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House watchdog told of Army’s shameful failure to provide proper meals for troops

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A passing out parade at Sri Lanka Military Academy (SLMA) Diyatalawa during the Yahapalana administration (2015-2019). The parade consisted of 124 officer cadets belonging to the Regular Intakes 82 & 82 B, Lady Officer Intake 14 A, Volunteer Officer Cadet Intake 56 A and Volunteer Lady Officer Cadet Intake 13 A. The then Regional Development Minister Field Marshal Sarath Fonseka graced the occasion as the Chief Guest and took the salute. During the ceremony, officer cadets received their ornamental Commissioning Swords from the war winning Army Commander to symbolize the commissioning.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

One-time Foreign Secretary Kshenuka Senewiratne and Admiral Ravindra Chandrasiri Wijegunaratne (Rtd.) on Dec 04, 2023 assumed duties at the Sri Lankan High Commission in New Delhi and Islamabad, respectively.

It would be pertinent to mention that Wijegunaratne previously served as the First Secretary/Defence Advisor of Sri Lanka High Commission in New Delhi from 2001 – 2005, at a time the relations between the Asian neighbours had been severely undermined by the conflict in the North East of Sri Lanka, and now with New Delhi continuing to press Colombo on full implementation of the 13th Amendment which was forced on Sri Lanka virtually at the point of a gun in 1987.

During that period New Delhi struggled to address the Sri Lanka issue amidst high profile Norwegian peace initiatives that failed to facilitate a negotiated settlement.

The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) by its haughty deliberate policy routinely violated the much touted Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) with the Sri Lankan government at every turn as it flexed its muscles. The assassination of Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar by an LTTE sniper at his home in Colombo 07 in the second week of August 2005 made war inevitable but President Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga’s government despite she being such a big boast about her self-proclaimed achievements, often shooting her mouth without engaging the brain, lacked the guts to meet the challenge. The government didn’t at least order a token airstrike on an identified LTTE target in the North.

During this period Professor Senake Bandaranaike and Mangala Moonasinghe, respectively, functioned as Sri Lanka’s High Commissioner in New Delhi whereas Lakshman Kadirgamar and Tyronne Fernando, respectively, served as the Foreign Minister.

Even after the abortive bid to assassinate the then Army Commander Lt. Gen. Sarath Fonseka in late April 2006 and the crisis over the closure of the Mavilaru sluice gates in June/July of the same year, the Rajapaksa government, too, refrained from declaring war, probably because as he was already painted as a hard core warmonger, especially by the Western media even before he assumed power in an unlikely polls victory brought about by the LTTE ordering the usually overwhelmingly UNP leaning Tamils to boycott the 2005 presidential election.

Eelam War IV actually started in the second week of Aug 2006 after the LTTE launched simultaneous attacks in the North and East. Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) at last quite rightly found fault with the LTTE for the resumption of all-out hostilities.

In spite of reservations, New Delhi backed Sri Lanka’s military response. That facilitated Sri Lanka’s relentless war against the LTTE, an organization responsible for the deaths of nearly 1,500 Indian soldiers (July 1987-March 1990) and assassination of ex-Premier Rajiv Gandhi (May 1991). The war was brought to a successful conclusion in May 2009 by our war-winning Army Commander General Sarath Fonseka after personally taking charge of prosecuting the war into his own hands. He began by outplaying the LTTE’s own tactics by sending special forces teams to play havoc behind enemy lines in the form of eight-man and four-man hit teams that also gave exact ranges for the artillery to take out enemy positions, while the bulk of the fighting formations advanced on several fronts taking orders directly from him in Colombo for he knew the battlefield terrain like the back of his hands. And with the full backing of the Rajapaksa government, there was no one to sabotage him from within as happened in so many previous operations. The rest is history.

Fifteen years after the eradication of separatist terrorism, Sri Lanka is yet to reach a consensus with the Tamil community. Post-war reconciliation efforts haven’t yielded the anticipated results. The betrayal by the succeeding Yahapalana government’s co-sponsorship of an accountability resolution at the Geneva-based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in early Oct 2015 caused further destabilization.

That Yahapalana decision quite evidently caused resentment among the vast majority of people. The political leadership directed the Foreign Ministry to go ahead with the accountability resolution regardless of serious concerns expressed by the then Sri Lanka Permanent Representative in Geneva Ravinatha Aryasinha (current Director at Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute).

Although terrorism no longer poses a threat here, no country is safe from isolated terror attacks. The post-April 2019 Easter Sunday carnage developments proved consequences of such a disastrous security failure. The collapse of the national economy due to short-sighted policies of the Yahapalana leadership (2015-2019) and the Gotabaya Rajapaksa administration (Nov 2019-July 2022) automatically increased external influence and interventions.

