Midweek Review
How Shangri-La made Akuregoda Defence Complex a reality

By Shamindra Ferdinando
Wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who made a new Defence Complex a reality, visited the sprawling building in his capacity as the President, Defence Minister and the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces on the morning of August 3. It was Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s maiden visit to the Army Headquarters, located within the partially completed Defence Complex.
In addition to the Army Headquarters, the Defence Ministry, too, has been moved to the Defence Complex whereas the work on the Navy and Air Force Headquarters are underway. The reportage of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s visit didn’t take into consideration how such a massive project came into fruition.
The war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa government laid the foundation for the building project on May 11, 2011, two years after the eradication of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) as a military threat that was tearing apart the nation for nearly 30 years. The high profile project, on a 77 acre land, at Akuregoda, Pelawatta, was meant to bring the Army, Navy, and the Air Force headquarters, and the Defence Ministry, to one location.
The project is the largest single building venture undertaken by the government after the successful conclusion of the war, in May 2009, and Mahinda Rajapaksa’s a landslide victory at 2010 presidential, beating war-winning Army Commander the then General Sarath Fonseka.
President Mahinda Rajapaksa’s defeat at the 2015 presidential election, and the still raging Covid-19 epidemic, caused considerable delay. It would be pertinent to mention that the 19th Amendment enacted by now estranged Maithripala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe in 2015 deprived the former’s successor from holding the defence portfolio. Having won the presidency in 2019, Gotabaya Rajapaksa brought in the 20thA in Oct, 2020 at the expense of the 19thA to eliminate legal impediments preventing him from taking over the Defence portfolio.
President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s visit to Akuregoda would have definitely taken place much earlier, under a very different environment, if not for the eruption of the Covid-19 pandemic, just a few months after his victory at the Nov 2019 election. The worst post-World War II crisis that had caused devastating losses to national economies, the world over, and delivered a staggering blow to Sri Lanka, heavily dependent on tourism, garment exports and remittances by its expatriate workers. President Gotabaya Rajapaksa hadn’t minced his words when he publicly acknowledged the catastrophe caused by the plunging of the national income and the daunting challenge in debt repayment amounting to as much as USD 4 bn annually.
The decision to shift the tri-forces headquarters and the Defence Ministry (The Defence Ministry situated within the Army Headquarters premises) caused a media furor with the Opposition alleging a massive rip-off. The then Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa reiterated his commitment to the project. If not for the change of government in 2015, the Akuregoda Defence Complex would have been completed during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s third term. Had that happened, Gotabaya Rajapaksa wouldn’t have emerged as the then Opposition presidential candidate at the 2019 poll. The disastrous yahapalana administration and the overall deterioration of those political parties, represented in Parliament, and the 19thA that barred Mahinda Rajapaksa from contesting the presidential election, beyond his two terms, created an environment conducive for Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s emergence as the newly registered SLPP’s candidate.
On his arrival at the new Army headquarters, President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was welcomed by General Shavendra Silva, who is also the Chief of Defence Staff. Thanks to the incumbent President’s predecessor, Maithripala Sirisena, the then Maj. Gen Shavendra Silva was promoted to the rank of Lt. Gen and appointed the Commander of the Army on Aug 18, 2019, just three months before the presidential poll. The appointment was made in spite of strong opposition of the UNP leadership and US criticism.
President Gotabaya Rajapaksa promoted the Army Commander to the rank of a Four-Star General on Dec 20, 2020.
The Army moved into new headquarters on Nov 8, 2019, about its a week ahead of the presidential election, in the wake of President Sirisena declaring it open before he went out of office, though work on the rest of the defence complex was far from over.
Shangri-La move
During the presidential election campaign, SLPP candidate Gotabaya Rajapaksa strongly defended his decision to vacate the Army headquarters during Mahinda Rajapaksa presidency to pave the way for the Shangri-La-Hotel in Colombo. Shangri-La was among the hotels targeted by the Easter Sunday bombers – the only location targeted by two of them, including mastermind Zahran.
President Gotabaya Rajapaksa is on record as having said that vacation of the site had been in accordance with first executive President J.R. Jayewardene’s decision to move key government buildings away from the city.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa said that a despicable attempt was being made to blame him for the Army Headquarters land transaction. “I have been accused of selling the Army Headquarters land to the Chinese.”
Rajapaksa explained that Taj Samdura, too, had been built on a section of the Army headquarters land, previously used to accommodate officers’ quarters and the Army rugger grounds. Although President Jayewardene had wanted the Army headquarters shifted, successive governments couldn’t do that due to the war and lack of funds, he said.
The Rajapaksa administration brought the war to a successful conclusion in May 2009. President Maithripala Sirisena and Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe declared open Shangri-La Colombo on Nov 16, 2017. Hong Kong-based Shangri-La Asia invited Gotabaya Rajapaksa for dinner the following day after the opening of its Colombo hotel. Shangri-La Chairperson, Kuok Hui Kwong, the daughter of Robert Kuok Khoon Ean, was there to welcome Gotabaya Rajapaksa, who had cleared the way for the post-war mega tourism investment project. Among those who had been invited were former President Mahinda Rajapaksa, former External Affairs Minister Prof. G.L. Peiris, former Presidential Secretary Lalith Weeratunga and President’s Counsel Gamini Marapana, PC.
The Cabinet granted approval for the high profile Shangri-La project in Oct 2010 and the ground-breaking ceremony was held in late Feb 2012.
