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How television came to Sri Lanka

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JRJ, Anandatissa and Upali Wijewardene were among key players

When JRJ was the Minister of State in the Dudley cabinet of 1965 he advocated the introduction of Television to the country. This was typical of his bold thinking and awareness of what was going on around us in the world, which was not a great characteristic of the Dudley cabinet. His suggestion was shot down by Dudley’s media advisors led by Neville Jayaweera who went on to describe the offer of TV as ‘A gift of a Rhinoceros’.

Soon after that JR’s powers over the media were withdrawn by Dudley and he decided to bide his time. One of his earliest acts as Prime Minister in 1977 was to initiate action on introducing TV. Since colour television is today the main media outlet in the country let me narrate how Jayaweera’s ‘brute’ came to be installed.

It began when JRJ called Minster Wijetunga and me to his office and told us that Anandatissa de Alwis, who was then Speaker, had informed him that Upali Wijewardene was talking to the Japanese about introducing TV as one of his investments. JRJ wanted us all to to put our heads together and bring in TV as a national venture since the SLBC was the monopoly radio broadcaster at that time and the subject had been assigned to our Ministry.

The following day the Speaker Ananda invited my minister, Upali and me to his chambers in the old Parliament to discuss JRJs order. Fortunately the three main protagonists – my minister, Ananda and Upali were all friends from much earlier and the discussion was very fruitful apart from the fact that we knew the PM was taking a personal interest in the matter.

There was a strong bond of friendship between Ananda and Upali. The latter had begun his business in a small way by taking over a failed business which belonged to his wealthy maternal uncle Sarath Wijesinghe. This was a small scale business of making sweets under the Delta brand. However the UK returned Upali knew that demographically this group of consumers were bound to grow with the youth segment in our population increasing exponentially.

He turned to the leading advertising agency of that time J Walter Thompson of which Ananda was the managing director. At that time most businessmen did not look to advertising as a necessary ingredient of marketing. Ananda was an advertising genius who had first branded the UNP Youth League as a progressive and fashionable offshoot of the Grand Old Party.

At that time there were only three advertising specialists in the country. They were Ananda, Reggie Candappa and Tim Horshington. Their main media outlets were Lake House, Times and Radio Ceylon. All three had good contacts in these offices having worked there earlier as journalist, layout artist and announcer respectively. They were also Bohemians and irreverent types who knew everybody and could see the sun go down in congenial company.Later all three befriended me, especially Ananda who became my minister and Reggie who made me a member of the exclusive Colombo Club of which he was a live wire. Ananda was a magnificent speaker on the social circuit and a raconteur who knew all the inside stories of political and social life in Colombo from the time of Independence.

Lately in his career, I was considered his protege and became part of his listener’s club and many of the revelations in my autobiography owe their origins to those intimate, fabulous drinking and eating sessions usually held at Ranjit and Lucille Dahanayake’s residence in Colombo 3. Upali, whose horse racing activities were encouraged by Ranjit, who was earlier a jockey and later a gentleman rider, was a frequent visitor at the Dahanayake residence, and an equally expansive story teller.

The idea of entering the publishing business came to Upali at these conversations. As he himself acknowledged in an article I had asked Gamini Wijetunga who was the editor of ‘Desathiya’ our official magazine, to interview Upali who was then the Director General of the Greater Colombo Economic Commission [GCEC] now the Board of Investments, since many had heard about him, frequently critically, but did not really know about his background.

We published a cover story on him and ‘Desathiya’ was not only sold out but it also created a sensation because the leading politicians wanted to keep Upali out of the limelight. Immediately Premadasa and Ronnie protested through their mouthpieces, but our minister feigned ignorance knowing that the big chief was not averse to a little inhouse mischief.

Upali never forgot Gamini Wijetunga and would frequently telephone him to get his advice. Typically Premadasa wanted to do something quickly about this perceived challenge. He started his own magazine which was a carbon copy of ‘Desathiya’ but much better funded through his housing department. He recruited Gunadasa Liyanage at an attractive salary with perks, to be the editor of his magazine.

Since up to then Liyanage had been a fan of Ronnie de Mel, we suspected that he and the PM had closed ranks against our magazine and Gamini Wijetunga in particular. This encounter triggered a spate of ‘Desathiya’ clones loyal to Ronnie, Lalith, Gamini, Ranil and many others, freely using their publicity budgets.

Our canny Sinhala journalists encouraged this magazine spree because they were offered salaries and perks way beyond their newspaper emoluments. It also sparked off an undesirable tendency among ministers to set up within media enterprises their own ‘moles’ who were like agents looking after the interests of their unofficial paymasters.

Any evening visit to a minister’s residence or party headquarters would find these ‘paid hirelings’ hanging around to brief their benefactors and more often to create havoc in party circles by spreading gossip. Unfortunately that tendency has now multiplied with a permissive ‘political culture’ where moles are wined and dined and are even found carrying out errands for their newspaper owners.

