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How television came to Sri Lanka

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JRJ, Anandatissa and Upali Wijewardene were among key players

When JRJ was the Minister of State in the Dudley cabinet of 1965 he advocated the introduction of Television to the country. This was typical of his bold thinking and awareness of what was going on around us in the world, which was not a great characteristic of the Dudley cabinet. His suggestion was shot down by Dudley’s media advisors led by Neville Jayaweera who went on to describe the offer of TV as ‘A gift of a Rhinoceros’.

Soon after that JR’s powers over the media were withdrawn by Dudley and he decided to bide his time. One of his earliest acts as Prime Minister in 1977 was to initiate action on introducing TV. Since colour television is today the main media outlet in the country let me narrate how Jayaweera’s ‘brute’ came to be installed.

It began when JRJ called Minster Wijetunga and me to his office and told us that Anandatissa de Alwis, who was then Speaker, had informed him that Upali Wijewardene was talking to the Japanese about introducing TV as one of his investments. JRJ wanted us all to to put our heads together and bring in TV as a national venture since the SLBC was the monopoly radio broadcaster at that time and the subject had been assigned to our Ministry.

The following day the Speaker Ananda invited my minister, Upali and me to his chambers in the old Parliament to discuss JRJs order. Fortunately the three main protagonists – my minister, Ananda and Upali were all friends from much earlier and the discussion was very fruitful apart from the fact that we knew the PM was taking a personal interest in the matter.

There was a strong bond of friendship between Ananda and Upali. The latter had begun his business in a small way by taking over a failed business which belonged to his wealthy maternal uncle Sarath Wijesinghe. This was a small scale business of making sweets under the Delta brand. However the UK returned Upali knew that demographically this group of consumers were bound to grow with the youth segment in our population increasing exponentially.

He turned to the leading advertising agency of that time J Walter Thompson of which Ananda was the managing director. At that time most businessmen did not look to advertising as a necessary ingredient of marketing. Ananda was an advertising genius who had first branded the UNP Youth League as a progressive and fashionable offshoot of the Grand Old Party.

At that time there were only three advertising specialists in the country. They were Ananda, Reggie Candappa and Tim Horshington. Their main media outlets were Lake House, Times and Radio Ceylon. All three had good contacts in these offices having worked there earlier as journalist, layout artist and announcer respectively. They were also Bohemians and irreverent types who knew everybody and could see the sun go down in congenial company.Later all three befriended me, especially Ananda who became my minister and Reggie who made me a member of the exclusive Colombo Club of which he was a live wire. Ananda was a magnificent speaker on the social circuit and a raconteur who knew all the inside stories of political and social life in Colombo from the time of Independence.

Lately in his career, I was considered his protege and became part of his listener’s club and many of the revelations in my autobiography owe their origins to those intimate, fabulous drinking and eating sessions usually held at Ranjit and Lucille Dahanayake’s residence in Colombo 3. Upali, whose horse racing activities were encouraged by Ranjit, who was earlier a jockey and later a gentleman rider, was a frequent visitor at the Dahanayake residence, and an equally expansive story teller.

The idea of entering the publishing business came to Upali at these conversations. As he himself acknowledged in an article I had asked Gamini Wijetunga who was the editor of ‘Desathiya’ our official magazine, to interview Upali who was then the Director General of the Greater Colombo Economic Commission [GCEC] now the Board of Investments, since many had heard about him, frequently critically, but did not really know about his background.

We published a cover story on him and ‘Desathiya’ was not only sold out but it also created a sensation because the leading politicians wanted to keep Upali out of the limelight. Immediately Premadasa and Ronnie protested through their mouthpieces, but our minister feigned ignorance knowing that the big chief was not averse to a little inhouse mischief.

Upali never forgot Gamini Wijetunga and would frequently telephone him to get his advice. Typically Premadasa wanted to do something quickly about this perceived challenge. He started his own magazine which was a carbon copy of ‘Desathiya’ but much better funded through his housing department. He recruited Gunadasa Liyanage at an attractive salary with perks, to be the editor of his magazine.

Since up to then Liyanage had been a fan of Ronnie de Mel, we suspected that he and the PM had closed ranks against our magazine and Gamini Wijetunga in particular. This encounter triggered a spate of ‘Desathiya’ clones loyal to Ronnie, Lalith, Gamini, Ranil and many others, freely using their publicity budgets.

