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Impact of America’s Indo-Pacific strategy on Sri Lanka

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by Neville Ladduwahetty

A document on the United States Indo-Pacific Strategy issued by the White House, in February 2022 states: “The United States will pursue five objectives in the Indo-Pacific – each in concert with our allies and partners, as well as with regional institutions”. “We will:

* ADVANCE A FREE AND OPEN INDO-PACIFIC

* BUILD CONNECTIONS WITHIN AND BEYOND THE REGION.

* DRIVE REGIONAL PROSPERITY.

* BOLSTER INDO-PACIFIC SECURITY

* BUILD REGIONAL RESILIENCE TO TRANSNATIONAL THREATS”.

Continuing, the document states “Our collective efforts over the next decade will determine whether the PRC (Peoples Republic of China) succeeds in transforming the rules and norms that have benefitted the Indo-Pacific and the world. For our part, the United States is investing in the foundations of our strengths at home, aligning our approach with those of our allies and partners abroad, and competing with the PRC (Peoples Republic of China) to defend the interests and vision for the future that we share with others … Our objective is not to change the PRC but to shape the strategic environment in which it operates, building a balance of influence in the world that is maximally favourable to the United States our allies and partners, and the interests and values we share”.

As far as the Pacific is concerned, with the conclusion of World War II the US has been developing, what the document describes as “ironclad treaty alliances with Australia, Japan, the Republic of Korea, the Philippines and Thailand”. Treaty arrangements of a similar order do not exist with countries in and around the Indian Ocean. Consequently, it is in the interest of the US to “support a strong India as a partner” to “Bolster Indo-Pacific stability”. In such a context the US strategy is to “strengthen the Quad as a premier regional grouping and ensure it delivers on issues that matter to the Indo-Pacific”. With the US, India, Japan and Australia making up the Quad and Japan and Australia being in the Pacific, it remains for India to be the “premier” member of the Quad to deliver on matters of interest to the Quad in and around the Indian Ocean.

IMPLICATIONS of ‘A STRONG

INDIA’ on SRI LANKA

Since the stated strategy of the US is to build influences that would be ‘maximally favourable to the US, and if India is to be the ‘premier’ partner in the equation there is no doubt that Sri Lanka would not be able to escape unscathed. It is in such a background that the report in The Island titled “India, SL close to sealing three defence-related pacts to boost maritime security” (February 25, 2022), should be treated with extreme caution. Continuing the HT report cited in The Island states: “While a USD 1 billion line of credit to be provided by India to Sri Lanka to purchase food, medicine and essential items will be the focus of Minister Rajapaksa’s visit, the two sides are close to finalising three defence-related agreements and arrangements that will bolster the capabilities the capabilities of Sri Lanka’s armed forces and boost corporation for maritime security”.

“In addition to arrangements for the purchase of two Dornier aircraft and the acquisition of a 4,000 tonne naval floating dock by Sri Lanka, Colombo has agreed to post a naval liaison officer at the Indian Navy’s Information Fusion Centre-Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) in Gurugram … The centre tracks merchant shipping and monitors threats such as maritime terrorism and piracy in regional waters. The Sri Lankan liaison officer will join counterparts from 10 of India’s partner nations, including Australia, France, Japan the Maldives, Singapore, the UK and the US. The naval floating dock is a facility equipped with automated systems for the quality and swift repairs of warships. Such docks have the capability to lift large ships such as frigates and destroyers, and are designed to be berthed alongside a jetty or moored in calm waters to carryout planned or emergency repairs of ships”.

“Another potential area for defence corporation is the expansion of training for Sri Lankan military personnel in Indian facilities and institutions. Along with the erstwhile Afghan national security forces, Sri Lanka has been one of the biggest beneficiaries of military training programmes offered by India”.

“Over the past few months, India has extended financial assistance to Sri Lanka as part of a four pillar package decided during Minister Rajapaksa’s las visit to New Delhi in December. The Indian side has provided a USD 500 million line of credit for purchasing fuel and a currency swap of USD 400 million under Saarc facility. It has also deferred the payment of USD 515 million due to the Asian Clearing Union”.