Ananda’s advertising acumen made the ailing Delta toffee business to turn around and become a money spinner. Upali invented a special type of container for the toffees, held dealer conventions for boutique owners, increased the advertising budget and brought in radio jingles. He started newspaper contests and started attacking rival products like `Bulto’ toffees which had captured a major market share.

The rise of Delta created in Upali a fascination for modern advertising and publicity. Later he became a spectacular media baron who turned his personality into a great bargaining chip in negotiations with banks and other financial institutions. With Delta restored to health, Upali attacked Kandos. Kandos was a middle level company based in Kandy (hence Kandos), which used the cocoa grown in the Kundasale area to make chocolates.

Its majority shares were owned by an old world Burgher gentleman who did not have the resources to take the company to the next level. Then Upali started his trade mark investment approach by acquiring a minority shareholding. He then quietly bought up more small shares and with a strong platform launched an aggressive attack –on the main shareholder. The old man who did not have the resources to fend off this attack gave in and sold his shares to Upali.

Having acquired control of Kandos, Upali invested in good managers and another Ananda led publicity campaign. He borrowed from banks on the strength of the Kandos balance sheet and went international with his product. Seeing that his cocoa supplies from Kundasale were both insufficient and expensive he entered Malaysia at a time when it was soliciting new investments. With his Cambridge and UK credentials which impressed the Anglophile Malaysian upper class he entered the much larger consumer market in that country.

I remember visiting supermarkets in Kuala Lampur and Singapore at that time and feeling proud when Kandos products were prominently displayed in them. From buying cocoa it was a logical next step to buy cocoa estates to safeguard his supply chain. Upali then bought cocoa and tea estates in Malaysia and Sri Lanka through his well-established technique of quietly accumulating shares till he could make a pitch for controlling the company. In all this he was advised on the media side by Ananda who became one of his favourite ‘elders’.

In the last days of the Dudley administration JRJ and Ananda as his Permanent Secretary, had backed Upali when he started to link up with emerging Japanese Companies instead of trying to enter the already saturated import market from the UK. The Japanese were fast moving up in global trade while UK- the sick man of Europe – was on a downward spiral, not least because Japan was beating them at their own game.

Upali started to assemble radios with parts imported from Japan. When that became a success he started to assemble Mazda cars. With typical panache Upali donated the first three Mazdas to come off his assembly line in Homagama to his mother, JRJ and NM Perera. It is not difficult to imagine that NM Perera’s name was suggested by the mischievous JRJ – Ananda combine. To his credit NM as Finance Minister backed Upali to the hilt.

Partly because Ananda and I interested him in media Upali started a newspaper publishing house. As was his wont he wanted to start right at the top. He brought the latest printing technology. He also unhesitatingly raided the journalistic staff of other newspapers by offering them higher salaries. He brought an Englishman as a consultant following his father’s brother D.R. Wijewardene who had done the same when he established Lake House.

When Upali heard that I was leaving for Singapore we met in Ranjit Dahanayake’s house where he offered me double my Singapore salary to work for him. I refused because I was not a working journalist. Long after his death, on the invitation of the Editor of the Island newspaper I wrote the following memoir about Upali and the beginning of that landmark paper.

“While felicitating `The Sunday Island’ on its 15th anniversary, I recall the early days when Upali Wijewardene set up his newspaper group. The Ministry of State of which Anandatissa de Alwis was Minister and I was Permanent Secretary, was located in the Indian Bank building in the Fort area. We moved there because it was in close proximity to both Lake House and the Times building which housed the leading newspapers of the day.

“The Investment Promotion Board (GCEC) was housed in the fourth and fifth floors of the same building. So we would often meet Upali Wijewardene and his Media Manager Vijitha Yapa who later became the first editor of ‘The Island’. I remember that Mr. Wijesiriwardene, son of the famous Mr. D.B. Rampala, was also a member of Upali’s team that did the preliminary work in setting up the paper.

“I clearly recall the contretemps over the telecasting of a news item about the Upali Newspapers, on the first day ‘Island’ and `Divaina’ hit the streets. I asked the TV organization which came under the State Ministry to give it maximum publicity. For the first time Sri Lankan viewers could see on their small screens the giant presses rolling, newspapers being bundled and finally being sold on the street.

“We also carried interviews with readers who naturally welcomed a new fresh-looking newspaper.

This newscast raised the ire of several bigwigs including Prime Minister Premadasa who was suspicious of Upali’s moves, particularly because the latter had said in his usual provocative way that he would like to be the next President of Sri Lanka.

“There was even talk that President J.R. Jayewardene was backing Upali, which may have caused some heartburn among politicians who fancied themselves as JRJ’s successors. They all complained to I lie President regarding this alleged `abuse’ of the media. Though I heard of these moves by some ministers it did not worry me overmuch since my Minister Anandatissa de Alwis was quite satisfied with this broadcast.