Our canny Sinhala journalists encouraged this magazine spree because they were offered salaries and perks way beyond their newspaper emoluments. It also sparked off an undesirable tendency among ministers to set up within media enterprises their own ‘moles’ who were like agents looking after the interests of their unofficial paymasters.

Any evening visit to a minister’s residence or party headquarters would find these ‘paid hirelings’ hanging around to brief their benefactors and more often to create havoc in party circles by spreading gossip. Unfortunately that tendency has now multiplied with a permissive ‘political culture’ where moles are wined and dined and are even found carrying out errands for their newspaper owners.

Ananda’s advertising acumen made the ailing Delta toffee business to turn around and become a money spinner. Upali invented a special type of container for the toffees, held dealer conventions for boutique owners, increased the advertising budget and brought in radio jingles. He started newspaper contests and started attacking rival products like `Bulto’ toffees which had captured a major market share.

The rise of Delta created in Upali a fascination for modern advertising and publicity. Later he became a spectacular media baron who turned his personality into a great bargaining chip in negotiations with banks and other financial institutions. With Delta restored to health, Upali attacked Kandos. Kandos was a middle level company based in Kandy (hence Kandos), which used the cocoa grown in the Kundasale area to make chocolates.

Its majority shares were owned by an old world Burgher gentleman who did not have the resources to take the company to the next level. Then Upali started his trade mark investment approach by acquiring a minority shareholding. He then quietly bought up more small shares and with a strong platform launched an aggressive attack –on the main shareholder. The old man who did not have the resources to fend off this attack gave in and sold his shares to Upali.

Having acquired control of Kandos, Upali invested in good managers and another Ananda led publicity campaign. He borrowed from banks on the strength of the Kandos balance sheet and went international with his product. Seeing that his cocoa supplies from Kundasale were both insufficient and expensive he entered Malaysia at a time when it was soliciting new investments. With his Cambridge and UK credentials which impressed the Anglophile Malaysian upper class he entered the much larger consumer market in that country.

I remember visiting supermarkets in Kuala Lampur and Singapore at that time and feeling proud when Kandos products were prominently displayed in them. From buying cocoa it was a logical next step to buy cocoa estates to safeguard his supply chain. Upali then bought cocoa and tea estates in Malaysia and Sri Lanka through his well-established technique of quietly accumulating shares till he could make a pitch for controlling the company. In all this he was advised on the media side by Ananda who became one of his favourite ‘elders’.

In the last days of the Dudley administration JRJ and Ananda as his Permanent Secretary, had backed Upali when he started to link up with emerging Japanese Companies instead of trying to enter the already saturated import market from the UK. The Japanese were fast moving up in global trade while UK- the sick man of Europe – was on a downward spiral, not least because Japan was beating them at their own game.

Upali started to assemble radios with parts imported from Japan. When that became a success he started to assemble Mazda cars. With typical panache Upali donated the first three Mazdas to come off his assembly line in Homagama to his mother, JRJ and NM Perera. It is not difficult to imagine that NM Perera’s name was suggested by the mischievous JRJ – Ananda combine. To his credit NM as Finance Minister backed Upali to the hilt.

Partly because Ananda and I interested him in media Upali started a newspaper publishing house. As was his wont he wanted to start right at the top. He brought the latest printing technology. He also unhesitatingly raided the journalistic staff of other newspapers by offering them higher salaries. He brought an Englishman as a consultant following his father’s brother D.R. Wijewardene who had done the same when he established Lake House.

When Upali heard that I was leaving for Singapore we met in Ranjit Dahanayake’s house where he offered me double my Singapore salary to work for him. I refused because I was not a working journalist. Long after his death, on the invitation of the Editor of the Island newspaper I wrote the following memoir about Upali and the beginning of that landmark paper.

“While felicitating `The Sunday Island’ on its 15th anniversary, I recall the early days when Upali Wijewardene set up his newspaper group. The Ministry of State of which Anandatissa de Alwis was Minister and I was Permanent Secretary, was located in the Indian Bank building in the Fort area. We moved there because it was in close proximity to both Lake House and the Times building which housed the leading newspapers of the day.

“The Investment Promotion Board (GCEC) was housed in the fourth and fifth floors of the same building. So we would often meet Upali Wijewardene and his Media Manager Vijitha Yapa who later became the first editor of ‘The Island’. I remember that Mr. Wijesiriwardene, son of the famous Mr. D.B. Rampala, was also a member of Upali’s team that did the preliminary work in setting up the paper.