“The finalization of the long-gestating project to refurbish and develop the British era Trincomalee oil farm, and 850-acre storage facility with a capacity of almost one million tonnes, has also given a boost to bilateral corporation”.

MEASURES ADOPTED TO MAKE “A STRONG INDIA”

The Trinco Oil Tank Farm deal that was signed on 06 January 2022 is claimed as a major achievement by Energy Minister Minister Gammanpila. Such a claim could be justified considering that all 99 tanks had been leased for 99 years according to the agreement signed in 2017 by the former government, and the current agreement reclaims 24 tanks to be developed and operated exclusively be Sri Lanka, and the remaining 61 tanks are to be developed and operated jointly by India and Sri Lanka.

However, it cannot be overlooked that the timing for the deal is such that it favours India’s strategic interests as the “premier’ member of the Quad in and around the Indian Ocean, more than Sri Lanka’s economic interests. Since the scope of the three defence-related agreements are not in the public domain, it is not possible to ascertain the extent to which these defence-related agreements would favour India’s strategic interests and whether they are at the expense of Sri Lanka’s interests or not.

A clear example of this is in the HT report cited above that refers to “agreements for the purchase of two Donier aircraft and the acquisition of a 4,000 tonne naval floating dock by Sri Lanka”. The question is, whose interests would be served by these assets? Since Sri Lanka already handles all repairs to naval vessels in existing dry dock facilities at the Colombo Port, why should Sri Lanka acquire a floating dock?

The strangest aspect of this arrangement would be if Sri Lanka acquires these assets through the Lines of Credit generously offered by India. Under such circumstances, why should Sri Lanka be grateful because Sri Lanka would be acquiring assets beneficial to India’s interests with money that has to be paid back to India by Sri Lanka. On the other hand, are these Lines of Credit in exchange for the West Container Terminal, in which case should Sri Lanka be grateful because it is a case of pure balancing. Instead, if Sri Lanka acquires the aircraft and floating dock and grants the West Container Terminal to India as well, Sri Lanka would be a big-time loser and it will be a win-win for India.

As far as Lines of Credit (LoC) arrangements go, a reported experience with India was the delivery of items for the Sri Lanka Railway. According to media reports the carriages were not only made of inferior material but also that they cannot run on the existing tracks. This means Sri Lanka has decided to accept substandard goods from India without a murmur unlike its response to China for the delivery of sub-standard fertilizer.

LoCs are essentially arrangements where a loan is advanced to a country to facilitate the sale of goods of the lender that cannot face competition in the open market. In short, it is a loan given to advance the lender’s products and self-interest. In such a context, acquisition of a floating dock by Sri Lanka and mooring it the Trinco harbour to service the ships that serve the restored oil tank farm would serve the interests not only of India but also the wider interests of the Quad – all provided by the Credit Line offered to Sri Lanka by India.

Although the Oil Tanks at Trincomalee by themselves do not have a utilitarian value, they are transformed into a valuable asset when they are coupled with a functioning harbour. Since it is the harbour coupled with the tanks that make the Tanks a vital asset, assigning 49% shares to an Indian Oil Company is totally disproportionate. This makes the agreement of 06 January 2022 unacceptable and therefore grounds for rejection. The tanks should operate under the full control of Sri Lanka and servicing any naval vessels would then be a commercial undertaking without any strategic overtones.

If instead, the tanks and the harbour operate under the terms of the current agreement, where an Indian Company owns 49% of the shares, Sri Lanka would inadvertently be sucked into the vortex of India’s role as a “premier” partner of the Quad. How such a perception would be viewed by China is an unknown. Whatever it may be, such a perception would compromise Sri Lanka’s stated position of neutrality, because the measures that must necessarily be adopted under these agreements and arrangements would be seen as leaning towards India and away from relationships that exist between China and Sri Lanka.

Notwithstanding the exuberance of Minister Gammanpila, if he understands that the utilitarian value of the Tanks depends on the services that the Trinco Harbour is able to offer, not only in terms of direct costs associated with them but also with the cost to relations with China, he as a nationalist, should explore a different track so that the tanks could be developed without having to balance the strategic interests of major powers. That track would be to cancel the agreement of 06 January 2022 and retake all 99 tanks and develop a few tanks at a time as a national venture in keeping with the pace of development to improve the service at the Trinco harbour.