Rajapaksa said that the Shangri-La proprietor, a Chinese, ran a big operation based in Hong Kong, Malaysia and Singapore. Another parcel of land was given to the mega ITC hotel project also during the previous Rajapaksa administration.
Following the change of government in January 2015, the remaining section of the Army headquarters land, too, was handed over to Shangri-La.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa emphasised that the relocation of the headquarters of the Army, Navy, and Air Force, as well as the Defence Ministry, had been part of JRJ’s overall plan. The change of government, in January 2015, had caused a serious delay in completing the project and it was proceeding at a snail’s pace, Rajapaksa said. Even Parliament was shifted to Kotte in accordance with the JRJ plan, Gotabaya Rajapaksa said, explaining his move to relocate all security forces’ headquarters and Defence Ministry into one complex at Akuregoda.
Acknowledging that the Army headquarters had been there at Galle Face for six decades, Rajapaksa asserted that the Colombo headquarters wasn’t tactically positioned.
Rajapaksa blamed the inordinate delay in the completion of the Akuregoda complex on the Treasury taking hold of specific funds allocated for the project.
New Defence Complex
Army Chief Gen. Shavendra Silva welcomes President Gotabaya Rajapaksa
Major Gen. Udaya Nanayakkara had been the first Director, Project Management Unit, with overall command of approximately 5,000 tri-forces personnel assigned to carry it out. The Shangri-La transaction provided the wherewithal to implement the Akuregoda project though the change of government caused a setback. Nanayakkara, who had served as the Military Spokesman, during Eelam War IV, oversaw the military deployment, whereas private contractors handled specialised work such as piling, AC, fire protection and fire detection et al. The then MLO (Military Liaison Officer) at the Defence Ministry Maj. Gen Palitha Fernando had laid the foundation for the project and the work was going on smoothly when the yahapalana administration withheld funds. Political intervention delayed the project and by Sep 2015, Nanayakkara was replaced by Maj Gen Mahinda Ambanpola, of Engineer Service.
In spite of President Sirisena holding the Defence portfolio, he couldn’t prevent the top UNP leadership from interfering in the Akuregoda project. However, the Shangri-La project had the backing of A.J.M. Muzammil, the then UNP Mayor and one of the close confidants of UNP leader Ranil Wickremesinghe. Muzammil was among those present at the ground breaking ceremony held on Feb 24th, 2012 with the participation of Minister Basil Rajapaksa.
Having identified the invaluable land, where the Army Headquarters and Defence Ministry were situated, for its project, Shangri-La made its move. Those who had been aware of Shangri-La’s plans were hesitant and certainly not confident of their success. They felt fearful of Defence Secretary Rajapaksa’s reaction.
But, following swift negotiations, they finalised the agreement on Dec 28, 2010. Lt. Gen. Jagath Jayasuriya was the then Commander of the Army, with his predecessor General Fonseka in government custody after having been arrested within two weeks after the conclusion of the 2010 January 26 Presidential poll.
Addressing the annual Viyathmaga Convention at Golden Rose Hotel, Boralesgamuwa, on March 4, 2017, Gotabaya Rajapaksa, perhaps for the first time publicly discussed his role in the Shangri-La project. Declaring that Sri Lanka suffered for want of what he called a workable formula to achieve post-war development objectives, the war veteran stressed the pivotal importance of swift and bold decision-making.
Gotabaya Rajapaksa explained how the government had acted swiftly, and decisively, to attract foreign investment though some such efforts were not successful. There couldn’t be a better example than the government finalising an agreement with Shangri-La Hotels, he said.
Declaring that the bureaucratic red tape shouldn’t in any way be allowed to undermine investments, Rajapaksa recalled Chairman/CEO of Shangri-La Hotels and Resorts, Robert Kuok Khoon Ean, wanting the Army headquarters land for his Colombo project. In fact, the hotels chain, at the time, had proposed to build hotels in Colombo, Hambantota and Batticaloa, and was one of the key investors wanting to exploit Sri Lanka’s success in defeating terrorism.
“Khoon-Ean’s request for the Army headquarters land caused a serious problem for me. It was a serious challenge. How could I shift the headquarters of the war-winning Army? The Army had been there for six decades. It had been the nerve centre of the war effort for 30 years,” said Rajapaksa.
Rajapaksa went on to explain how he exploited a decision taken by the first executive president J.R. Jayewardene to shift the Army headquarters to Battaramulla, many years back. “Within two weeks, in consultation with the Secretary to the Finance Ministry, Dr. P.B. Jayasundera, and the Board of Investment, measures were taken to finalize the transaction. The project was launched to shift the Army, Navy and Air Force headquarters to Akuregoda, Pelawatte, in accordance with JRJ’s plan.”
The Hong Kong-based group announced the purchase of 10 acres of state land, in January 2011. Shangri-La Asia Limited announced plans to invest over USD 400 mn on the 30-storeyed star class hotel with 661 rooms.
The hotel is the second property in Sri Lanka for the leading Asian hospitality group, joining Shangri-La’s Hambantota Resort & Spa, which opened in June 2016.
Rajapaksa said that the top Shangri-La executive had referred to the finalisation of their Colombo agreement to highlight the friendly way the then administration handled the investment. Shangri-La had no qualms about recommending Sri Lanka as a place for investment, Rajapaksa said.