“I clearly recall the contretemps over the telecasting of a news item about the Upali Newspapers, on the first day ‘Island’ and `Divaina’ hit the streets. I asked the TV organization which came under the State Ministry to give it maximum publicity. For the first time Sri Lankan viewers could see on their small screens the giant presses rolling, newspapers being bundled and finally being sold on the street.

“We also carried interviews with readers who naturally welcomed a new fresh-looking newspaper.

This newscast raised the ire of several bigwigs including Prime Minister Premadasa who was suspicious of Upali’s moves, particularly because the latter had said in his usual provocative way that he would like to be the next President of Sri Lanka.

“There was even talk that President J.R. Jayewardene was backing Upali, which may have caused some heartburn among politicians who fancied themselves as JRJ’s successors. They all complained to I lie President regarding this alleged `abuse’ of the media. Though I heard of these moves by some ministers it did not worry me overmuch since my Minister Anandatissa de Alwis was quite satisfied with this broadcast.

“The following day I was summoned to Ward Place and the President wanted to know why we had featured the Upali Press. I was sharp enough not to bring political opponents into the picture and merely stated that Lake House people were upset by this. I replied that the launching of a new national newspaper was news and that by any standard it merited inclusion in the day’s news bulletin. President JRJ good naturedly accepted this explanation, particularly my statement that the Chairman, Lake House cannot be the arbiter of TV news selection.

“Perhaps to satisfy our critics he added sternly that in future the same high degree of sympathy should be shown to other newspapers when they came out. When I told him of this outcome, Anandatissa merrily rang up Upali and had a good laugh.

“All this goes to show that governments of all hues are apt to keep a wary eye on what newspapers do. There are many reasons for this. Perhaps the most important is the government’s desire to set and dominate the agenda of public discussion. They are very happy when newspapers, particularly the state media, adopts the governmental agenda. Equally they are most dismayed when newspapers, particularly those like 1he Island which have strong opinions, begin to set the agenda.

“What we need now therefore is the emergence of a political culture which recognizes the role of dissent. It is a culture which is difficult to establish. Nevertheless, we have to persevere since it is the bedrock of democracy”.

First Steps for Television

This was the background to the first meeting on introducing TV which was held in the Speaker’s room in early 1978, attended by Ananda, Wijetunga, Upali and me. Upali, with his Japanese connections, had already contacted the Nippon Electrical Company [NEC]. He suggested that we go for the Japanese product as it was based on ‘state of the art’ technology.

The following day the Minister and I met JRJ in office. The PM said that he wanted TV to be a state venture supervised by the Media Ministry. He agreed that we should look to Japan for TV technology. Accordingly, I was asked to negotiate with the Japanese Embassy in Colombo and also speak to the Finance Ministry for budgetary provision to procure the equipment.

At about the same time, when there was public discussions about introducing TV, two young men were also investigating the possibility of setting up a private TV station. They were Anil Wijewardene, son of Sivali who was D.R. Wijewardene’s eldest son and Shan Wickremesinghe son of Nalini, the eldest daughter of D.R. Wijewardene. They were both therefore the nephews of JRJ who was happy that this duo were planning to set up their own TV station.

From time to time he would ask Minister Wijetunga for a progress report on their project, but I knew that he was being regularly briefed by the young men who had easy access to him. In fairness it must be said that they did not cut corners and were diligently seeking the several approvals necessary for the project.

Since Wijetunga was keen to get the goodwill of his boss I kept an eye on their progress. This was not difficult because Shan at that time was my immediate neighbor in Siripa road, where many of the immediate relatives of the Wijewardene’s had their imposing residences.At this stage we had a stroke of luck. The Japanese Ambassador here was Ochi who had been earlier an official of the Japanese Finance Ministry. Before that he had been an executive of the Nippon Electrical Company. It is well known that Japanese Ambassadors have close ties with their corporate world. Ochi was a quintessential ‘Economic Club’ man and was very positive about Japanese involvement in bringing TV to Sri Lanka.

By this time the German and French Ambassadors were also making overtures through their local agents, to be the suppliers. I could use these offers to leverage concessions from the Japanese. Then Ochi, who was determined to win the contract, dropped it bombshell. In order to secure the project for his friends in NEC he said that he will get the whole project for us free of charge. It will come as an outright grant.