CONCLUSION

The intent of the US, declared in a document issued by the White House dated February 2022 titled Indo-Pacific Strategy states: “Our collective effort over the next decade … is not to change the PRC (People’s Republic of China) but to shape the strategic environment in which it operates, building a balance of influence in a world that is maximally favorable to the United States”. To achieve this objective, the US is prepared to “support a strong India as a partner in this positive regional vision” as a premier partner of the Quad, the others being the US, Australian and Japan. The Maldives has already signed defence-related agreements with the US and India. According to a report in The Hindustan Times cited by The Island of February 25, 2022, India and Sri Lanka “are close to finalizing three defence-related agreements and arrangements that are expected to boost corporation for maritime security”. The scope of these agreements is not known to the public. The public is also not aware whether there are similar defence-related agreements with the US and China. The concern of the public however is what kind of impact these and other agreements would have on Sri Lanka’s sovereignty and independence, and to what degree all of this would compromise its stated policy of neutrality.

If the purchase of aircraft and the acquisition of a 4000 tonne floating dock is to support a strong India and assigning the West Container Terminal also to India is an attempt at strategic balancing, China is likely to perceive such developments as leaning towards India and the Quad. Such perceptions would have serious consequences on China-Sri Lanka relations. Furthermore, while China’s relations with Sri Lanka are mainly driven by strategic issues relating to its Belt and Road Initiative, in the case of India, the relationship goes beyond strategic issues because it is compounded by Sri Lanka’s nagging national question that impacts on India’s internal stability. Therefore, there cannot be strategic balancing as far as Sri Lanka’s relations are concerned with India and China. Consequently, Sri Lanka has no alternative but to stay free of being dragged into the vortex of a strong India supported by the Quad. One clear signal of staying free is to disengage from the agreements signed on January 6, 2022, and restore a few of the tanks at a time as a national venture and rent them for the storage of petroleum products.

The understanding under the Indo-Sri Lanka Accord was that the tanks should be developed and operated jointly with India. However, with Quad supporting a strong India the strategic environment has changed substantially from what existed at the time of the Accord. Consequently, in today’s context agreements that favour India would be perceived as leaning towards India and the Quad. Such a perception is not in the interest of Sri Lanka because it contradicts its policy of Neutrality. Therefore, Sri Lanka should stay clear of defence-related agreements with any power block, as it did with the MCC, if Sri Lanka is to be independent and to stay true to its principles and protect the sovereign rights of its people.



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Rethinking post-disaster urban planning: Lessons from Peradeniya

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University of Peradeniya

A recent discussion by former Environment Minister, Eng. Patali Champika Ranawaka on the Derana 360 programme has reignited an important national conversation on how Sri Lanka plans, builds and rebuilds in the face of recurring disasters.

His observations, delivered with characteristic clarity and logic, went beyond the immediate causes of recent calamities and focused sharply on long-term solutions—particularly the urgent need for smarter land use and vertical housing development.

Ranawaka’s proposal to introduce multistoried housing schemes in the Gannoruwa area, as a way of reducing pressure on environmentally sensitive and disaster-prone zones, resonated strongly with urban planners and environmentalists alike.

It also echoed ideas that have been quietly discussed within academic and conservation circles for years but rarely translated into policy.

One such voice is that of Professor Siril Wijesundara, Research Professor at the National Institute of Fundamental Studies (NIFS) and former Director General of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Peradeniya, who believes that disasters are often “less acts of nature and more outcomes of poor planning.”

Professor Siril Wijesundara

“What we repeatedly see in Sri Lanka is not merely natural disasters, but planning failures,” Professor Wijesundara told The Island.

“Floods, landslides and environmental degradation are intensified because we continue to build horizontally, encroaching on wetlands, forest margins and river reservations, instead of thinking vertically and strategically.”

The former Director General notes that the University of Peradeniya itself offers a compelling case study of both the problem and the solution. The main campus, already densely built and ecologically sensitive, continues to absorb new faculties, hostels and administrative buildings, placing immense pressure on green spaces and drainage systems.