The writer explained the move to shift the Army headquarters and the Defence Ministry from Colombo in a lead story headlined ‘Shangri-La to push MoD, Army Hq. out of Colombo city: Army Hospital expected to be converted into a museum’ (The Island, January 4, 2011).
In the wake of the January 2015 change of government, the new leadership caused chaos with the suspension of the China-funded Port City Project, a little distance away from the Shangri-La project. Many an eyebrow was raised when the then Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake declared, in March, 2015, that funds wouldn’t be made available to the Akuregoda Defence Complex project until the exact cost estimation of the project could be clarified.
Media quoted Karunanayake as having said “Presently, this project seems like a bottomless pit and we need to know the depth of what we are getting into. From the current state of finances, allocated for this project, it seems as if they are building a complex that’s even bigger than the Pentagon!”
The insinuating declaration was made despite them having committed the blatant first Treasury bond scam in Feb 2015 that shook the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration.
In June 2016, Cabinet spokesperson, Dr. Rajitha Senaratne announced the suspension of the Akuregoda project. Citing financial irregularities and mismanagement of funds, Dr. Senaratne alleged that all Cabinet papers on the project had been prepared according to the whims and fancies of Gotabaya Rajapaksa.
The suspension order was made public a few months after the second far bigger Treasury bond scam, in 2016 March. As sharp differences emerged between President Sirisena and the UNP, the former threw his weight behind the Akuregoda project. President Maithripala Sirisena on Sept 5, 2017, inspected the Akuregoda Defence Complex, as well as the Lotus Tower, under construction.
Within weeks after President Rajapaksa’s defeat, the new administration made its move against the Akuregoda project.
The following is The Island front page story, dated January 19, 2015: “Finance Minister Ravi Karunanayake, in the third week of January, said that Rs 13.2 billion, in an account maintained at the Taprobane branch of the Bank of Ceylon had been transferred to Consolidated Fund of the Treasury. The matter was being investigated as the account belonged to the Ministry of Defence, he added.
The Finance Minister stressed that the MoD had no right to maintain such an account in violation of regulations and therefore the opening of the account was being investigated. The Minister alleged that several illegal transactions, including one involving Samurdhi, had come to light. He estimated the Samurdhi transaction (now under investigation) at Rs. 4 billion.
Responding to the allegation, former Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa said that the funds received from the Shangri-La transaction had been deposited there and the funds utilised for the construction of Akuregoda Defence Complex.
The former Defence Secretary said that the chief accountant of the Defence Ministry could explain the matter. Insisting that the particular account hadn’t been in his name, Rajapaksa said that a detailed response would be issued shortly (Ravi K orders Rs 13.2 b in MoD account transferred to Treasury, with strapline, Funds were meant for Defence Complex – Gotabaya).
The writer obtained the above statements from Karunanayake and Rajapaksa in the wake of the former’s statement that the Akuregoda Defence Complex was even bigger than the US Defence Headquarters Pentagon.
Yahapalana
role in Shangri-La expansion
In spite of strongly objecting to almost all projects launched by the previous government, the Sirisena-Wickremesinghe administration pledged their commitment to them. Yahapalana support extended to Shangri-La is a case in point. Having secured 10 acres from the previous Rajapaksa administration, Shangri-La purchased an additional three and a half acres, also on a 99-year lease, recently.
However, The Sunday Times reportage of the second Shangri-La land deal prompted President Maithripala Sirisena to direct Cabinet spokesman, Dayasiri Jayasekera, to clarify the transaction. In other words, President Sirisena contradicted Development Strategies and International Trade Minister Malik Samarawickrema for alleging that the President gave three and a half acres, situated between the newly opened Shangri-La Hotel and Beira Lake.
Jayasekera explained the circumstances under which Shangri-La, through its Singapore based subsidiary Perennial Real Estate Holdings acquired three and a half acres adjoining its latest hotel, situated on 10 acres, abutting the Galle Face promenade, in Colombo.
On the day before the opening of Shangri-La by President Sirisena and PM Wickremesinghe, Jayasekera explained how the government had re-negotiated with the Shangri-La Group what he called a much better deal than the one struck by the previous administration.
Jayasekera confirmed that the lease was for a period of 99 years. The government leased three and a half acres of land at a rate of Rs. 13.1 mn per perch whereas the previous administration agreed to Rs 6.5 mn per perch. According to Jayasekera the previous government had leased 10 acres at a rate of Rs 9.5 mn (with taxes) per perch.
The bottom line is in spite of opposition, the UNP backed controversial projects. The UNP’s opposition to the Shangri-La project, in a way similar to the campaign carried out against the Chinese investment in the Hambantota port. The UNP in 2017 handed over the Hambantota port on a 99-year-lease to China.
Midweek Review
Bronze statue for P’karan, NPP defeat in the North and 16th anniversary of triumph over terrorism

As Sri Lanka marks the 26th anniversary of its dream-like triumph over terrorism, some of those who spearheaded the successful war effort remain categorised as war criminals without any hearings into such wild allegations before a PROPERLY CONSTITUTED COURT, while those in the West, who brazenly carry out genocides and other war crimes, go scot free.
Successive governments failed to counter wild war crimes allegations showing fealty to criminal white masters not having the backbone to rise above colonial subject mentality and simply be servile to suit their agenda. They intensified pressure on Sri Lanka over the years to appease the Tamil Diaspora who now exercised their rights as citizens of various foreign countries. Canada is a glaring example of Diaspora politics. Two Canadians of Sri Lankan origin were recently elected to the Canadian parliament. Veteran politician V. Anandasangaree’s son, Garry was among the two.