I realized the value of his offer and quickly informed JRJ about it. At first he refused to believe that this was possible. A grant of this magnitude was quite extraordinary. But he was pleased when I told him that they were giving it in appreciation of his contribution at the San Francisco peace conference. Before this offer was nailed down the Ambassador and I had to indulge in some obfuscation.

The grant could be given according to Japanese law only of it served a public purpose and a commercial TV station would not pass that test. So we prepared a request for a TV station for the promotion of education. Even now the original agreement carries that objective, even though it has been observed in the breach from the beginning of transmissions. One of the studios in Rupavahini is specially designed to facilitate the making of educational programs and we did start broadcasting lessons in English and Mathematics which won awards at international competitions.

After he was convinced that we were getting the latest type of TV station as a grant, JRJ summoned us and the Japanese Ambassador to President’s House for a final announcement and a celebratory meal. A photograph taken at this historic meeting is reproduced in this book. In it, with the President is Minister Wijetunga, Ambassador Ochi, Sivali Wijewardene [representing his son Anil] Shan Wickremesinghe, Eamon Kariyakarawana [representing SLBC] and me.

After that official meeting it was all systems go and we started working on the project in earnest. I liaised with my friend Akiel Mohammed, Director of External Resources of the Finance Ministry, to finalize details of the grant which was to be announced in the forthcoming budget. In the meanwhile we had to take some urgent decisions. The first was to get the land adjoining SLBC released for the proposed TV station.

At that time it was used as their playground by the Ladies Hockey Club of Colombo. Hidden on a side was an illegal ‘hooch’ bar which was patronized by the artistes and officials of the SLBC. They were not amused when their favourite ‘water hole’ was given a quit notice. However they soon relocated in a place even closer to the studios and there was satisfaction all round.

A more serious problem arose regarding building the main office and the studios. Normally even in our foreign funded projects the practice was for the local side to provide the land and buildings. I knew that if our PWD was to be given this task there would be inevitable delays and the opening would have to be postponed. That was our experience with other projects.

So I requested the Japanese side to include the design and construction of the TV premises in the grant aid. After some discussion the Japanese agreed and we were spared the necessity of asking for supplementary estimates and work plans from our officials. I was happy with the success of my negotiations, and we began the project without delay.

Reshuffle

At this stage JRJ decided to reconstitute his Cabinet. This was partly because Ranjan Wijeratne, who as Secretary to the Ministry of Agriculture, had complained that his Minister EL Senanayake who was a senior in the Cabinet, was inefficient and perhaps somewhat lacking in rectitude. There was a talk of lack of transparency in tenders for the purchase of fertilizer.Anyway the President’s plans for rapid agricultural growth which he signaled by appointing Wijeratne, who was an agriculturist of high repute, was not being realized. So he made EL the Speaker, a post which had much prestige and no tenders. At the same time he had to respond to the tourist trade which was complaining of a lack of cooperation from the Minister of Tourism Mrs. Kannangara who was constantly fighting with her Secretary Balasuriya who was a senior CCS officer.

In a smart move he brought in Anandatissa de Alwis to the Cabinet as Minister of State and assigned the subject of tourism to that Ministry. He transferred Wijetunga to the important Ministry of Posts and Telecommunications which showed that he appreciated our role in promoting TV. Wijetunga was keen that I accompany him as Secretary to his new Ministry. But the President decreed that I should remain in the media ministry with Ananda and continue with the TV project.

He added the portfolio of tourism to our Ministry, because Ananda had presided over that subject as Secretary to JRJ in the Dudley Cabinet. Mrs. Kannangara’s Ministry was abolished. Since Balasuriya was my neighbor at Siripa road this was an embarrassment to me especially since my two daughters were taking piano lessons from Mrs. Balasuriya who was a well-known teacher. Among the other children who were Mrs. Balasuriya’s proteges was Sajin Vass Gunawardena who was something of a musical prodigy then. As the mischievous son of our University friend Abey Vass Gunawardena, Sajin was in and out of our house in Siripa Road.



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International Women’s Day spurs re-visit of unresolved issues

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The forum in progress; (L to R) BCIS Executive Director Priyanthi Fernando, Kumudini Samuel and Raaya Gomez.

