.

In 1977 J R Jayewardene came to power with a 5/6 majority. Soon after in October 29,, 1977 the leader of the House moved that a select committee be set up to consider a revision of the constitution.

On November 3, 1977 the Speaker made the announcement that J R Jayewardene be appointed as Chairman of the select committee and that Mr R Premadasa, Lalith Athulathmudali, Mr Ronnie de Mel, Mr Gamini Disanayake, Mr K W Dewanayagam, Mr M H M Naina Marikkar, Mr S Thondaman, Ms Sirimavo Bandaranaike and Mr Maithripala Senanayake be its members.

The committee sat for 14 days from January to June 1978. On August 10, 1978 the new constitution was adopted in the House. For the very first time we saw the departure from the Westminster system and the introduction of presidential system. Much has been written about its pros and cons and a controversy survives to this day.

A final, personal comment. It was President J R Jayewardene’s last day in parliament (before he became executive president). In the lobby of the parliament I went up to him and said “Sir you have a log history in this House and we are all sorry to not see you here any more.”

He replied: “Nihal, I want to see parliament from a distance and make up my mind. I will be in touch with parliament”, and left for the last time.

The writer is a retired Secretary General of the Sri Lanka Parliament.

 



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Sections of US media looking power straight in the eye

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President Trump addressing the media at the White House.(BBC)

Some fundamental freedoms seen to be at the heart of democracy in the US – religion, speech, the press, assembly and the right to petition the government – are at risk of being undermined at present by the country’s Executive President. However, the latter is being legally challenged on this score by some sections of the US media and the citizenry of the country could take heart from this notable defense of media freedom.

In fact this is good news for the world of democracy. The push back is coming from organizations such as CNN, ABC, CBS, Fox, NBC who constitute the nucleus as it were of the US media and their solidarity no less than their resourcefulness calls for commendation.

Following a recent White House decision to suspend CNN from what was referred to as ‘participation in presidential pool coverages’, the other media organizations mentioned refused to replace it in the pool. Their position was that the public had a right to receive ‘accurate and independent information about the government.’

Earlier, the White House decided to bar MS NOW and Politico from entering its premises following the restrictions imposed on CNN. The organizations were accused of publishing “FAKE NEWS’ , ‘Fiction’ and ‘lies’ in respect of the administration. These organizations lost no time in initiating a federal lawsuit accusing the central administration of violating their rights guaranteed by the First Amendment.

However, the latter litigating organizations could now consider themselves as having been vindicated because the federal court hearing their case has ordered the Trump administration to temporarily restore White House press access to journalists from the mentioned media institutions. Notably, the court has declared that the ban is ‘likely unconstitutional’. The case is proceeding.

The mass media of the most vibrant democracies of the West ought to be no strangers to such inspirational acts of solidarity and exemplifications of independence but there are lessons here for the democracies of the South that could stand them in good stead. Minus the right of a people to be informed, the rest of fundamental rights featuring in Southern Bills of Rights and legislation of the kind are bereft of substance and meaning.

It is informed decision-making on the part of a citizenry that makes for democratic vibrancy and on this score many a Southern democracy fails. While Southern publics generally demand of their governments continuous economic well being and substantive material benefits they are not equally desirous of being informed and knowledgeable.

This lacuna in the consciousness of many Southern publics enables their governments ‘to get off the hook’, so to speak and govern, or more often misgovern, their countries with impunity. Among other factors, this species of mass ignorance makes it possible for governments to dismantle democracy and rule in perpetuity.

Accordingly, an educated and constantly informed public is an essential precondition for the flourishing of democracy and independent media are integral to this process. Minus an independent mass media sector that meets the knowledge needs of the people responsibly, democracy is as good as dead.

Needless to say, those sections of the US media that are currently taking the Trump administration to task over its media curbs are acutely aware of the cruciality of these fundamental knowledge requirements.

The hope of democratic opinion worldwide and locally is likely to be that media independence would thrive in the manner in which it is flourishing in the most vibrant and accountable democracies of the West.

Southern countries such as Sri Lanka that lay claim to democratic credentials, but are democracy-deficient in many ways, need to be particularly cognizant of these requirements. The publics of these countries need to go the extra mile to ensure the thriving of an independent but responsible mass media sector.