Sri Lanka brought the Eelam War to a successful conclusion in the third week of May 2009. Having crushed the Tigers in the battlefield and restored government control over the entire Northern and Eastern provinces, the armed forces declared the end of the war on May 18, 2009. Within 24 hours of that declaration LTTE leader Velupillai Prabhakaran was killed on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon in a one-time LTTE stronghold in the Mullaitivu district.
The Army cremated Prabhakaran’s body, along with that of others killed in May 18/ 19 confrontations. The then Army Chief General Fonseka is on record as having said that his Army cremated Prabhakaran’s body in the same area and threw the ashes into the Indian Ocean.
The Northern branch of the ruling National People’s Power (NPP), in the run-up to Local Government polls, tried to ‘resurrect’ Prabhakaran in a desperate and shameful bid to win the Northern electorate. The NPP handsomely won the entire Northern region, comprising Jaffna and Vanni electorates, at the parliamentary election and was determined to consolidate its power.
During the LG polls campaign, the NPP declared its intention to build a memorial hall in memory of Prabhakaran and a bronze statue of the terrorist leader, ignoring all the grave crimes he and his terrorist band committed to dismember this country in the name of an Eelam they vowed to achieve. The ruling party obviously disregarded possible consequences as it sought to lure the electorate with catchy slogans that depicted the slain terrorist as their national leader.
The main Opposition Samagi Jana Balavegaya (SJB), the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna (SLPP) and the United National Party (UNP) conveniently remained silent on the delicate issue. None of the political parties in the fray criticised the NPP’s declaration to erect a memorial hall and a bronze statue of Prabhakaran in his hometown of Valvettithurai. The SJB obviously felt that a hostile response to NPP’s offer may adversely affect the party at the LG polls. Therefore, the SJB refrained from questioning the NPP’s despicable move.
The NPP seemed to have believed Prabhakaran can be appropriately used in its own campaign. But the Northern and Eastern electorates obviously believed that separatist agenda cannot be advanced by marketing Prabhakaran. Instead, Jaffna voters once again threw their weight behind the Illankai Tamil Arasu Kadchi (ITAK) that once declared the LTTE as the sole representative of the Tamil-speaking people.
What really surprised the NPP was why particularly the Jaffna electorate, having backed President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s party at the general election in Nov. 2024 again switched its allegiance to the ITAK.
Whatever the outcome of the LG polls, the NPP certainly owed an explanation to the country as to why its Northern branch promoted a separatist agenda at the expense of national security interests. In fact, the ITAK never ever promised to put up a memorial hall in Prabhakaran’s memory or build a statue of him. The NPP, in a cheap bid to capitalise on public sentiments, particularly ahead of the so-called Vellamullivaikkal commemoration, sought to exploit Prabhakaran’s death.
Former parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran declared the outcome of the Local Government polls in the Northern and Eastern regions as being significant and decisive. The President’s Counsel emphasised that the results proved the Tamil people’s unwavering commitment to their nationalist aspirations, Sumanthiran said so addressing the media at the Jaffna Press Club. The ITAK contested 58 local councils, across the North-East, and secured administrative control in 40 of them.
The NPP should be mindful of the developing scenario in the North, particularly Jaffna peninsula. Obviously, the outcome at the recently concluded polls would boost the ITAK’s chances at the now long overdue Provincial Council elections expected to be held before the end of this year. Ironically, it was with the ITAK support that Ranil Wickremesinghe put off the PC polls last time.
Against the backdrop of severe setbacks suffered by the NPP in the Northern and Eastern regions, the significant drop in countrywide vote, compared to what the party polled at the parliamentary election, must have compelled the top leadership to discuss ways and means of addressing the developing situation.
NPP presidential candidate Anura Kumara Dissanayake polled 5.7 mn votes (this includes 105,264 preferences) in Sept. 2024, the NPP secured 6.8 mn votes at the parliamentary election and now the support recorded a significant drop with the NPP managing just 4.5 mn votes at the recently concluded LG polls. The situation can deteriorate further at the forthcoming Provincial Council polls.
The failure to retain the support of the predominantly Tamil-speaking areas must be a matter of serious concern for the ruling party. Having boasted of uniting the country by bringing both the North and the South under one political banner by winning all electorates, except Batticaloa, at the last general election, the NPP justly suffered a devastating and unexpected setback at the LG polls with its readiness to betray the South.
N&E outcome
President Dissanayake spearheaded the LG polls campaign. Premier Dr. Harini Amarasuriya threw her full weight behind the campaign. President Dissanayake focused on the Northern and Eastern regions as the ruling party quite clearly understood the pivotal importance in consolidating its hold in the former LTTE strongholds. The NPP’s offer to honour Prabhakaran, who fell with his die-hard inner circle in the last encounter with the security forces, on the banks of the Nanthikadal lagoon, must have surprised even the ITAK as such a sentimental election promise tend to influence the electorate in a big way. But, the electorate ignored that NPP’s offer and reiterated its commitment to the ITAK.
The ITAK obtained 13 seats to secure victory at the Jaffna Municipal Council. The All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) took the second position with 12 seats whereas the NPP ended up in third place with 10 seats.