‘Bread and Peace’. This was a stirring demand taken up by Russia’s working women, we are told, in 1917; the year the world’s first proletarian revolution shook Russia and ushered in historic changes to the international political order. The demand continues to be profoundly important for the world to date.

International Women’s Day (IWD) is continuing to be celebrated the world over, come March, but in Sri Lanka very little progress has been achieved over the years by way of women’s empowerment, despite Sri Lanka being a signatory to the UN Convention on the Elimination of all Forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW) and other pieces of global and local legislation that promise a better lot for women.

The lingering problems in this connection were disturbingly underscored recently by the rape-assault on a female doctor within her consultation chamber at a prominent hospital in Sri Lanka’s North Central Province; to cite just one recent instance of women’s unresolved vulnerability and powerlessness.

The Bandaranaike Centre for International Studies, Colombo (BCIS) came to the forefront in taking up the above and other questions of relevance to women at a forum conducted at its auditorium on March 7th, in view of IWD. The program was organized by the library team at the BCIS, under the guidance of the BCIS Executive Director Priyanthi Fernando.

It was heartening to note that the event was widely attended by schoolchildren on the invitation of the BCIS, besides members of the public, considering that the awareness among the young needs to be consistently heightened and broadened on the principal issue of gender justice. Hopefully, going forward, the young would champion the cause of women’s rights having gained by the insights which have been surfaced by forums such as that conducted by the BCIS.

The panelists at the BCIS forum comprised Kumudini Samuel of the Women and Media Collective, a local organization which is in the forefront of taking up women’s issues, and Raaya Gomez, an Attorney-at-Law, engaged in women’s rights advocacy. Together they gave the audience much to think about on what needs to be done in the field of gender justice and linked questions.

The currently raging wars and conflicts worldwide ought to underscore as never before, the yet to be substantively addressed vulnerability of women and children and the absolute need for their consistent empowerment. It is plain to see that in the Gaza, for example, it is women and children who are put through the most horrendous suffering.

Yet, women are the sole care-givers and veritable bread winners of their families in particularly times of turmoil. Their suffering and labour go unappreciated and unquantified and this has been so right through history. Conventional economics makes no mention of the contribution of women towards a country’s GDP through their unrecorded labour and, among other things, this glaring wrong needs to be righted.

While pointing to the need for ‘Bread and Peace’ and their continuing relevance, Kumudini Samuel made an elaborate presentation on the women’s struggle for justice and equality in Sri Lanka over the decades. Besides being the first country to endow women with the right to vote in South Asia, Sri Lanka has been in the forefront of the struggle for the achievement of women’s rights in the world. Solid proof of this was given by Ms. Samuel via her presentation.

Schoolchildren at the knowledge-sharing session.

The presenter did right by pointing to the seventies and eighties decades in Sri Lanka as being particularly notable from the viewpoint of women’s advocacy for justice. For those were decades when the country’s economy was unprecedentedly opened or liberalized, thus opening the floodgates to women’s increasing exploitation and disempowerment by the ‘captains of business’ in the Free Trade Zones and other locations where labour rights tend to be neglected.

Besides, those decades witnessed the explosive emergence of the North-East war and the JVP’s 1987-’89 uprising, for example, which led to power abuse by the state and atrocities by militant organizations, requiring women’s organizations to take up the cause of ethnic peace and connected questions, such as vast scale killings and disappearances.

However, the presenter was clear on the point that currently Sri Lanka is lagging behind badly on the matter of women’s empowerment. For example, women’s representation currently in local councils, provincial councils and parliament is appallingly negligible. In the case of parliament, in 2024 women’s representation was just 9.8 %. Besides, one in four local women have experienced sexual and physical violence since the age of fifteen. All such issues and more are proof of women’s enduring powerlessness.

Raaya Gomez, among other things, dealt at some length on how Sri Lanka is at present interacting with and responding to international bodies, such as CEDAW, that are charged with monitoring the country’s adherence to international conventions laying out the state’s obligations and duties towards women.

This year, we were told, the Sri Lankan government submitted 11 reports to CEDAW in Geneva on issues raised by the latter with the state. Prominent among these issues are continuing language-related difficulties faced by minority group Lankan women. Also coming to the fore is the matter of online harassment of women, now on the ascendant, and the growing need for state intervention to rectify these ills.