“The Peradeniya campus was designed with landscape harmony in mind,” he said. “But over time, ad-hoc construction has compromised that vision. If development continues in the same manner, the campus will lose not only its aesthetic value but also its ecological resilience.”

Professor Wijesundara supports the idea of reorganising the Rajawatte area—located away from the congested core of the university—as a future development zone. Rather than expanding inward and fragmenting remaining open spaces, he argues that Rajawatte can be planned as a well-designed extension, integrating academic, residential and service infrastructure in a controlled manner.

Crucially, he stresses that such reorganisation must go hand in hand with social responsibility, particularly towards minor staff currently living in the Rajawatte area.

“These workers are the backbone of the university. Any development plan must ensure their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. “Providing them with modern, safe and affordable multistoried housing—especially near the railway line close to the old USO premises—would be both humane and practical.”

According to Professor Wijesundara, housing complexes built near existing transport corridors would reduce daily commuting stress, minimise traffic within the campus, and free up valuable land for planned academic use.

More importantly, vertical housing would significantly reduce the university’s physical footprint.

Drawing parallels with Ranawaka’s Gannoruwa proposal, he emphasised that vertical development is no longer optional for Sri Lanka.

“We are a small island with a growing population and shrinking safe land,” he warned.

“If we continue to spread out instead of building up, disasters will become more frequent and more deadly. Vertical housing, when done properly, is environmentally sound, economically efficient and socially just.”

Peradeniya University flooded

The veteran botanist also highlighted the often-ignored link between disaster vulnerability and the destruction of green buffers.

“Every time we clear a lowland, a wetland or a forest patch for construction, we remove nature’s shock absorbers,” he said.

“The Royal Botanic Gardens has survived floods for over a century precisely because surrounding landscapes once absorbed excess water. Urban planning must learn from such ecological wisdom.”

Professor Wijesundara believes that universities, as centres of knowledge, should lead by example.

“If an institution like Peradeniya cannot demonstrate sustainable planning, how can we expect cities to do so?” he asked. “This is an opportunity to show that development and conservation are not enemies, but partners.”

As climate-induced disasters intensify across the country, voices like his—and proposals such as those articulated by Patali Champika Ranawaka—underscore a simple but urgent truth: Sri Lanka’s future safety depends not only on disaster response, but on how and where we build today.

The challenge now lies with policymakers and planners to move beyond television studio discussions and academic warnings, and translate these ideas into concrete, people-centred action.

By Ifham Nizam ✍️

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Superstition – Major barrier to learning and social advancement

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At the initial stage of my six-year involvement in uplifting society through skill-based initiatives, particularly by promoting handicraft work and teaching students to think creatively and independently, my efforts were partially jeopardized by deep-rooted superstition and resistance to rational learning.

Superstitions exerted a deeply adverse impact by encouraging unquestioned belief, fear, and blind conformity instead of reasoning and evidence-based understanding. In society, superstition often sustains harmful practices, social discrimination, exploitation by self-styled godmen, and resistance to scientific or social reforms, thereby weakening rational decision-making and slowing progress. When such beliefs penetrate the educational environment, students gradually lose the habit of asking “why” and “how,” accepting explanations based on fate, omens, or divine intervention rather than observation and logic.

Initially, learners became hesitant to challenge me despite my wrong interpretation of any law, less capable of evaluating information critically, and more vulnerable to misinformation and pseudoscience. As a result, genuine efforts towards social upliftment were obstructed, and the transformative power of education, which could empower individuals economically and intellectually, was weakened by fear-driven beliefs that stood in direct opposition to progress and rational thought. In many communities, illnesses are still attributed to evil spirits or curses rather than treated as medical conditions. I have witnessed educated people postponing important decisions, marriages, journeys, even hospital admissions, because an astrologer predicted an “inauspicious” time, showing how fear governs rational minds.

While teaching students science and mathematics, I have clearly observed how superstition acts as a hidden barrier to learning, critical thinking, and intellectual confidence. Many students come to the classroom already conditioned to believe that success or failure depends on luck, planetary positions, or divine favour rather than effort, practice, and understanding, which directly contradicts the scientific spirit. I have seen students hesitate to perform experiments or solve numerical problems on certain “inauspicious” days.