“The following day I was summoned to Ward Place and the President wanted to know why we had featured the Upali Press. I was sharp enough not to bring political opponents into the picture and merely stated that Lake House people were upset by this. I replied that the launching of a new national newspaper was news and that by any standard it merited inclusion in the day’s news bulletin. President JRJ good naturedly accepted this explanation, particularly my statement that the Chairman, Lake House cannot be the arbiter of TV news selection.

“Perhaps to satisfy our critics he added sternly that in future the same high degree of sympathy should be shown to other newspapers when they came out. When I told him of this outcome, Anandatissa merrily rang up Upali and had a good laugh.

“All this goes to show that governments of all hues are apt to keep a wary eye on what newspapers do. There are many reasons for this. Perhaps the most important is the government’s desire to set and dominate the agenda of public discussion. They are very happy when newspapers, particularly the state media, adopts the governmental agenda. Equally they are most dismayed when newspapers, particularly those like 1he Island which have strong opinions, begin to set the agenda.

“What we need now therefore is the emergence of a political culture which recognizes the role of dissent. It is a culture which is difficult to establish. Nevertheless, we have to persevere since it is the bedrock of democracy”.

First Steps for Television

This was the background to the first meeting on introducing TV which was held in the Speaker’s room in early 1978, attended by Ananda, Wijetunga, Upali and me. Upali, with his Japanese connections, had already contacted the Nippon Electrical Company [NEC]. He suggested that we go for the Japanese product as it was based on ‘state of the art’ technology.

The following day the Minister and I met JRJ in office. The PM said that he wanted TV to be a state venture supervised by the Media Ministry. He agreed that we should look to Japan for TV technology. Accordingly, I was asked to negotiate with the Japanese Embassy in Colombo and also speak to the Finance Ministry for budgetary provision to procure the equipment.

At about the same time, when there was public discussions about introducing TV, two young men were also investigating the possibility of setting up a private TV station. They were Anil Wijewardene, son of Sivali who was D.R. Wijewardene’s eldest son and Shan Wickremesinghe son of Nalini, the eldest daughter of D.R. Wijewardene. They were both therefore the nephews of JRJ who was happy that this duo were planning to set up their own TV station.

From time to time he would ask Minister Wijetunga for a progress report on their project, but I knew that he was being regularly briefed by the young men who had easy access to him. In fairness it must be said that they did not cut corners and were diligently seeking the several approvals necessary for the project.

Since Wijetunga was keen to get the goodwill of his boss I kept an eye on their progress. This was not difficult because Shan at that time was my immediate neighbor in Siripa road, where many of the immediate relatives of the Wijewardene’s had their imposing residences.At this stage we had a stroke of luck. The Japanese Ambassador here was Ochi who had been earlier an official of the Japanese Finance Ministry. Before that he had been an executive of the Nippon Electrical Company. It is well known that Japanese Ambassadors have close ties with their corporate world. Ochi was a quintessential ‘Economic Club’ man and was very positive about Japanese involvement in bringing TV to Sri Lanka.

By this time the German and French Ambassadors were also making overtures through their local agents, to be the suppliers. I could use these offers to leverage concessions from the Japanese. Then Ochi, who was determined to win the contract, dropped it bombshell. In order to secure the project for his friends in NEC he said that he will get the whole project for us free of charge. It will come as an outright grant.

I realized the value of his offer and quickly informed JRJ about it. At first he refused to believe that this was possible. A grant of this magnitude was quite extraordinary. But he was pleased when I told him that they were giving it in appreciation of his contribution at the San Francisco peace conference. Before this offer was nailed down the Ambassador and I had to indulge in some obfuscation.

The grant could be given according to Japanese law only of it served a public purpose and a commercial TV station would not pass that test. So we prepared a request for a TV station for the promotion of education. Even now the original agreement carries that objective, even though it has been observed in the breach from the beginning of transmissions. One of the studios in Rupavahini is specially designed to facilitate the making of educational programs and we did start broadcasting lessons in English and Mathematics which won awards at international competitions.

After he was convinced that we were getting the latest type of TV station as a grant, JRJ summoned us and the Japanese Ambassador to President’s House for a final announcement and a celebratory meal. A photograph taken at this historic meeting is reproduced in this book. In it, with the President is Minister Wijetunga, Ambassador Ochi, Sivali Wijewardene [representing his son Anil] Shan Wickremesinghe, Eamon Kariyakarawana [representing SLBC] and me.

After that official meeting it was all systems go and we started working on the project in earnest. I liaised with my friend Akiel Mohammed, Director of External Resources of the Finance Ministry, to finalize details of the grant which was to be announced in the forthcoming budget. In the meanwhile we had to take some urgent decisions. The first was to get the land adjoining SLBC released for the proposed TV station.

At that time it was used as their playground by the Ladies Hockey Club of Colombo. Hidden on a side was an illegal ‘hooch’ bar which was patronized by the artistes and officials of the SLBC. They were not amused when their favourite ‘water hole’ was given a quit notice. However they soon relocated in a place even closer to the studios and there was satisfaction all round.