It was pointed out by the presenter that overall what needs to be fulfilled by Sri Lanka is the implementation of measures that contribute towards the substantive equality of women. In other words, social conditions that lead to the vulnerability and disempowerment of women need to be effectively managed.

Moreover, it was pointed out by Gomez that civil society in Sri Lanka comes by the opportunity to intervene for women’s empowerment very substantively when issues relating to the Lankan state’s obligations under CEDAW are taken up in Geneva, usually in February.

Accordingly, some Lankan civil society organizations were present at this year’s CEDAW sessions and they presented to the body 11 ‘shadow reports’ in response to those which were submitted by the state. In their documents these civil society groups highlighted outstanding issues relating to women and pointed out as to how the Lankan state could improve its track record on this score. All in all, civil society responses amount to putting the record straight to the international community on how successful or unsuccessful the state is in adhering to its commitments under CEDAW.

Thus, the BCIS forum helped considerably in throwing much needed light on the situation of Lankan women. Evidently, the state is yet to accelerate the women’s empowerment process. Governments of Sri Lanka and their wider publics should ideally come to the realization that empowered women are really an asset to the country; they contribute immeasurably towards national growth by availing of their rights and by adding to wealth creation as empowered, equal citizens.

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Richard de Zoysa at 67

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by Prof. Rajiva Wijesinha

Today would have been Richard de Zoysa’s 67th birthday. That almost seems a contradiction in terms, for one could not, in those distant days of his exuberant youth, have thought of him as ever getting old. His death, when he was not quite 32, has fixed him forever, in the minds of those who knew and loved him, as exuding youthful energy.

It was 35 years ago that he was abducted and killed, and I fear his memory had begun to fade in the public mind. So we have to be thankful to Asoka Handagama and Swarna Mallawarachchi for bringing him to life again through the film about his mother. This was I think more because of Swarna, for I still recall her coming to see me way back in 2014 – August 28th it was, for my father was dying, though he was still mindful enough to ask me how my actress was after I had left him that afternoon to speak to her downstairs – to talk about her plans for a film about Manorani.

His friends have in general criticised the film, and I too wonder as to why she and the Director did not talk to more of his friends before they embarked on the enterprise. But perhaps recreating actual situations was not their purpose, or rather was not his, and that is understandable when one has a particular vision of one’s subject matter.

After listening to and reading the responses of his friends, I am not too keen to see the film, though I suspect I will do so at some stage. Certainly, I can understand the anger at what is seen as the portrayal of a drunkard, for this Manorani never to my knowledge was. But I think it’s absurd to claim there was never alcohol in the house, for there was, and Manorani did join in with us to have a drink, though she never drank to excess. Richard and I did, I fear, though not at his house, more at mine or at his regular haunt, the Art Centre Club.

I am sorry too that the ending of the film suggests that the murder was the responsibility of just its perpetrators, for there is no doubt that it was planned higher up. I myself have always thought it was Ranjan Wijeratne, who was primarily responsible, though I have no doubt that Premadasa also had been told – indeed Manorani told me that he had turned on Ranjan and asked why he had not been told who exactly Richard was.

But all that is hearsay, and it is not likely that we shall ever be able to find out exactly what happened. And otherwise it seems to me from what I have read, and in particular from one still I have seen (reproduced here), illustrating the bond between Richard and his mother, the film captures two vital factors, the extraordinary closeness of mother and son, and the overwhelming grief that Manorani felt over his death.

Despite this she fought for justice, and she also made it clear that she fought for justice not only for her son, but for all those whose loved ones had suffered in the reign of terror unleashed by JR’s government, which continued in Premadasa’s first fifteen months.

I have been surprised, when I was interviewed by journalists, in print and the electronic media, that none of them remembered Ananda Sunil, who had been taken away by policemen eight years earlier, when JR issued orders that his destructive referendum had to be won at all costs. Manorani told me she had met Ananda Sunil’s widow, who had complained, but had then gone silent, because it seemed the lives of her children had been threatened.

Manorani told me that she was comparatively lucky. She had seen her son’s body, which brought some closure, which the other women had not obtained. She had no other children, and she cared nothing for any threats against her own life for, as she said repeatedly, her life had lost its meaning with Zoysa’s death and she had no desire to live on.

I am thankful then that the film was made, and I hope it serves to renew Richard’s memory, and Manorani’s, and to draw attention to his extraordinary life, and hers both before and after his death. And I cannot be critical about the fact that so much about his life was left out, for a film about his mother’s response to his death could not go back to the past.