In fact it is veritably a matter of life and death. It is only an independent media sector that could, while ensuring the existence of an informed public, impress on the latter the need to protect and perpetuate its fundamental rights. In the absence of these campaigns, such publics could be eventually having on their hands governments that boast of ruling in perpetuity.

Taking a leaf from the sections of the US media referred to independent media organizations in Southern states need to act in solidarity as well. They would need to act on the basis of the principle that acts of victimization suffered by members in their fold at the hands of governments, for instance, are in fact inimical acts directed at their collectivity and which call for united remedial action. In short, no independent mass media institution could see itself as ‘an island’.

Besides some general guidance on the importance of media independence and solidarity, the message coming from the US with regard to media praxis is that power must be stood-up to unblinkingly. The mentioned sections of the US media are primarily in a struggle to ward off encroachments on their independence in the areas of policy and practice by the political executive, that is the President.

The latter would ride rough-shod over the media in the absence of robust opposition by the media itself to inimical executive action of this kind.

While media independence needs to be seen as crucial to democratic development, an obligation is cast on the media to ensure that it uses such independence responsibly and constructively.

The worst that could afflict a media sector is for it to fall prey to the clichetic ‘freedom of the wild ass’. In fact recurring irresponsibility on the part of the media could lend credence to the perception that a tightly regulated media is best for a country. It is a short step from this misguided view to the position that political authoritarianism is best for a state. That turn of events would be of course catastrophic for a democracy.

The issues discussed thus far point to the need for a broad discourse among Southern democracies in particular on what is best for them in this connection. Given the risks underscored earlier for Southern countries in particular a broad discussion on the matters at hand, which includes the public, emerges as a must for Sri Lanka. Besides, media solidarity within democratic countries and internationally is a must.

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What lessons can be learned to improve quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus

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Prime Minister Dr. Harini Amarasuriya

by Prof. M. W. Amarasiri de Silva

Following public controversy over an inappropriate web link found in an English study module, the Sri Lankan government formally deferred the full rollout of the Grade 6 curriculum reforms to January 2027. In the interim, state schools will maintain the existing syllabus, reverting to standard eight-period daily timetables and previous textbooks to ensure uninterrupted instruction. Prime Minister and Minister of Education Dr. Harini Amarasuriya emphasized that this temporary pause allows the Education Ministry to thoroughly review all instructional materials, fix editorial flaws, and conduct scientific impact assessments across pilot schools prior to nation-wide implementation.

To address the oversight, an expert committee evaluated the flawed materials, completed necessary amendments, and finalised discussions to resubmit corrected modules for printing. Beyond revising written texts, the Ministry established a broader preparation roadmap—allocating funds for extensive teacher training programs set to begin mid-year, alongside scheduled informational briefings for parents, teachers, and students. Prime Minister Amarasuriya reaffirmed that none of the valid first-term modules were completely discarded or scrapped, preserving state resources while systematically rebuilding public trust and strengthening quality assurance protocols.

In this respect, this article reviews the current grade 6 syllabus comparing it with similar syllabi of India and the USA, with a view to make recommendations for the upcoming grade 6 syllabus revision.

Architecture of nation’s future

Education is the quiet architecture of a nation’s future. It is the unseen scaffolding upon which generations build their character, their intellect, and their capacity to contribute meaningfully to society. In Sri Lanka, the Grade 6 syllabus occupies a particularly important place in this architecture. It is the bridge between primary learning and the more demanding intellectual terrain of secondary education. It is the moment when children begin to move from learning basic facts to understanding concepts, from memorising information to applying knowledge, and from passive reception to active engagement. Yet, despite its importance, the Grade 6 curriculum in Sri Lanka has long struggled with issues of breadth, depth, relevance, and pedagogy. As global education systems evolve, Sri Lanka must examine what lessons can be learned from international models—particularly India and the United States—to strengthen its own curriculum and prepare students for a rapidly changing world.

The first lesson Sri Lanka can learn is the value of conceptual clarity. India’s NCERT curriculum, especially in Mathematics and Science, is globally respected for its logical progression and conceptual depth. Indian students are introduced early to the idea that mathematics is not merely a set of procedures but a language of reasoning. They learn why a ratio works, not just how to compute one. They understand the structure of an equation, not merely the steps to solve it. In Science, they explore the properties of materials, the structure of plants, and the principles of motion with a clarity that encourages curiosity rather than rote memorisation.

Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus, while competency-based, often leans heavily toward content coverage. Students are expected to learn many topics, but the time allocated for each is limited, and the teaching culture often emphasizes memorisation over understanding. If Sri Lanka wishes to improve the quality of its syllabus, it must embrace the idea that fewer topics taught well are better than many topics taught superficially. Conceptual mastery builds confidence, and confidence builds lifelong learners.

Lesson from the US

A second lesson comes from the United States, where the curriculum is built around skills rather than content. American students in Grade 6 are expected to read complex texts, analyse arguments, write essays supported by evidence, conduct experiments, and engage in collaborative projects. The emphasis is not on how much they know but on what they can do with what they know. This skills-based approach encourages critical thinking, creativity, and independence—qualities essential for success in the modern world.

Sri Lanka’s syllabus, by contrast, often rewards students for reproducing information rather than interpreting it. The exam culture reinforces this tendency, as students are assessed primarily through written tests that measure recall. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must integrate more opportunities for students to think, question, debate, and create. The classroom should become a space where students learn to solve problems, not just memorize solutions.

Another important lesson comes from the breadth of Sri Lanka’s own curriculum. One of the strengths of the Sri Lankan system is its inclusion of cultural and religious education. Subjects such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity provide moral grounding and cultural identity. Art, Music, Drama, and Health contribute to holistic development. These subjects remind students that education is not merely about academic achievement but about becoming a balanced human being. However, breadth without depth can become burdensome. Grade 6 students in Sri Lanka often juggle more than ten subjects, each with its own textbook, competencies, and assessments. This creates pressure not only for students but also for teachers, who must rush through content to meet syllabus requirements. The lesson here is not to reduce cultural subjects but to integrate them more meaningfully. Religious education can be taught through ethical discussions, community projects, and reflective writing. Art and Music can be connected to history, literature, and social studies. Health can be linked to science and physical education. Integration reduces overload while enriching learning.

Another lesson from India

India offers another valuable lesson in the form of standardised textbooks. NCERT books are used across the country, ensuring consistency in quality and content. They are written by subject experts, reviewed rigorously, and updated periodically. Sri Lanka’s textbooks, while generally well-structured, vary in quality and often lag behind modern pedagogical standards. Some are dense, text-heavy, and lacking in visual aids or real-world examples. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must invest in high-quality textbooks that are engaging, accessible, and aligned with contemporary educational research. Textbooks should not merely transmit information; they should inspire curiosity. They should include stories, diagrams, experiments, and activities that make learning enjoyable and meaningful.

The United States provides a lesson in inquiry-based science education. American students conduct experiments, build models, observe natural phenomena, and engage in engineering design challenges. They learn science not as a set of facts but as a process of discovery. Sri Lanka’s science curriculum includes experiments, but many schools lack the resources, laboratory facilities, or teacher training to implement them effectively. Improving the syllabus requires improving the ecosystem around it. Schools need laboratories, equipment, and teacher development programs that empower educators to teach science through inquiry. A syllabus is only as strong as the environment in which it is taught. ***

International models

Another area where Sri Lanka can learn from international models is language education. In India, students often learn three languages—English, Hindi, and Sanskrit or Urdu. This heavy language load has its challenges, but it also produces students with strong linguistic skills. In the United States, English Language Arts emphasises reading complex texts, writing arguments, and analysing literature. Sri Lanka’s English curriculum, while improving, still struggles with uneven implementation across schools. Many students reach secondary school without adequate proficiency in English, limiting their access to global knowledge. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must strengthen English instruction through better teacher training, more reading opportunities, and a shift from grammar-heavy teaching to communication-focused learning. At the same time, Sinhala and Tamil instruction should be modernised to include creative writing, literature appreciation, and critical reading.

Social Studies is another area ripe for improvement. Sri Lanka’s curriculum includes History, Geography, and Civics, but the teaching often emphasises memorization of dates, definitions, and facts. India’s Social Science curriculum, while also content-heavy, provides clearer conceptual frameworks. The United States, however, excels in teaching civics and citizenship. American students learn how governments function, how laws are made, how communities solve problems, and how citizens participate in democracy. Sri Lanka can strengthen its Civics curriculum by incorporating more discussions on governance, rights, responsibilities, and community engagement. Students should learn not only the structure of government but also the values that sustain it—justice, equality, and participation.