A more serious problem arose regarding building the main office and the studios. Normally even in our foreign funded projects the practice was for the local side to provide the land and buildings. I knew that if our PWD was to be given this task there would be inevitable delays and the opening would have to be postponed. That was our experience with other projects.

So I requested the Japanese side to include the design and construction of the TV premises in the grant aid. After some discussion the Japanese agreed and we were spared the necessity of asking for supplementary estimates and work plans from our officials. I was happy with the success of my negotiations, and we began the project without delay.

Reshuffle

At this stage JRJ decided to reconstitute his Cabinet. This was partly because Ranjan Wijeratne, who as Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture, had complained that his Minister EL Senanayake who was a senior in the Cabinet, was inefficient and perhaps somewhat lacking in rectitude. There was a talk of lack of transparency in tenders for the purchase of fertilizer.Anyway the President’s plans for rapid agricultural growth which he signaled by appointing Wijeratne, who was an agriculturist of high repute, was not being realized. So he made EL the Speaker, a post which had much prestige and no tenders. At the same time he had to respond to the tourist trade which was complaining of a lack of cooperation from the Minister of Tourism Mrs. Kannangara who was constantly fighting with her Secretary Balasuriya who was a senior CCS officer.

In a smart move he brought in Anandatissa de Alwis to the Cabinet as Minister of State and assigned the subject of tourism to that Ministry. He transferred Wijetunga to the important Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications which showed that he appreciated our role in promoting TV. Wijetunga was keen that I accompany him as Secretary to his new Ministry. But the President decreed that I should remain in the media ministry with Ananda and continue with the TV project.

He added the portfolio of tourism to our Ministry, because Ananda had presided over that subject as Secretary to JRJ in the Dudley Cabinet. Mrs. Kannangara’s Ministry was abolished. Since Balasuriya was my neighbor at Siripa road this was an embarrassment to me especially since my two daughters were taking piano lessons from Mrs. Balasuriya who was a well-known teacher. Among the other children who were Mrs. Balasuriya’s proteges was Sajin Vass Gunawardena who was something of a musical prodigy then. As the mischievous son of our University friend Abey Vass Gunawardena, Sajin was in and out of our house in Siripa Road.



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An innocent bystander or a passive onlooker?

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Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi (C) meeting President of the European Council, Antonio Luis Santos da Costa and the President of the European Commission, Ursula von der Leyen ahead of the Exchange of MoUs between India and EU, in Hyderabad House, New Delhi, India, on 27 January, 2026.

After nearly two decades of on-and-off negotiations that began in 2007, India and the European Union formally finally concluded a comprehensive free trade agreement on 27 January 2026. This agreement, the India–European Union Free Trade Agreement (IEUFTA), was hailed by political leaders from both sides as the “mother of all deals,” because it would create a massive economic partnership and greatly increase the current bilateral trade, which was over US$ 136 billion in 2024. The agreement still requires ratification by the European Parliament, approval by EU member states, and completion of domestic approval processes in India. Therefore, it is only likely to come into force by early 2027.

An Innocent Bystander

When negotiations for a Free Trade Agreement between India and the European Union were formally launched in June 2007, anticipating far-reaching consequences of such an agreement on other developing countries, the Commonwealth Secretariat, in London, requested the Centre for Analysis of Regional Integration at the University of Sussex to undertake a study on a possible implication of such an agreement on other low-income developing countries. Thus, a group of academics, led by Professor Alan Winters, undertook a study, and it was published by the Commonwealth Secretariat in 2009 (“Innocent Bystanders—Implications of the EU-India Free Trade Agreement for Excluded Countries”). The authors of the study had considered the impact of an EU–India Free Trade Agreement for the trade of excluded countries and had underlined, “The SAARC countries are, by a long way, the most vulnerable to negative impacts from the FTA. Their exports are more similar to India’s…. Bangladesh is most exposed in the EU market, followed by Pakistan and Sri Lanka.”

Trade Preferences and Export Growth

Normally, reduction of price through preferential market access leads to export growth and trade diversification. During the last 19-year period (2015–2024), SAARC countries enjoyed varying degrees of preferences, under the EU’s Generalised Scheme of Preferences (GSP). But, the level of preferential access extended to India, through the GSP (general) arrangement, only provided a limited amount of duty reduction as against other SAARC countries, which were eligible for duty-free access into the EU market for most of their exports, via their LDC status or GSP+ route.

However, having preferential market access to the EU is worthless if those preferences cannot be utilised. Sri Lanka’s preference utilisation rate, which specifies the ratio of eligible to preferential imports, is significantly below the average for the EU GSP receiving countries. It was only 59% in 2023 and 69% in 2024. Comparative percentages in 2024 were, for Bangladesh, 96%; Pakistan, 95%; and India, 88%.

