Foreign News
‘Inch by inch’: Myanmar rebels close in on key military base in Chin State
In the mountains of western Myanmar, photographs of fallen fighters line a wall of a rebel headquarters – an honour roll of some 80 young men, beginning with 28-year-old Salai Cung Naw Piang, who was killed in May 2021.
The true toll on the Chin National Defence Force (CNDF) extends beyond this hall and grows as war against Myanmar’s military grinds on in Chin State – a Christian region of the country bordering India where ethnic Chin fighters have expelled the military from most of their territory.
“Even if they don’t surrender, we will go till the end, inch by inch,” CNDF Vice President Peter Thang told Al Jazeera in a recent interview.
Launched in mid-November, the Chin offensive to capture the town of Falam – codenamed “Mission Jerusalem” – has come at a heavy cost. About 50 CNDF and allied fighters were killed in the first six weeks, some buried alive after direct air strikes by jet fighters of Myanmar’s military regime on earthen bunkers, Thang said.
Thang estimated similar casualties among Myanmar’s military, and more than 100 government soldiers captured, in the continuing operation.
Formed by civilians to fight the military after the 2021 coup in Myanmar, the CNDF has encircled the regime’s last garrison in a hilltop base in Falam.
“We are facing a difficult time,” Thang admitted.
“If God is willing to hand over the enemy, we will take it,” he said of Mission Jerusalem’s ultimate objective.
Taking and holding Falam – Chin State’s former capital – would also mark the first district centre captured by the country’s new rebel forces without support from established ethnic armies, according to Thang, who ran a travel agency in Myanmar’s commercial capital Yangon before the coup.
“We have more challenges than others,” he said.
“The military has so much technology. We have limited weapons, and even some of them we can’t operate,” he added.
![Peter Thang, Chin National Defence Force (CNDF) vice president, sits in front of the CNDF flag during an interview in a village at the frontline in Falam, Chin State, Myanmar, January 2, 2025. [Valeria Mongelli/Al Jazeera]](https://www.aljazeera.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/AB5A6226-1742020482.jpg?w=770&resize=770%2C513&quality=80)
With the CNDF supported by fighters from 15 newly formed armed groups, including from Myanmar’s ethnic Bamar majority, about 600 rebels have besieged Falam and the roughly 120 government soldiers who, confined to their hilltop base, depend on supplies dropped by helicopter for their survival.
Unlike established ethnic armies who are fighting to gain more territory for themselves, the rebel forces massed in Chin State said they aim to overthrow Myanmar’s military regime entirely.
While the CNDF and allies in the Chin Brotherhood (CB) coalition scored previous victories against the military with help from the powerful Arkan Army [AA] to thesouth in Rakhine State, seizing Falam independently would represent a new phase in Myanmar’s revolution.
But the biggest challenge in the battle remains aerial attacks by the military.
Operations against the hilltop base in Falam trigger bombardments from the military’s Russian and Chinese fighter jets, along with rocket-propelled grenades, artillery, sniper and machinegun fire from troops defending the outpost.
![A Chin National Defence Force (CNDF) fighter points to the Myanmar military's base in Falam, Chin State, Myanmar, December 31, 2024. Peter Thang, Chin National Defence Force (CNDF) vice president, sits in front of the CNDF flag during an interview in a village at the frontline in Falam, Chin State, Myanmar, January 2, 2025. [Valeria Mongelli/Al Jazeera]](https://www.aljazeera.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/0H1A3676-1742020649.jpg?w=770&resize=770%2C513&quality=80)
CNDF commanders told how the besieged soldiers once chatted freely with locals and some had even married local Chin women. But that all changed when Myanmar’s security forces shot peaceful protesters demonstrating against the military’s ousting of Aung San Suu Kyi’s elected government in 2021.
Demonstrators fought back, and an uprising was born that has become steeped in blood and the lore of many martyrs.
Mya Thwe Thwe Khaing, a 19-year-old protester, was the first victim – shot in the head by police on February 9, 2021 in the country’s capital, Naypyidaw.
In April 2021, armed with hunting rifles, the Chin launched the first significant battle of Myanmar’s uprising in Mindat town, which has since been liberated.
Now the rebels are equipped with assault rifles and grenade launchers. They control most of the countryside and several towns, but remain outgunned, as the military entrenches itself in urban centres. Unable to launch ground offensives from their depleted ranks, the regime’s generals have turned to forced conscription and indiscriminate air strikes nationwide.