One of the most important lessons Sri Lanka can learn is the value of reducing exam pressure. In both India and Sri Lanka, exams dominate the educational landscape. Students are judged primarily by their ability to perform on written tests. The United States, while not free from assessment challenges, uses a wider range of evaluation methods—projects, presentations, portfolios, and continuous assessment. These methods allow students to demonstrate learning in diverse ways. Sri Lanka should consider adopting a more balanced assessment system that values creativity, collaboration, and practical skills alongside academic knowledge.

Technology integration is another area where Sri Lanka can improve. The United States incorporates digital literacy, coding, online research, and digital citizenship into the curriculum. Sri Lanka’s ICT syllabus is well-structured, but implementation varies widely. Many schools lack computers, internet access, or trained ICT teachers. Improving the syllabus requires improving infrastructure. Students must learn to navigate the digital world safely and effectively. They must learn coding not as a luxury but as a basic skill. They must learn to evaluate online information critically, a skill essential in an era of misinformation.

Teacher training

Teacher training is perhaps the most critical lesson of all. A syllabus is only as effective as the teachers who deliver it. India invests heavily in teacher training through national programs, workshops, and online platforms. The United States emphasises professional development, peer collaboration, and instructional coaching. Sri Lanka must strengthen its teacher training programmes, ensuring that educators understand not only what to teach but how to teach it. Teachers should be trained in inquiry-based learning, differentiated instruction, formative assessment, and classroom management. They should be empowered to adapt the syllabus to the needs of their students rather than follow it mechanically.

Sri Lanka must learn the lesson of relevance. A syllabus must prepare students not only for exams but for life. It must teach them how to think, how to communicate, how to solve problems, and how to work with others. It must prepare them for a world where knowledge is abundant, but wisdom is scarce. It must help them navigate a future shaped by technology, globalisation, environmental challenges, and social change. To improve the syllabus, Sri Lanka must ask: What kind of citizens do we want to produce? What kind of thinkers? What kind of leaders? The answers to these questions should shape the curriculum.

Lastly, improving the quality of Sri Lanka’s Grade 6 syllabus requires learning from both international models and local strengths. From India, Sri Lanka can learn the value of conceptual clarity and standardised textbooks. From the United States, it can learn the importance of skills, inquiry, and creativity. From its own traditions, it can preserve cultural education, moral development, and holistic learning. The goal is not to copy another country’s system but to build a uniquely Sri Lankan curriculum that is modern, relevant, and empowering. A curriculum that honours the past while preparing students for the future. A curriculum that nurtures thinkers, creators, and compassionate citizens. A curriculum worthy of a nation with immense potential and a proud educational heritage. If Sri Lanka embraces these lessons, the Grade 6 syllabus can become not just a bridge to secondary education but a foundation for national progress.

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Three magical nights at Colombo Fashion Week

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Melloney Dassanayaka is certainly a familiar name here, and abroad, as well, having represented Sri Lanka at the Miss Universe 2024 pageant, held in Mexico.

A former National Basketball player, she is also involved in several projects, beneficial to the community, including financial literacy for single women-headed families in the country.

A banker by profession, Melloney hold a Bachelor’s Degree in Business Administration.

Melloney with Asanka de Mel of Lovi Sri Lanka

This extremely talented old girl of Holy Family Convent, Bambalapitiya, was in the limelight, once more, when she was seen on the ramp at Colombo Fashion Week.

It was her very first experience, at this prestigious event, and she loved every minute of it, she said, and, what’s more, she was featured on three consecutive days.

According to the itinerary, on day 01 she walked for Lovi Sri Lanka; day 02 Rizwan Beyg (Pakistan designer), Arsath Furkhan (Indian designer), Haoyi Yan (Chinese designer) and Samant Chauhan (Indian designer); and on day 03 Vaishali Shandangule (Indian designer).

In today’s edition of The Island SceneAround, we spotlight Melloney, on the ramp, at Colombo Fashion Week.

Melloney will also participate at Miss Grand All Stars to be held later in the year, in Thailand, as Miss Universe Sri Lanka 2024.

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