In mathematics, some students label themselves as “weak by birth”, which creates fear and anxiety even before attempting a problem, turning a subject of logic into a source of emotional stress. In science classes, explanations based on natural laws sometimes clash with supernatural beliefs, and students struggle to accept evidence because it challenges what they were taught at home or in society. This conflict confuses young minds and prevents them from fully trusting experimentation, data, and proof.

Worse still, superstition nurtures dependency; students wait for miracles instead of practising problem-solving, revision, and conceptual clarity. Over time, this mindset damages curiosity, reduces confidence, and limits innovation, making science and mathematics appear difficult, frightening, or irrelevant. Many science teachers themselves do not sufficiently emphasise the need to question or ignore such irrational beliefs and often remain limited to textbook facts and exam-oriented learning, leaving little space to challenge superstition directly. When teachers avoid discussing superstition, they unintentionally reinforce the idea that scientific reasoning and superstitious beliefs can coexist.

To overcome superstition and effectively impose critical thinking among students, I have inculcated the process to create a classroom culture where questioning was encouraged and fear of being “wrong” was removed. Students were taught how to think, not what to think, by consistently using the scientific method—observation, hypothesis, experimentation, evidence, and conclusion—in both science and mathematics lessons. I have deliberately challenged superstitious beliefs through simple demonstrations and hands-on experiments that allow students to see cause-and-effect relationships for themselves, helping them replace belief with proof.

Many so-called “tantrik shows” that appear supernatural can be clearly explained and exposed through basic scientific principles, making them powerful tools to fight superstition among students. For example, acts where a tantrik places a hand or tongue briefly in fire without injury rely on short contact time, moisture on the skin, or low heat transfer from alcohol-based flames rather than divine power.

“Miracles” like ash or oil repeatedly appearing from hands or idols involve concealment or simple physical and chemical tricks. When these tricks are demonstrated openly in classrooms or science programmes and followed by clear scientific explanations, students quickly realise how easily perception can be deceived and why evidence, experimentation, and critical questioning are far more reliable than blind belief.

Linking concepts to daily life, such as explaining probability to counter ideas of luck, or biology to explain illness instead of supernatural causes, makes rational explanations relatable and convincing.

Another unique example that I faced in my life is presented here. About 10 years ago, when I entered my new house but did not organise traditional rituals that many consider essential for peace and prosperity as my relatives believed that without them prosperity would be blocked.  Later on, I could not utilise the entire space of my newly purchased house for earning money, largely because I chose not to perform certain rituals.

While this decision may have limited my financial gains to some extent, I do not consider it a failure in the true sense. I feel deeply satisfied that my son and daughter have received proper education and are now well settled in their employment, which, to me, is a far greater achievement than any ritual-driven expectation of wealth. My belief has always been that a house should not merely be a source of income or superstition-bound anxiety, but a space with social purpose.

Instead of rituals, I strongly feel that the unused portion of my house should be devoted to running tutorials for poor and underprivileged students, where knowledge, critical thinking, and self-reliance can be nurtured. This conviction gives me inner peace and reinforces my faith that education and service to society are more meaningful measures of success than material profit alone.

Though I have succeeded to some extent, this success has not been complete due to the persistent influence of superstition.

by Dr Debapriya Mukherjee
Former Senior Scientist
Central Pollution Control Board, India ✍️

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Race hate and the need to re-visit the ‘Clash of Civilizations’

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Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese: ‘No to race hate’

Australian Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has done very well to speak-up against and outlaw race hate in the immediate aftermath of the recent cold-blooded gunning down of several civilians on Australia’s Bondi Beach. The perpetrators of the violence are believed to be ardent practitioners of religious and race hate and it is commendable that the Australian authorities have lost no time in clearly and unambiguously stating their opposition to the dastardly crimes in question.

The Australian Prime Minister is on record as stating in this connection: ‘ New laws will target those who spread hate, division and radicalization. The Home Affairs Minister will also be given new powers to cancel or refuse visas for those who spread hate and a new taskforce will be set up to ensure the education system prevents, tackles and properly responds to antisemitism.’