But it surprised me that the journalists did not know about his own past, his genius as an actor, his skill as a writer. All of them interviewed me for ages, for they were fascinated at what he had achieved in other spheres in his short life. Even though not much of this appeared in what they published or showed, I hope enough emerged for those interested in Richard to find out more about his life, and to read some of his poetry.

A few months after he died – I had been away and came back only six months later – I published a collection of his poetry, and then a few years later, having found more, republished them with two essays, one about our friendship, one about the political background to his death. And the last issue of the New Lankan Review, which he and I had begun together in 1983 in the tutory we had set up after we were both sacked from S. Thomas’, was dedicated to him. It included a striking poem by Jean Arasanayagam who captured movingly the contrast between his genius and the dull viciousness of his killers.

After those initial memorials to his life and his impact, I started working on a novel based on our friendship. I worked on this when I had a stint at the Rockefeller Centre in Bellagio in 1999, but I was not satisfied, and I worked on it for a few years more, before finally publishing the book in 2005. It was called The Limits of Love and formed the last book in my Terrorist Trilogy, the first book of which, Acts of Faith, had been written with his support, after the July 1983 riots. That was translated into Italian, as Atti di Fedi, and came out in 2006 in Milan.

The Limits of Love

did not receive much publicity, and soon afterwards I was asked to head the Peace Secretariat, and after that I wrote no more fiction. But when Godage & Bros had published several of my non-fiction works in the period after I was excluded from public life, I asked them to republish Acts of Faith, which they did, and that still remains in print. They also republished in 2020 Servants, my novel that won the Gratiaen Prize for 1995.

I thought then that it would be a good idea to republish The Limits of Love, and was delighted that Neptune agreed to do this, after the success of my latest political history, Ranil Wickremesinghe and the emasculation of the United National Party. I thought initially of bringing the book out on the anniversary of Richard’s death, but I had lost my soft copy and reproducing the text took some time. And today being Poya I could not launch the book on his birthday.

It will be launched on March 31st, when Channa Daswatte will be free to speak, for I recalled that 20 years ago my aunt Ena told me that he had admired the book. I think he understood it, which may not have been the case with some of Richard’s friends and relations, for this too is fiction, and the Richard’s character shares traits of others, including myself. The narrator, the Rajiv’s character, I should add is not myself, though there are similarities. He is developed from a character who appeared in both Acts of Faith and Days of Despair, though under another name in those books. Rajiv in the latter is an Indian Prime Minister, though that novel, written after the Indo-Lanka Accord, is too emotional to be easily read.

Manorani hardly figures in The Limits of Love. A Ranjan Wijesinghe does, and also a Ronnie Gooneratne, but of more interest doubtless will be Ranil and Anil, two rival Ministers under President Dicky, both of whom die towards the end of the book. Neither, I should add, bears the slightest resemblance to Ranil Wickremesinghe. His acolytes may try to trace elements of him in one or other of the characters, for I remember being told that Lalith Athulathmudali’s reaction to Acts of Faith was indignation that he had not appeared in it.

Fiction has, I hope, the capacity to bring history to life, and the book should be read as fiction. Doubtless there will be criticism of the characterisation, and of course efforts to relate this to real people, but I hope this will not detract from the spirit of the story, and the depiction of the subtlety of political motives as well as relationships.

The novel is intended to heighten understanding of a strange period in our history, when society was much less fragmented than it is today, when links between people were based on blood as much as on shared interests. But I hope that in addition it will raise awareness of the character of the ebullient hero who was abducted and killed 35 years ago.

The film has roused interest in his life, though through a focus on his death. The novel will I hope heighten awareness of his brilliance and the range of his activity in all too short a life.

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Features

SL Navy helping save kidneys

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By Admiral Ravindra C Wijegunaratne

WV, RWP& Bar, RSP, VSV, USP,

NI (M) (Pakistan), ndc, psn, Bsc (Hons) (War Studies) (Karachi) MPhil (Madras)

Former Navy Commander and Former Chief of Defense Staff

Former Chairman, Trincomalee Petroleum Terminals Ltd

Former Managing Director Ceylon Petroleum Corporation

Former High Commissioner to Pakistan

Navy’s efforts to eradicate Chronic Kidney Disease (CKD) from North Central and North Western Provinces:

• Navy’s homegrown technology provides more than Ten million litres of clean drinking / cooking water to the public free of charge.