The All Ceylon Tamil Congress (ACTC) won the Valvettithurai Urban Council while the ITAK took the second place. The NPP was pushed to a distant third place though Valvettithurai was the centre of the NPP campaign, literally backing Prabhakaran’s macabre feats. The NPP ended up with just three seats. Jaffna MC, VVT UC and all other Local Government bodies at Point Pedro (UC), Chavakachcheri (UC), Karainagar, Kayts, Delft, Velanai, Walikamam west, Walikamam north, Walikamam south-west, Walikamam south, Walikamam east, Vadamarachchy south-west, Point Pedro (Pradeshiya Sabha), Chavakachcheri (PS) and Nallur were all won by Tamil nationalist parties.
The outcome at the Vavuniya MC was really interesting. The Democratic Tamil National Alliance (DTNA), Sri Lanka Labour Party and the NPP won four seats each in the 21-member council. However, the NPP won Vavuniya south (Tamil) PS and Vavuniya north PS by winning six seats each and Vavuniya south (Sinhala) PS though it couldn’t secure a majority.

Troops carry Velupillai Prabharakan’s body following his death in a chance confrontation with the Army the day after the government declared victory over the LTTE
(pic Army)
The bottom line is that the NPP cannot be happy with its performance in the Northern and Eastern regions. The NPP must be really disappointed with the beating it received in the Jaffna peninsula where the ruling party released more land held by the military, lifted restrictions imposed within high security zones by opening a vital section of the Jaffna-Palaly road and generally eased military presence.
The NPP repeatedly pledged to release Tamil political prisoners though such a category didn’t exist. That promise was also made during presidential and parliamentary election campaigns last year. The truth is over 12,000 LTTE cadres, either surrendered or were apprehended during the final phase of the ground offensive in the Vanni east region, had been released over the years. The war-winning Mahinda Rajapaksa government as well as successive administrations didn’t resort to legal action against those who surrendered on the battle field.
Whatever the critics say, Sri Lanka has been credited with carrying out a successful rehabilitation programme that paved the way for former terrorists to reintegrate with the civilian population. The ITAK or other Tamil political parties refrained from backing the government effort. In fact, they did everything possible to undermine the rehabilitation programme. The successful rehabilitation project, spearheaded by the Army, exposed the lies propagated by various interested parties hell-bent on undermining the post-war reconciliation efforts.
Retired Supreme Court Justice C.V. Wigneswaran’s allegation had been at the forefront of these destabilisation efforts. During the Yahapalana administration, Wigneswaran caused a furore when he accused the Army in charge of the rehabilitation programme of poisoning 104 detained LTTEers. The declaration that had been made during the US Air Force exercise in the Jaffna peninsula, in August 2016, was meant to attract maximum public attention. Wigneswaran went to the extent of declaring that some of those who survived lethal injections would be examined by the US Air Force.
Having uttered such blatant lies against the war-winning military, in his capacity as the TNA Chief Minister of the Northern Provincial Council ,Wigneswaran successfully contested the 2020 general election from the newly registered party, the Tamil Makkal Thesiya Kootan (TMTK).
A forgotten war victory
Sri Lanka paid a huge price to bring the war to an end, avoiding civilian casualties as much as humanly possible. The result was that the security forces suffered more casualties. In the absence of a cohesive strategy to counter politically motivated unsubstantiated war crimes allegations, the war-winning Army ended-up mired in controversy. The Army, too, must take responsibility for its pathetic failure to address accountability issues over the years. Thr post-war Army never sought to press the government to adopt a holistic approach as the Geneva–based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) and the Western powers declared humiliating punitive measures against selected officers on hearsay allegations.
Canada went a step further. Ottawa not only categorised former Presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa as war criminals by blindly accusing them of gross and systematic violations of human rights, without a shred of evidence, and then, in a similar cavalier way, declared that Sri Lanka perpetrated genocide. While blacklisting of six persons, including the two Presidents, took place in January 2023, the Canadian Parliament made the declaration, pertaining to genocide, in May 2022.
Unfortunately, the current government, too, is yet to take tangible measures in this regard as it struggles to cope up with political-economic-social developments as its chief Western benefactor itself is now mired in an economic catastrophe of its own making. The government seems simply disinterested in challenging the continuing western campaign against Sri Lanka.
The worrisome situation should be examined taking into consideration the treacherous Yahapalana administration co-sponsoring an accountability resolution against the war-winning armed forces. The despicable 2015 move shook the public conscience. President Maithripala Sirisena and Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe should be held responsible for the great betrayal. Subsequent action taken by the UNHRC, as well as other countries, cannot be discussed leaving out Sirisena-Wickremesinghe betrayal simply to be on the good books of the West.
No political party represented in Parliament, not even the UPFA/SLPP that gave political leadership during the war, bothered to take it up vigorously in Parliament. That is the ugly truth. Harsh reality is that none of the political parties really want to address this issue. Against the backdrop of the Pahalgam massacre in the Indian administered Kashmir, Sri Lanka should have discussed ways and means of reviewing the accountability issues. Instead, the ruling party ended up declaring its intention to honour Prabhakaran responsible for thousands of deaths, including many civilians, and ruining the lives of many more.
Perhaps the NPP should launch an internal inquiry on its northern branch for acting contrary to the policy of the party. However, if the top leadership had been aware of the move to glorify Prabhakaran in a bid to entice the electorate, the party should seriously rethink its treacherous new Northern strategy.