It is this promptness and single-mindedness to defeat race hate and other forms of identity-based animosities that are expected of democratic governments in particular world wide. For example, is Sri Lanka’s NPP government willing to follow the Australian example? To put the record straight, no past governments of Sri Lanka initiated concrete measures to stamp out the evil of race hate as well but the present Sri Lankan government which has pledged to end ethnic animosities needs to think and act vastly differently. Democratic and progressive opinion in Sri Lanka is waiting expectantly for the NPP government’ s positive response; ideally based on the Australian precedent to end race hate.

Meanwhile, it is apt to remember that inasmuch as those forces of terrorism that target white communities world wide need to be put down their counterpart forces among extremist whites need to be defeated as well. There could be no double standards on this divisive question of quashing race and religious hate, among democratic governments.

The question is invariably bound up with the matter of expeditiously and swiftly advancing democratic development in divided societies. To the extent to which a body politic is genuinely democratized, to the same degree would identity based animosities be effectively managed and even resolved once and for all. To the extent to which a society is deprived of democratic governance, correctly understood, to the same extent would it experience unmanageable identity-bred violence.

This has been Sri Lanka’s situation and generally it could be stated that it is to the degree to which Sri Lankan citizens are genuinely constitutionally empowered that the issue of race hate in their midst would prove manageable. Accordingly, democratic development is the pressing need.

While the dramatic blood-letting on Bondi Beach ought to have driven home to observers and commentators of world politics that the international community is yet to make any concrete progress in the direction of laying the basis for an end to identity-based extremism, the event should also impress on all concerned quarters that continued failure to address the matters at hand could prove fatal. The fact of the matter is that identity-based extremism is very much alive and well and that it could strike devastatingly at a time and place of its choosing.

It is yet premature for the commentator to agree with US political scientist Samuel P. Huntingdon that a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ is upon the world but events such as the Bondi Beach terror and the continuing abduction of scores of school girls by IS-related outfits, for instance, in Northern Africa are concrete evidence of the continuing pervasive presence of identity-based extremism in the global South.

As a matter of great interest it needs mentioning that the crumbling of the Cold War in the West in the early nineties of the last century and the explosive emergence of identity-based violence world wide around that time essentially impelled Huntingdon to propound the hypothesis that the world was seeing the emergence of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Basically, the latter phrase implied that the Cold War was replaced by a West versus militant religious fundamentalism division or polarity world wide. Instead of the USSR and its satellites, the West, led by the US, had to now do battle with religion and race-based militant extremism, particularly ‘Islamic fundamentalist violence’ .

Things, of course, came to a head in this regard when the 9/11 calamity centred in New York occurred. The event seemed to be startling proof that the world was indeed faced with a ‘Clash of Civilizations’ that was not easily resolvable. It was a case of ‘Islamic militant fundamentalism’ facing the great bulwark, so to speak, of ‘ Western Civilization’ epitomized by the US and leaving it almost helpless.

However, it was too early to write off the US’ capability to respond, although it did not do so by the best means. Instead, it replied with military interventions, for example, in Iraq and Afghanistan, which moves have only earned for the religious fundamentalists more and more recruits.

Yet, it is too early to speak in terms of a ‘Clash of Civilizations’. Such a phenomenon could be spoken of if only the entirety of the Islamic world took up arms against the West. Clearly, this is not so because the majority of the adherents of Islam are peaceably inclined and want to coexist harmoniously with the rest of the world.

However, it is not too late for the US to stop religious fundamentalism in its tracks. It, for instance, could implement concrete measures to end the blood-letting in the Middle East. Of the first importance is to end the suffering of the Palestinians by keeping a tight leash on the Israeli Right and by making good its boast of rebuilding the Gaza swiftly.

Besides, the US needs to make it a priority aim to foster democratic development worldwide in collaboration with the rest of the West. Military expenditure and the arms race should be considered of secondary importance and the process of distributing development assistance in the South brought to the forefront of its global development agenda, if there is one.

If the fire-breathing religious demagogue’s influence is to be blunted worldwide, then, it is development, understood to mean equitable growth, that needs to be fostered and consolidated by the democratic world. In other words, the priority ought to be the empowerment of individuals and communities. Nothing short of the latter measures would help in ushering a more peaceful world.

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