According to rights group the Assistance Association for Political Prisoners, the military has killed at least 6,533 civilians since the coup. With at least 3.5 million people displaced inside the country, according to the United Nations, observers predict even fiercer fighting this year.

In Falam, CNDF defence secretary Olivia Thawng Luai said spouses live with some of the soldiers in the surrounded hilltop holdout.
“Most soldiers want to leave their base but they are under the commander’s control,” said Olivia Thawng Luai, a former national karate champion. “They aren’t allowed to leave the base or use their phones,” she said.
Another senior CNDF figure, Timmy Htut, said the commander in the besieged base still has his own phone – and the rebels call his number regularly.
“One day he will pick up,” he said. “When he’s ready.”
Attempts by the military to send reinforcements to Falam have failed. Helicopters, facing sheets of gunfire, have dropped conscripted airborne recruits on Falam’s outskirts, ordering them to fight their way into the town. None has succeeded.
![Olivia Thawng Luai, Chin National Defence Force (CNDF)'s defence secretary, is portrayed in a village at the frontline in Falam, Chin State, Myanmar, January 1, 2025. [Olivia Thawng Luai, Chin National Defence Force (CNDF)'s defence secretary, sits in front of the CNDF flag during an interview in a village at the frontline in Falam, Chin State, Myanmar, January 1, 2025 A Chin National Defence Force (CNDF) fighter stands on the ruins of a church bombed by a Myanmar military jet in Falam township, Chin State, Myanmar, December 31, 2024. [Valeria Mongelli/Al Jazeera]](https://www.aljazeera.com/wp-content/uploads/2025/03/AB5A6023-1742020999.jpg?w=770&resize=770%2C513&quality=80)
A captured soldier said his unit was dropped in without a plan, and, under heavy fire and pursued by resistance fighters, they scattered in chaos.
“Some died, others ran in all directions,” the soldier told Al Jazeera.
“The headquarters said they couldn’t waste their jet sorties for just a few of us,” he said. The military, he continued, has lost “many skilful, valuable” soldiers since the coup.
“They gave their lives for nothing,” he said.
“In the end, the military leaders will offer peace talks, and there will probably be democracy.”
Among the people displaced by fighting in Falam, and who are forced to shelter under bridges and tarpaulins, a new generation prepares to fight.
Junior, 15, who assists at a Chin hospital camp, spoke from an air raid shelter within earshot of jets dropping bombs.
“I’ll do whatever I can,” Junior said. “There’s no way to study in Myanmar. I don’t want future generations to face this,” she said.

But the Chin resistance is also grappling with internal division. It has split into two factions: one led by the Chin National Front (CNF), established in 1988, along with its allies, and the other, the Chin Brotherhood, comprising six post-coup resistance groups, including the CNDF.
Their dispute centres on who shapes Chin’s future – the CNF favouring a dialect-based governance structure, the CB preferring the governing of townships. This distinction between language and land determines the distribution of power, and, coupled with tribal rivalries and traditional mistrust, has led to occasional violent clashes among the Chin groups.
Myanmar analyst R Lakher described the divide as “serious”, though mediation efforts by northeast India’s Mizoram authorities show progress.
On February 26, the two rival factions announced they would merge to form the Chin National Council, with a goal of uniting different armed groups under one military leadership and administration.
While welcoming the development, Lakher stressed the process must be “very systematic” and include key political leaders from either side, not only advocacy groups.
“Chin civilians have suffered most,” he said. “Despite liberation, some cannot return home because of this internal conflict.”
Capturing Falam would be “significant”, he said, as nearby Tedim town would then present an easier target, potentially freeing up more territory for the CB and strengthening their negotiating position with the CNF coalition.
Lakher estimated more than 70 percent of Chin State has been liberated.
“We’ve seen the junta being defeated across Myanmar,” he said. “But pro-democracy forces need unity.”
He said the onus was on the National Unity Government – described as Myanmar’s shadow government – to “bring all democratic forces together”.
“With so many armed groups, there’s concern they’ll fight each other without strong leadership,” he said. “Ethnic areas are being liberated while Bamar lands remain under military control. The revolution’s pace now depends on the Bamar people.”