As illustrated in the table above, between 2015 and 2024, the EU’s imports from SAARC countries had increased twofold, from US$ 63 billion in 2015 to US$ 129 billion by 2024. Most of this growth had come from India. The imports from Pakistan and Bangladesh also increased significantly. The increase of imports from Sri Lanka, when compared to other South Asian countries, was limited. Exports from other SAARC countries—Afghanistan, Bhutan, Nepal, and the Maldives—are very small and, therefore, not included in this analysis.

Why the EU – India FTA?

With the best export performance in the region, why does India need an FTA with the EU?

Because even with very impressive overall export growth, in certain areas, India has performed very poorly in the EU market due to tariff disadvantages. In addition to that, from January 2026, the EU has withdrawn GSP benefits from most of India’s industrial exports. The FTA clearly addresses these challenges, and India will improve her competitiveness significantly once the FTA becomes operational.

Then the question is, what will be its impact on those “innocent bystanders” in South Asia and, more particularly, on Sri Lanka?

To provide a reasonable answer to this question, one has to undertake an in-depth product-by-product analysis of all major exports. Due to time and resource constraints, for the purpose of this article, I took a brief look at Sri Lanka’s two largest exports to the EU, viz., the apparels and rubber-based products.

Fortunately, Sri Lanka’s exports of rubber products will be only nominally impacted by the FTA due to the low MFN duty rate. For example, solid tyres and rubber gloves are charged very low (around 3%) MFN duty and the exports of these products from Sri Lanka and India are eligible for 0% GSP duty at present. With an equal market access, Sri Lanka has done much better than India in the EU market. Sri Lanka is the largest exporter of solid tyres to the EU and during 2024 our exports were valued at US$180 million.

On the other hand, Tariffs MFN tariffs on Apparel at 12% are relatively high and play a big role in apparel sourcing. Even a small difference in landed cost can shift entire sourcing to another supplier country. Indian apparel exports to the EU faced relatively high duties (8.5% – 12%), while competitors, such as Bangladesh, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka, are eligible for preferential access. In addition to that, Bangladesh enjoys highly favourable Rules of Origin in the EU market. The impact of these different trade rules, on the EU’s imports, is clearly visible in the trade data.

During the last 10 years (2015-2024), the EU’s apparel imports from Bangladesh nearly doubled, from US$15.1 billion, in 2015, to US$29.1 billion by 2024, and apparel imports from Pakistan more than doubled, from US$2.3 billion to US$5.5 billion. However, apparel imports from Sri Lanka increased only from US$1.3 billion in 2015 to US$2.2 billion by 2024. The impressive export growth from Pakistan and Bangladesh is mostly related to GSP preferences, while the lackluster growth of Sri Lankan exports was largely due to low preference utilisation. Nearly half of Sri Lanka’s apparel exports faced a 12% tariff due to strict Rules of Origin requirements to qualify for GSP.

During the same period, the EU’s apparel imports from India only showed very modest growth, from US$ 5.3 billion, in 2015, to US$ 6.3 billion in 2024. The main reason for this was the very significant tariff disadvantage India faced in the EU market. However, once the FTA eliminates this gap, apparel imports from India are expected to grow rapidly.

According to available information, Indian industry bodies expect US$ 5-7 billion growth of textiles and apparel exports during the first three years of the FTA. This will create a significant trade diversion, resulting in a decline in exports from China and other countries that do not enjoy preferential market access. As almost half of Sri Lanka’s apparel exports are not eligible for GSP, the impact on our exports will also be fierce. Even in the areas where Sri Lanka receives preferential duty-free access, the arrival of another large player will change the market dynamics greatly.

A Passive Onlooker?

Since the commencement of the negotiations on the EU–India FTA, Bangladesh and Pakistan have significantly enhanced the level of market access through proactive diplomatic interventions. As a result, they have substantially increased competitiveness and the market share within the EU. This would help them to minimize the adverse implications of the India–EU FTA on their exports. Sri Lanka’s exports to the EU market have not performed that well. The challenges in that market will intensify after 2027.

As we can clearly anticipate a significant adverse impact from the EU-India FTA, we should start to engage immediately with the European Commission on these issues without being passive onlookers. For example, the impact of the EU-India FTA should have been a main agenda item in the recently concluded joint commission meeting between the European Commission and Sri Lanka in Colombo.

Need of the Hour – Proactive Commercial Diplomacy

In the area of international trade, it is a time of turbulence. After the US Supreme Court judgement on President Trump’s “reciprocal tariffs,” the only prediction we can make about the market in the United States market is its continued unpredictability. India concluded an FTA with the UK last May and now the EU-India FTA. These are Sri Lanka’s largest markets. Now to navigate through these volatile, complex, and rapidly changing markets, we need to move away from reactive crisis management mode to anticipatory action. Hence, proactive commercial diplomacy is the need of the hour.