The final phase
In late March this year, the UK imposed sanctions on four persons, including Admiral of the Fleet Wasantha Karannagoda and General Shavendra Silva, wartime commander of celebrated 58 Division. They played an extraordinary role in Sri Lanka’s triumph over the LTTE, often considered invincible on the battlefield, until the experts were proved wrong. The US, too, blacklisted both Karannagoda and Silva during Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency. However, the decision on the part of the US and UK not to sanction tough talking Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka whose leadership ensured seemingly undefeatable LTTE collapsed on the northern theatre of operations is a mystery.
Having backed Fonseka’s presidential bid in 2010, the US may find it embarrassing to sanction the Sinha Regiment veteran. For the British, there cannot be any plausible reason whatsoever not to agree with the US in backing Fonseka’s candidature. Could there be anything as ridiculous as the TNA backing the US initiative, having accused Fonseka of putting Tamil civilians to the sword. Similarly, the TNA backing for Fonseka and the mysterious US and British decision to leave Fonseka out of the sanctioned lists has made the whole selective accountability exercise nothing but a farce.
Successive governments, however, failed to utilise all available information, ranging from US dispatches from its missions in Colombo, as well as other parts of the world, British HC missives from Colombo and Norwegian documents, to build a iron clad defence of our valiant security forces. In fact, 17 years after the eradication of the LTTE, Sri Lanka is yet to reach consensus on countering unsubstantiated war crimes allegations. Sometimes we wonder whether we are represented by top diplomats or ‘diplomuts’ at such high cost to the taxpayer.
Both the US and British wartime defence advisors, serving here on the basis of information available to their respective missions, denied uncorroborated war crimes accusations. Lt. Colonel Lawrence Smith of the US made his disclosure in support of Sri Lanka in late May 2011, whereas Lord Naseby on the basis of Lt. Colonel Anthony Gashes’s dispatches from Colombo (January to May 2009) countered the main UN accusation pertaining to the massacre of over 40,000 civilians. Lord Naseby made his declaration in mid-October 2017. But the duplicitous Yahapalana government, having betrayed the country at the UNHRC, totally ignored the disclosure made in the House of Lords.
The SLFP, too, fully cooperated with the disgraceful UNP strategy meant to advance the government’s political relationship with the TNA at the expense of the armed forces. When the writer raised the pathetic failure on the part of the government to utilise all available information, particularly Lord Naseby’s disclosure, the then Cabinet spokesman Minister Dayasiri Jayasekera accused The Island of causing unnecessary friction.
Parliament, as the highest institution in the country, never sought to examine the circumstances under which the Yahapalana government co-sponsored the contentious Geneva accountability resolution at the expense of war-winning armed forces. The writer on many occasions referred to the attacking speech made by Maj. Gen. Chagie Gallage at the time of his retirement, but feel the need to mention it again. The Gajaba Regiment veteran, strategist Gallage questioned why he is having to retire as a war criminal after having faithfully and diligently served the country. Successive post-war governments should be ashamed for their failure to mount a proper defence of the armed forces whose sacrifices made Sri Lanka safe for all.
Eradication of the LTTE brought an end to the use of children as cannon fodder. The LTTE indiscriminately used child soldiers in the battlefield, with hundreds thrown into high intensity battles. The LTTE tried forced recruitment of children until the very end as the ground forces approached their remaining crumbling defences in the former Mullaitivu stronghold.
Sri Lanka could have avoided post-war turmoil if retired General Fonseka refrained from being part of the UNP’s 2010 political project. In hindsight, Fonseka’s abortive bid at the presidency caused a crisis and paved the way for western powers targeting Sri Lanka over war crimes accusations.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
Midweek Review
Storytelling, Fiction and Cinema

Storytelling has been a medium of joy and entertainment since the inception of human history. The art of storytelling has evolved in the form of an expression of human experiences including the escapades they embarked on, the beliefs and the myths passed down through generations while commingling the imaginations of the human mind.
Since time immemorial, the art of storytelling has passed down through orature, encompassing unwritten, spoken form of stories. The subsequent systematised written form of storytelling is considered to be the cornerstone of a ‘great tradition of fictional masterpieces’.
World’s oldest known written fictional story is considered to be the ‘Epic of Gilgamesh’, written in the Akkadian language, which originated in ancient Mesopotamia four thousand years ago. The epic poem is based on five Sumerian poems written about Gilgamesh, the third king of the Uruk dynasty. The Ancient Greek epic poem ‘The Shield of Heracles’ or widely known as ‘Hercules’ written by an unknown Greek poet is another breakthrough in storytelling. Italian mythographer and historian Natale Conti, in a chapter of his book ‘Mythologiae’ (1567) extensively summarised a range of myths concerning the biography of the legend under his Roman name ‘Hercules’. Homer’s ‘Iliad’ and ‘Odyssey’ written in the 8th century BC, Mahabharata (4-3 BC) which is traditionally attributed to Vyasa (Vedas), and the Bhagavad Gita (Songs of God) believed to be dated back to the 2nd or 1st century BC, Valmiki’s ‘Ramayana’, which dates back to 7to 3 BCE are referred to as milestones of a great literary tradition emerged in the world through many epics, myths, legends, historical fiction, as well as religious narratives.