Along the road leading out of Falam town, two trucks loaded with captured regime soldiers drove past Chin’s bombed churches, gardens of mustard leaf, and mothers cradling babies under heavy shawls. As the trucks crossed paths with resistance fighters heading to the front, the nervous prisoners of war claimed they had been forced into military service.
“You were conscripted five months ago,” a rebel fighter remonstrated with prisoners in the truck. “What were you doing before then? he asked. He then added: “We’ve been fighting the revolution.”
Another rebel joined in the rebuke.
“Count yourselves lucky to be captured here,” he said – and not in the country’s harsh central drylands, where rebel units roam unchecked.
“None of you would be alive there,” he added.
[Aljazeera]
Foreign News
Nepal to scrap ‘failed’ Mount Everest waste deposit scheme
A scheme to encourage climbers to bring their waste down from Mount Everest is being scrapped – with Nepalese authorities telling the BBC it has been a failure.
Climbers had been required to pay a deposit of $4,000 (£2964), which they would only get back if they brought at least 8kg (18lbs) of waste back down with them.
It was hoped it would begin to tackle the rubbish problem on the world’s highest peak, which is estimated to be covered in some 50 tonnes of waste.
But after 11 years – and with the rubbish still piling up – the scheme is being shelved because it “failed to show a tangible result”

Himal Gautam, director at the tourism department, told the BBC that not only had the garbage issue “not gone away”, but the deposit scheme itself had “become an administrative burden”.
Tourism ministry and mountaineering department officials told the BBC most of the deposit money had been refunded over the years – which should mean most climbers brought back their trash.
But the scheme is said to have failed because the rubbish climbers have brought back is usually from lower camps – not the higher camps where the garbage problem is worst.
“From higher camps, people tend to bring back oxygen bottles only,” said Tshering Sherpa, chief executive officer of the Sagarmatha Pollution Control Committee, which runs an Everest checkpoint.
“Other things like tents and cans and boxes of packed foods and drinks are mostly left behind there, that is why we can see so much of waste piling up.”
Mr Sherpa said on average a climber produces up to 12kg (26lbs) of waste on the mountain where they spend up to six weeks for acclimatisation and climbing.
Apart from the “flawed rule” that required climbers to bring back less trash than they produce, authorities in the Everest region said lack of monitoring has been the main challenge.
“Apart from the check point above the Khumbu Icefall, there is no monitoring of what climbers are doing,” said Mr Sherpa.
Nepalese authorities are hoping a new scheme will be more effective.

Under the changed rule, officials said, a non-refundable clean-up fee from climbers will be used to set up a checkpoint at Camp Two and also deploy mountain rangers who will keep going to the higher parts of the mountain to make sure climbers bring down their trash.
Tourism ministry officials said it will most probably be $4,000 per climber – the same amount as deposit money – and will come into effect once passed by the parliament.
Mingma Sherpa, chairperson of the Pasang Lhamu rural municipality, said the change was something the Sherpa community had lobbied for for many years now.
“We had been questioning the effectiveness of the deposit scheme all this time because we are not aware of anyone who was penalised for not bringing their trash down.
“And there was no designated fund but now this non-refundable fee will lead to creation of a fund that can enable us to do all these clean-up and monitoring works.”

The non-refundable fee will form part of a recently introduced five-year mountain clean-up action plan, with Jaynarayan Acarya, spokesperson at the ministry of tourism, saying it was designed “to immediately address the pressing problem of waste on our mountains”.
Although there has been no study quantifying the waste on Everest, it is estimated there are tons of it including human excrement which does not decay on the higher part of the mountain because of freezing temperature.
And the growing number of climbers each year, averaging around 400 with many more supporting staff, has been a growing concern for mountaineering sustainability.
[BBC]
Foreign News
Ex-Malaysia PM Najib Razak given 15-year jail term over state funds scandal
Former Malaysian Prime Minister Najib Razak has been jailed for 15 years for abuse of power and money laundering, in his second major trial for a multi-billion-dollar state funds scandal.
Najib, 72, was accused of misappropriating nearly 2.3 billion Malaysian ringgit ($569m; £422m) from the nation’s sovereign wealth fund 1Malaysia Development Berhad (1MDB).
On Friday afternoon a judge found him guilty in four charges of abuse of power and 21 charges of money laundering.
The former PM is already in jail after he was convicted years ago in another case related to 1MDB.
Friday’s verdict comes after seven years of legal proceedings, which saw 76 witnesses called to the stand.