(The writer can be reached at senadhiragomi@gmail.com)

By Gomi Senadhira

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Educational reforms: A perspective

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Dr. B.J.C. Perera (Dr. BJCP) in his article ‘The Education cross roads: Liberating Sri Lankan classroom and moving ahead’ asks the critical question that should be the bedrock of any attempt at education reform – ‘Do we truly and clearly understand how a human being learns? (The Island, 16.02.2026)

Dr. BJCP describes the foundation of a cognitive architecture taking place with over a million neural connections occurring in a second. This in fact is the result of language learning and not the process. How do we ‘actually’ learn and communicate with one another? Is a question that was originally asked by Galileo Galilei (1564 -1642) to which scientists have still not found a definitive answer. Naom Chomsky (1928-) one of the foremost intellectuals of our time, known as the father of modern linguistics; when once asked in an interview, if there was any ‘burning question’ in his life that he would have liked to find an answer for; commented that this was one of the questions to which he would have liked to find the answer. Apart from knowing that this communication takes place through language, little else is known about the subject. In this process of learning we learn in our mother tongue and it is estimated that almost 80% of our learning is completed by the time we are 5 years old. It is critical to grasp that this is the actual process of learning and not ‘knowledge’ which tends to get confused as ‘learning’. i.e. what have you learnt?

The term mother tongue is used here as many of us later on in life do learn other languages. However, there is a fundamental difference between these languages and one’s mother tongue; in that one learns the mother tongue- and how that happens is the ‘burning question’ as opposed to a second language which is taught. The fact that the mother tongue is also formally taught later on, does not distract from this thesis.

Almost all of us take the learning of a mother tongue for granted, as much as one would take standing and walking for granted. However, learning the mother tongue is a much more complex process. Every infant learns to stand and walk the same way, but every infant depending on where they are born (and brought up) will learn a different mother tongue. The words that are learnt are concepts that would be influenced by the prevalent culture, religion, beliefs, etc. in that environment of the child. Take for example the term father. In our culture (Sinhala/Buddhist) the father is an entity that belongs to himself as well as to us -the rest of the family. We refer to him as ape thaththa. In the English speaking (Judaeo-Christian) culture he is ‘my father’. ‘Our father’ is a very different concept. ‘Our father who art in heaven….

All over the world education is done in one’s mother tongue. The only exception to this, as far as I know, are the countries that have been colonised by the British. There is a vast amount of research that re-validates education /learning in the mother tongue. And more to the point, when it comes to the comparability of learning in one’s own mother tongue as opposed to learning in English, English fails miserably.

Education /learning is best done in one’s mother tongue.

This is a fact. not an opinion. Elegantly stated in the words of Prof. Tove Skutnabb-Kangas-“Mother tongue medium education is controversial, but ‘only’ politically. Research evidence about it is not controversial.”

The tragedy is that we are discussing this fundamental principle that is taken for granted in the rest of the world. It would not be not even considered worthy of a school debate in any other country. The irony of course is, that it is being done in English!

At school we learnt all of our subjects in Sinhala (or Tamil) right up to University entrance. Across the three streams of Maths, Bio and Commerce, be it applied or pure mathematics, physics, chemistry, zoology, botany economics, business, etc. Everything from the simplest to the most complicated concept was learnt in our mother tongue. An uninterrupted process of learning that started from infancy.

All of this changed at university. We had to learn something new that had a greater depth and width than anything we had encountered before in a language -except for a very select minority – we were not at all familiar with. There were students in my university intake that had put aside reading and writing, not even spoken English outside a classroom context. This I have been reliably informed is the prevalent situation in most of the SAARC countries.

The SAARC nations that comprise eight countries (Sri Lanka, Maldives, India, Pakistan Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan) have 21% of the world population confined to just 3% of the earth’s land mass making it probably one of the most densely populated areas in the world. One would assume that this degree of ‘clinical density’ would lead to a plethora of research publications. However, the reality is that for 25 years from 1996 to 2021 the contribution by the SAARC nations to peer reviewed research in the field of Orthopaedics and Sports medicine- my profession – was only 1.45%! Regardless of each country having different mother tongues and vastly differing socio-economic structures, the common denominator to all these countries is that medical education in each country is done in a foreign language (English).

The impact of not learning in one’s mother tongue can be illustrated at a global level. This can be easily seen when observing the research output of different countries. For example, if one looks at orthopaedics and sports medicine (once again my given profession for simplicity); Table 1. shows the cumulative research that has been published in peer review journals. Despite now having the highest population in the world, India comes in at number 16! It has been outranked by countries that have a population less than one of their states. Pundits might argue giving various reasons for this phenomenon. But the inconvertible fact remains that all other countries, other than India, learn medicine in their mother tongue.