• Small project Navy started on 22nd December 2015 providing great results today.

• 1086 Reverse Osmosis (RO) Water purification plants installed to date – each plant producing 10,000 litres of clean drinking water – better quantity than bottled water.

• Project continued for 10 years under seven Navy Commanders highlights the importance of “INSTITUTIONALIZING” a worthy project.

What you see on the map of Sri Lanka (Map 1) are RO water purification plants installed by SLN.SLN is famous for its improvisations and innovations in fighting LTTE terrorists out at sea. The Research and Development Institute of SLN started to use its knowledge and expertise for “Nation Building” when conflict was over in May 2009. On request of the Navy Commander, R and D unit of SLN, under able command of Commander (then) MCP Dissanayake, an Indian trained Marine Engineer, embarked on a programme to build a low- cost RO plant.

The Chronic Kidney Disease was spreading in North Central Province like a “wildfire “in 2015, mainly due to consumption of contaminated water. To curb the situation, providing clean drinking and cooking water to the public was the need of the hour.

The Navy had a non-public fund known as “Naval Social Responsibility Fund “(NSR) started by former Navy Commander Admiral DWAS Dissanayake in 2010, to which all officers and sailors contributed thirty rupees (Rs 30) each month. This money was used to manufacture another project- manufacturing medicine infusion pumps for Thalassemia patients. Thalassemia Medicine Infusion pumps manufactured by SLN R and D Unit. With an appropriately 50,000 strong Navy, this fund used to gain approximately Rupees 1.5 million each month- sufficient funds to start RO water purification plant project.

Studies on the spreading of CKD, it was very clear of danger to the people of North central and North Western provinces, especially among farmers, in this rice producing province. The detailed studies on this deadly disease by a team led by Medical experts produced the above map (see Map 2) indicating clear and present danger. Humble farmers in “the Rice Bowl” of Sri Lanka become victims of CDK and suffer for years with frequent Dialysis Treatments at hospitals and becoming very weak and unable to work in their fields.

The Navy took ten years to complete the project, under seven Navy Commanders, namely Admiral Ravi Wijegunaratne, Admiral Travis Sinniah, Admiral Sirimevan Ranasinghe, Admiral Piyal De Silva, Admiral Nishantha Ulugethenna, Admiral Priyantha Perera, present Navy Commander Kanchana Banagoda. Total cost of the project was approximately Rs. 1.260 million. Main contributors to the project were the Presidential Task Force to Eradicate CDK (under the then President Mithripala Sirisena), Naval Social Responsibility Fund, MTV Gammedda, individual local and foreign donors and various organisations. Their contributions are for a very worthy cause to save the lives of innocent people.

The Navy’s untiring effort showed the World what they are capable of. The Navy is a silent force. What they do out at sea has seen only a few. This great effort by the Navy was also noticed by few but appreciated by humble people who are benefited every day to be away from deadly CKD. The Reverse Osmosis process required power. Each plant consumes approximately Rs 11,500 worth power from the main grid monthly. This amount brought down to an affordable Rs 250 per month electricity bill by fixing solar panels to RO plant building roofs. Another project to fix medical RO plants to hospitals having Dialysis machines. SLN produced fifty medical RO plants and distributed them among hospitals with Dialysis Machines. Cost for each unit was Rs 1.5 million, where an imported plant would have cost 13 million rupees each. Commodore (E) MCP Dissanayake won the prize for the best research paper in KDU international Research Conference 2021 for his research paper to enhance RO plant recovery from 50% to 75%. He will start this modification to RO plants soon making them more efficient. Clean drinking water is precious for mankind.

Thalassemia Medicine Infusion pumps manufactured by SLN R and D Unit

The Navy has realised it very well. In our history, King Dutugemunu (regained from 161 BC to 137 BC), united the country after 40 years and developed agriculture and Buddhism. But King Dutugemunu was never considered a god or deified. However, King Mahasen (277 to 304 AD) who built more than 16 major tanks was considered a god after building the Minneriya tank.

The people of the North Central Province are grateful to the Navy for providing them with clean drinking and cooking water free of charge daily. That gratitude is for saving them and their children from deadly CKD.

Well done Our Navy! Bravo Zulu!

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