The verdict, delivered in Malaysia’s administrative capital Putrajaya, is the second blow in the same week to the embattled former leader, who has been imprisoned since 2022.
He was handed four 15-year sentences on abuse of power charges, as well as five years each on 21 money laundering charges. The jail terms run concurrently under Malaysian law.
On Monday, the court rejected his application to serve the remainder of his sentence under house arrest.
But the former prime minister retains a loyal base of supporters, who claim that he’s a victim of unfair rulings and who have showed up at his trials calling for his release.
On Friday, dozens of people gathered outside the court in Putrajaya in support of Najib.
The 1MDB scandal made headlines across the world when it came to light a decade ago, embroiling prominent figures from Malaysia to Goldman Sachs and Hollywood.
Investigators estimated that $4.5bn was siphoned from the state-owned wealth fund into private pockets, including Najib’s.
Najib’s lawyers claim that he had been misled by his advisers – in particular the financier Jho Low, who has maintained his innocence but remains at large.
But the argument has not convinced Malaysia’s courts, which previously found Najib guilty of embezzlement in 2020.
That year, Najib was convicted of abuse of power, money laundering and breach of trust over 42 million ringgit ($10m; £7.7m) transferred from SRC International – a former unit of 1MDB – into his private accounts.
He was sentenced to 12 years in prison, but saw his jail term halved last year.
The latest case concerns a larger sum of money, also tied to 1MDB, received by his personal bank account in 2013. Najib said he had believed the money was a donation from the late Saudi King Abdullah – a claim rejected by the judge on Friday.
Separately Najib’s wife, Rosmah Mansor, was sentenced to ten years in jail in 2022 for bribery. She is free on bail pending an appeal against her conviction.
The scandal has had profound repercussions on Malaysian politics. In 2018 it led to a historic election loss for Najib’s Barisan Nasional coalition, which had governed the country since its independence in 1957.
Now, the recent verdicts has highlighted fissures in Malaysia’s ruling coalition, which includes Najib’s party United Malays National Organisation (UMNO).
Najib’s failed house arrest bid on Monday was met with disappointment from his allies but celebrated by his critics within the same coalition.
Malaysia’s Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim called for politicians on all sides to respect the court’s decisions.
Former Malaysian lawmaker Tony Pua told the BBC’s Newsday programme that the verdict would “send a message” to the country’s leaders, that “you can get caught for corruption even if you’re number one in the country like the prime minister”.
But Cynthia Gabriel, founding director of Malaysia’s Center to Combat Corruption and Cronyism, argued that the country has made little headway in anti-corruption efforts despite the years of reckoning after the 1MDB scandal.
Public institutions have not been strengthened enough to reassure Malaysians that “the politicians they put into power would actually serve their interests” instead of “their own pockets”, she told Newsday.
“Grand corruption continues in different forms”, she added. “We don’t know at all if another 1MDB could occur, or may have already occurred.”
(BBC)
Foreign News
Two dead in 50-vehicle pile up on Japan highway
A pile-up involving at least 50 vehicles on a highway in central Japan has left two people dead and 26 injured, according to police.
The incident was caused by a crash between two trucks, sparking a chain reaction that set at least 10 vehicles on fire, local police said.
A 77-year-old woman from Tokyo was killed, and another body was discovered in the driver’s seat of a burnt-out truck. Five people were seriously injured and 21 suffered minor injuries, police said.
There was a heavy snow warning in place at the time of the crash. Police believe icy surfaces likely caused the trucks to skid on the roads.
The crash happened on the Kan-etsu Expressway in Minakami, Gunma prefecture, about 160km (100 miles) north-west of Tokyo, at about 19:30 local time (10:30 GMT) on 26 December.
It took about seven and a half hours to put out the fire, police said.
Following the incident, a section of the highway was closed, with a long line of vehicles, many charred beyond recognition, stuck in the outbound lane. Work is under way to tow them away.
A man in his 60s, whose vehicle was involved in the accident, told local media outlet NHK he heard a loud explosion from the far end of the pile-up and saw fire during the crash. The blaze then spread to other vehicles, he said.
He said he was evacuated to a nearby toll gate with about 50 other people and spent the night in the hallway there.
Nexco, which operates the road, said checks were needed to see if the surface was damaged by the fire.
The company is warning travellers not to use the highway.
(BBC)
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