(See Table 1) Mother tongue, medium of education in country rank order according to the volume of publications of orthopaedics and sports medicine in peer reviewed journals 1996 to 2024. Source: Scimago SCImago journal (https://www.scimagojr.com/) has collated peer review journal publications of the world. The publications are categorized into 27 categories. According to the available data from 1996 to 2024, China is ranked the second across all categories with India at the 6th position. China is first in chemical engineering, chemistry, computer science, decision sciences, energy, engineering, environmental science, material sciences, mathematics, physics and astronomy. There is no subject category that India is the first in the world. China ranks higher than India in all categories except dentistry.

The reason for this difference is obvious when one looks at how learning is done in China and India.

The Chinese learn in their mother tongue. From primary to undergraduate and postgraduate levels, it is all done in Chinese. Therefore, they have an enormous capacity to understand their subject matter just not itself, but also as to how it relates to all other subjects/ themes that surround it. It is a continuous process of learning that evolves from infancy onwards, that seamlessly passes through, primary, secondary, undergraduate and post graduate education, research, innovation, application etc. Their social language is their official language. The language they use at home is the language they use at their workplaces, clubs, research facilities and so on.

In India higher education/learning is done in a foreign language. Each state of India has its own mother tongue. Be it Hindi, Tamil, Urdu, Telagu, etc. Infancy, childhood and school education to varying degrees is carried out in each state according to their mother tongue. Then, when it comes to university education and especially the ‘science subjects’ it takes place in a foreign tongue- (English). English remains only as their ‘research’ language. All other social interactions are done in their mother tongue.

India and China have been used as examples to illustrate the point between learning in the mother tongue and a foreign tongue, as they are in population terms comparable countries. The unpalatable truth is that – though individuals might have a different grasp of English- as countries, the ability of SAARC countries to learn and understand a subject in a foreign language is inferior to the rest of the world that is learning the same subject in its mother tongue. Imagine the disadvantage we face at a global level, when our entire learning process across almost all disciplines has been in a foreign tongue with comparison to the rest of the world that has learnt all these disciplines in their mother tongue. And one by-product of this is the subsequent research, innovation that flows from this learning will also be inferior to the rest of the world.

All this only confirms what we already know. Learning is best done in one’s mother tongue! .

What needs to be realised is that there is a critical difference between ‘learning English’ and ‘learning in English’. The primary-or some may argue secondary- purpose of a university education is to learn a particular discipline, be it medicine, engineering, etc. The students- have been learning everything up to that point in Sinhala or Tamil. Learning their discipline in their mother tongue will be the easiest thing for them. The solution to this is to teach in Sinhala or Tamil, so it can be learnt in the most efficient manner. Not to lament that the university entrant’s English is poor and therefore we need to start teaching English earlier on.

We are surviving because at least up to the university level we are learning in the best possible way i.e. in our mother tongue. Can our methods be changed to be more efficient? definitely. If, however, one thinks that the answer to this efficient change in the learning process is to substitute English for the mother tongue, it will defeat the very purpose it is trying to overcome. According to Dr. BJCP as he states in his article; the current reforms of 2026 for the learning process for the primary years, centre on the ‘ABCDE’ framework: Attendance, Belongingness, Cleanliness, Discipline and English. Very briefly, as can be seen from the above discussion, if this is the framework that is to be instituted, we should modify it to ABCDEF by adding a F for Failure, for completeness!

(See Figure 1) The components and evolution of learning: Data, information, knowledge, insight, wisdom, foresight As can be seen from figure 1. data and information remain as discrete points. They do not have interconnections between them. It is these subsequent interconnections that constitute learning. And these happen best through the mother tongue. Once again, this is a fact. Not an opinion. We -all countries- need to learn a second language (foreign tongue) in order to gather information and data from the rest of the world. However, once this data/ information is gathered, the learning needs to happen in our own mother tongue.

Without a doubt English is the most universally spoken language. It is estimated that almost a quarter of the world speaks English as its mother tongue or as a second language. I am not advocating to stop teaching English. Please, teach English as a second language to give a window to the rest of the world. Just do not use it as the mode of learning. Learn English but do not learn in English. All that we will be achieving by learning in English, is to create a nation of professionals that neither know English well nor their subject matter well.

If we are to have any worthwhile educational reforms this should be the starting pivotal point. An education that takes place in one’s mother tongue. Not instituting this and discussing theories of education and learning and proposing reforms, is akin to ‘rearranging the deck chairs on the Titanic’. Sadly, this is not some stupendous, revolutionary insight into education /learning. It is what the rest of the world has been doing and what we did till we came under British rule.

Those who were with me in the medical faculty may remember that I asked this question then: Why can’t we be taught in Sinhala? Today, with AI, this should be much easier than what it was 40 years ago.

The editorial of this newspaper has many a time criticised the present government for its lackadaisical attitude towards bringing in the promised ‘system change’. Do this––make mother tongue the medium of education /learning––and the entire system will change.

by Dr. Sumedha S. Amarasekara

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Ukraine crisis continuing to highlight worsening ‘Global Disorder’

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The human costs of war: Ukrainians displaced by war. (BBC)

The world has unhappily arrived at the 4th anniversary of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and as could be seen a resolution to the long-bleeding war is nowhere in sight. In fact the crisis has taken a turn for the worse with the Russian political leadership refusing to see the uselessness of its suicidal invasion and the principal power groupings of the West even more tenaciously standing opposed to the invasion.