Advancing another step forward, world’s first novel ‘The Tale of Genji’ written by Murasaki Shikibu in the eleventh century, was turning point in the conception of a wide array of fictional genres in subsequent times. The fictional literature has greatly influenced the fictional narrative of cinema. The cinema, as a medium of storytelling marked its inception in the nineteenth century. The first silent film with a narrative was “The Great Train Robbery,” a movie with a twelve minute runtime and directed by Edwin S. Porter in 1903. With the release of American musical film ‘The Jazz Singer’, the first talkie to synchronise sound with dialogues directed by Alan Crosland in 1927, marked the ascendency of a global tradition of great talkies, ending the silent film era.
Compared to literary fiction, the cinematic fiction, due to its profound capacity to influence the audience through emotionally impactful and visually rich storytelling and its immersive and captivating nature of moving images are the contributory factors for its enduring audience appeal. The main reason for this is that the artistic medium of cinema has audio, visual and three-dimensional characteristics. This is due to the fact that the text of cinema consists an array of technical and artistic components such as cinematography, editing, music, casting considering the literary ‘Text’.
Elaborating his ‘Dual-Coding Theory’, Allan Paivio, a former professor in Psychology at University of West Ontario, says human memory stores information in forms of ‘Image Codes’ and ‘Verbal Codes’. When an image code is stored in memory, the both image and the words associated with the image are transmitted and stored simultaneously. A verbal code is stored in the mind merely as a word. Based on the ‘Dual-Coding Theory Paivio establishes the theory of ‘Picture Superiority Effect’ which refers to the fact that images are memorable than words because they have more representation in the memory. Therefore people tend to remember information more effectively through pictorial contents than verbal contents in the process of communication. The popular saying “A picture paints a thousand words” reflects this phenomenon.
The cinematic narratives are unfolded by means of both fictions and non-fictions. There is no clear borderline which distinguishes fiction from non-fiction. The term ‘Fiction’ originates from the Latin word ‘Ficto’, means Making, Fashioning or Molding.

A scene from the movie
‘Get Out’ (2017)
In fictions ‘imagination’ of the author or screenwriter acts as a fundamental aspect of the creative process. Even though standard definitions on ‘What is a fiction’ suggest the fact that ‘ Fictions are not based on true events’, the one who fabricates the story, capitalizes on real events or characters to a greater or lesser extent in addition to ‘Imagination’. Human imagination is not a random or accidental occurrence. The Imagination is a byproduct of human memory.
Personal life experiences, societal movements, educational background, psychological characteristics, and the social and ideological formations upon which the creator is based fundamentally influence the generation of this imaginative power.
Accordingly, it can be said that the content created in fiction is not entirely fabricated. There may be some true facts and events embedded in it. There is no specific yardstick that can distinguish a fiction from a true story or a non-fiction story. A Fiction is often created by combining elements of both reality and imagination. The creative work based on empirical facts, real characters, or events is classified as a non-fiction. The both works of art can be categorised as creative narratives. Autobiographies, Memoirs, Travelogues belong to the category of non-fiction. The filmmakers have creatively adapted them in cinematic productions.
A cinematic narrative can either be realistic or unrealistic. Realistic cinematic portrayals explore stories and characters grounded in reality by means of creative re-production or re-enactment of true incidents taken place in the distant or recent past, or an existing social issue or transformation, as well as a character or group of people who are living or dead in society.
In realistic cinematic narratives much emphasis is given to creative re-production and re-enatment. In this creative endeavour the characters or chain of events are depicted with creative changes in time, space, and personal names, by harnessing the facts and fiction.
The realistic cinematic work are often fall under the tags such as ‘Based on true story’ and ‘Inspired by true events’.
The screenwriter is subjected to ethical considerations in realistic cinematic work when real names of individuals and locations are used for creative purposes. This paves the way for maintaining an accountability to avoid harmful interpretations of such characters and not to present false information about any person living or dead. That is the globally accepted method to present the story honestly, accurately, respectfully and truthfully avoiding sensationalism. This is where the importance of in-depth analytical and explorative research on characters and their mannerism, locations, historic incidents intended to portray, manifests.
Professor Stuart Fischoff, a former media psychologist in California State University, emphasising the responsibility of the filmmaker says “Generally the audience assumes the movie is correct. They get their lessons from films and don’t go back to check.so we are cultivating a nation of people who see history through the eyes of a Panaflex movie camera”.
‘Small Things Like These’ (2024), directed by Tim Meilants, based on the novel ‘Small Things Like These’ written by Claire Keegan in 2021 is a clear example for portraying a true historic atmosphere in a movie where its plot focusses on the infamous Magdalene Laundries operational in Ireland between 1922 and 1998. Anthony Maras’ film ‘Hotel Mumbai’ (2018), which revolves around the terrorist attack on Mumbai’s Taj Mahal Palace hotel in 2008 is based on a real-life atrocity inflicted upon hotel residents by terrorists killing approximately hundred and fifty unsuspecting people. Another example for real-time environment of social and economic downturn is ‘Nomadland’ (2020), directed by Chloe Sao, which centers around the lives of senior citizens who chose to live a nomad life by packing their possessions in campervans and set off on the road after becoming homeless during America’s Great Recession in 2008.The movie ‘Nomadland’ was based on the non-fiction book of the same name written by American journalist Jessica Bruder.
On the other hand ‘Unrealistic Cinematic Fiction’ is where the creation is solely based on the imagination and creative grammar of the screenwriter, frequently described as a creative narrative that is imaginatively constructed characters, spaces, events, and objects which are nonexistent in the empirical world. These narratives are based on imaginary spatial and temporal spheres, separated and disconnected from real-life situations. Genres such as science fiction, mystery and horror, animation, fantasy drama fall under this category.
Cinema is a powerful artistic tool that touches the human soul and capable of etching life-long and indelible emotional imprint on human memory, shaping social perception by acting as a mirror reflecting human society. In cinematic creations, the writer’s personal interests, tendencies, and behaviours are transmitted in consciously or unconsciously to society through the characters depicted. Accordingly, various political, religious, and social beliefs, behaviours, ideologies, and trends, particularly those reflected in the personal dynamics and self-expression of the storyteller, can have both positive and negative impacts on society.
In fictional writings, pleasant as well as unpleasant life circumstances the storyteller has encountered are possibly be manifested in their artistic expressions in various ways. After all storytellers are human beings and they possess all the dynamics other humans possess as well. The perspectives and ideologies stemming from their personal beliefs, prejudices they were subjected to, traumatic experiences, marginalisation and alienation they endured, poverty or deprivation they went through, the negative situations such as physical punishment, sexual abuse are permeated in creative work in some way or the other.

A scene from the movie ‘Small Things like This’
(2024)
This is a physiological tendency called ‘Negativity Bias’ which referred to as a cognitive phenomenon where individuals pay more attention to negative information than positive information. The concept of ‘Negativity Bias’ suggests the emotional responses of humans towards negativities are proportionately high compared to positive circumstances of the same magnitude. This tendency is common in cinematic expressions equivalently where both filmmakers and audiences are probably proned to pay more attention to negative stimuli than positive stimuli.
The mystery film ‘Get Out’ (2017), written and directed by Jordan Peele, is a pragmatic example to prove the amplified unpleasant circumstances that individuals undergo have profound impact on the creative work they are engaged in. The plot revolves around an African-American young man who visits his white girlfriend’s family estate during a weekend where he experiences loneliness, isolation, alienation, entrapment and fear.
The director and screenwriter Peele presents the superficially visible ‘Liberal elite’ ideology which overtly states ‘we are not racist’ and covert and subtle conveyance of ‘color matters’ and stigma and body shaming Afro-Americans experience due to their dark skin complexion through creative storytelling.
Jorden Peele in an interview with The New York Times says “This movie is also about how we deal with race. As a black man, sometimes you can’t tell if what you’re seeing has underlying bigotry, or it’s a normal conversation and you’re being paranoid. That dynamic in itself is unsettling. I admit sometimes I see race and racism when it’s not there”.
The film industry is a global business with billions of dollars invested where the investors or producers decide on the creative content which should be transmitted to the audience, with the sole purpose of making money at the end of the day.
Sandeep Reddy Vanga’s 2023 film ‘Animal’ sparked a controversial debate in society due to its extremely violent behavior and harmful toxic masculinity. Javed Akhtar, a renowned Indian lyricist and screenwriter, once said that “commercially successful films with questionable scenes are a dangerous trend. For example, in a certain movie, a man tells a woman to lick his shoe to prove his love for her,” and he says,” if a film communicates the idea that it is okay to slap a woman, it is very dangerous, no matter how popular that film is”. Critics labeled the film ‘Animal’ as misogynistic and extremely violent. Despite severe criticism, the film was well-received by the audience becoming the third highest-grossing Indian film in 2023, grossing 950 million Indian rupees.
Considering the potential negative impact and perpetual harm on society inflicted by such controversial films, the importance of going along with ethical considerations emerges. Cinema ethics referred to moral guidelines and principles that influence the responsible and accountable creation, production, and dissemination of movies. This ensures the cinematic content is respectful of individuals or groups living in society. It helps elevate audience’s trust while refraining from promoting harmful content.
An artist converts a personal experience into universal or common experience in order to make it a shared experience. The artist must be capable of determining how beneficial or appropriate it is to turn that personal experience into common shared experience. On the other hand an artist is equipped with a creative privilege of shaping the society by means of their work of art. The artistic license they bear should be used in a responsible manner for the betterment of society by disseminating humanity, empathy, and compassion through their creations. American filmmaker Martin Scorsese giving much emphasis on the importance of portraying humanity in cinema states “Filmmaking is a journey through the soul of humanity, captured frame by frame”.
The term ‘fiction’ is a tool that provides novelists, screenwriters, and filmmakers with freedom for their creativity. But an artist is not licensed to stereotype, misinterpret or misrepresent the characters using freedom of creativity. The responsibility of an author to avoid such matters is brought to attention in the article ‘The Ethics of Writing Novels on True Events’ by American author Joyce Carol Oates. She articulates ‘fiction writer should be as transparent as a glass full of clean water.
When creating works of fiction or non-fiction based on real life stories and real names, the characters should not be harmed, distorted, misrepresented, or ridiculed. Artists must take upon themselves the responsibility of acting in accordance with the principles of natural justice. Ron Hansen, an American Novelist and Professor of Arts and Humanities in University of California, said this with the intention of keeping the criteria of novelists, screenwriters, and filmmakers close to humanity.
by Bhagya Rajapakse
bhagya8282@gmail.com
Midweek Review
The Peace of Togetherness

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The ‘Mother-Lantern’ and her ‘offspring’,
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Freely served by live-wires of the in-gathering,
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