One fatal consequence of the foregoing trends is relentlessly increasing ‘Global Disorder’ and the heightening possibility of a regional war of the kind that broke out in Europe in the late thirties at the height of Nazi dictator Adolph Hitler’s reckless territorial expansions. Needless to say, that regional war led to the Second World War. As a result, sections of world opinion could not be faulted for believing that another World War is very much at hand unless peace making comes to the fore.

Interestingly, the outbreak of the Second World War coincided with the collapsing of the League of Nations, which was seen as ineffective in the task of fostering and maintaining world law and order and peace. Needless to say, the ‘League’ was supplanted by the UN and the question on the lips of the informed is whether the fate of the ‘League’ would also befall the UN in view of its perceived inability to command any authority worldwide, particularly in the wake of the Ukraine blood-letting.

The latter poser ought to remind the world that its future is gravely at risk, provided there is a consensus among the powers that matter to end the Ukraine crisis by peaceful means. The question also ought to remind the world of the urgency of restoring to the UN system its authority and effectiveness. The spectre of another World War could not be completely warded off unless this challenge is faced and resolved by the world community consensually and peacefully.

It defies comprehension as to why the Russian political leadership insists on prolonging the invasion, particularly considering the prohibitive human costs it is incurring for Russia. There is no sign of Ukraine caving-in to Russian pressure on the battle field and allowing Russia to have its own way and one wonders whether Ukraine is going the way of Afghanistan for Russia. If so the invasion is an abject failure.

The Russian political leadership would do well to go for a negotiated settlement and thereby ensure peace for the Russian people, Ukraine and the rest of Europe. By drawing on the services of the UN for this purpose, Russian political leaders would be restoring to the UN its dignity and rightful position in the affairs of the world.

Russia, meanwhile, would also do well not to depend too much on the Trump administration to find a negotiated end to the crisis. This is in view of the proved unreliability of the Trump government and the noted tendency of President Trump to change his mind on questions of the first importance far too frequently. Against this backdrop the UN would prove the more reliable partner to work with.

While there is no sign of Russia backing down, there are clearly no indications that going forward Russia’s invasion would render its final aims easily attainable either. Both NATO and the EU, for example, are making it amply clear that they would be staunchly standing by Ukraine. That is, Ukraine would be consistently armed and provided for in every relevant respect by these Western formations. Given these organizations’ continuing power it is difficult to see Ukraine being abandoned in the foreseeable future.

Accordingly, the Ukraine war would continue to painfully grind on piling misery on the Ukraine and Russian people. There is clearly nothing in this war worth speaking of for the two peoples concerned and it will be an action of the profoundest humanity for the Russian political leadership to engage in peace talks with its adversaries.

It will be in order for all countries to back a peaceful solution to the Ukraine nightmare considering that a continued commitment to the UN Charter would be in their best interests. On the question of sovereignty alone Ukraine’s rights have been grossly violated by Russia and it is obligatory on the part of every state that cherishes its sovereignty to back Ukraine to the hilt.

Barring a few, most states of the West could be expected to be supportive of Ukraine but the global South presents some complexities which get in the way of it standing by the side of Ukraine without reservations. One factor is economic dependence on Russia and in these instances countries’ national interests could outweigh other considerations on the issue of deciding between Ukraine and Russia. Needless to say, there is no easy way out of such dilemmas.

However, democracies of the South would have no choice but to place principle above self interest and throw in their lot with Ukraine if they are not to escape the charge of duplicity, double talk and double think. The rest of the South, and we have numerous political identities among them, would do well to come together, consult closely and consider as to how they could collectively work towards a peaceful and fair solution in Ukraine.

More broadly, crises such as that in Ukraine, need to be seen by the international community as a challenge to its humanity, since the essential identity of the human being as a peacemaker is being put to the test in these prolonged and dehumanizing wars. Accordingly, what is at stake basically is humankind’s fundamental identity or the continuation of civilization. Put simply, the choice is between humanity and barbarity.

The ‘Swing States’ of the South, such as India, Indonesia, South Africa and to a lesser extent Brazil, are obliged to put their ‘ best foot forward’ in these undertakings of a potentially historic nature. While the humanistic character of their mission needs to be highlighted most, the economic and material costs of these wasting wars, which are felt far and wide, need to be constantly focused on as well.

It is a time to protect humanity and the essential principles of democracy. It is when confronted by the magnitude and scale of these tasks that the vital importance of the UN could come to be appreciated by human kind. This is primarily on account of the multi-dimensional operations of the UN. The latter would prove an ideal companion of the South if and when it plays the role of a true peace maker.

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