Thought for an alternative future

Let us hope all is not lost. What if all the parties to the continuing mess here open their eyes and end petty bickering at the periphery on mainly parochial lines, which if continued will only worsen the cancer, but instead why not everyone share the pie at the centre at least in the form of 30 percent of the ministerial positions going to minorities, 10 percent or more going to those of mixed parentage, depending on demographics, and the balance 60 percent going to the majority. To be more democratic instead of continuing with the colossal Provincial Council system which are a proven white elephant and we have learn to do without them, let us also think in terms of the abandoned District Development Councils.

The Delhi challenge or Challenge in Delhi

One-time Foreign Secretary Kshenuka Senewiratne faces a daunting task in New Delhi. Having served as the Foreign Secretary at the onset of the Yahapalana administration, Senewiratne served the Presidential Secretariat before President Ranil Wickremesinghe named her Milinda Moragoda’s successor.

The former minister played a significant role in strengthening relations with New Delhi during his two-year tenure dominated by swift Indian assistance amidst economic turmoil here and growing concerns over Sri Lanka’s relationship with China. During Moragoda’s time, Delhi repeatedly pressed Sri Lanka over Chinese ship visits. Senewiratne, too, is going to be confronted with the same issue as China certainly intends to test Sri Lanka’s commitment to their longstanding relationship, while Delhi increasingly tries to condemn Colombo to being a vassal state of India using everything at its disposal. Sri Lanka should in no way threaten India’s security concerns and if ever India needs any assistance from us we should reciprocate to the best of our ability, however we need to protect over two millennia existence as a free nation despite periodic invasions from across the Palk Strait throughout our history. We must never allow the big brother politics to overwhelm us. We certainly will have our affinities to the sub-continent as we do have many roots there, but that does not give Delhi the right to dictate terms to us at every turn, especially now in economic terms, which if not kept in check will definitely lead to India smothering us.

We must state it is very wise of the present government now to approve the setting up of a USD 4.5 billion oil refinery at Hambantota by China. Let us also invite even Israel, Russia, or anyone else to invest here, just as much as we have allowed Beijing and New Delhi in a big way. Simply said big brothers India and the US are getting too intimidatingly close for our comfort.

India’s response to the overall situation or the developments taking place here cannot be examined without taking into consideration Delhi being a member of the US led alliance formed against China. In a way, the China issue has taken precedence over post-war reconciliation though the latter still remained a priority. Delhi cannot obviously continue to insist on its long standing policy pertaining to the full implementation of the 13th Amendment to Sri Lanka’s Constitution. But for the last several years this small country has functioned very well without the Provincial Councils with neither of the two minorities nor the majority feeling their absence.

India will certainly again underscore the responsibility on the part of Sri Lanka to implement the 13th Amendment at the next given opportunity in Geneva, but it is now time to say enough is enough not only to New Delhi, but more so to inept UN that bullies countries like us, but mostly plays deaf, dumb and blind when it comes to the US or Israel. Sri Lanka is certainly in such a desperate situation economically with dependence on the international community rapidly growing in the wake of the declaration of bankruptcy in April 2022.

One of the major casualties in the ongoing crisis is Sri Lanka’s foreign policy. The circumstances are so challenging and volatile as demonstrated during the dispute over Chinese ship visits. In the wake of US and Indian pressure meant to force Sri Lanka to cancel ship visits or at least delay them, Foreign and Defence Ministries took contradictory stand on Chinese research ship Shi Yan 6 arrival in Colombo late August this year.

During Foreign Minister Ali Sabry’s visit to New York last Sept, the foreign media quoted him as having disclosed the existence of a Standard Operating Procedure (SOP) pertaining to foreign vessels and aircraft operating in Sri Lankan territory and the government consulted many friends including India in this regard.

Asian News International (ANI) widely considered to be the biggest television news agency in India quoted President’s Counsel Sabry as having said: “That’s a conversation going on for some period of time. India has expressed its concerns over a long time, but we have come out with the SOP. When we were making it, we consulted many of our friends, including India. So, as long as it complies with the SOP, we have no problem. But if it doesn’t comply with the SOP, we have a problem.”

The bottom line is that Chinese ship visits are subjected to sort of Indian approval. Sri Lanka also explained its position in this regard to the US. A section of the international media without hesitation categorized all Chinese research vessels as spy ships. They opportunely turned a blind eye to regular visits undertaken by Indian and Japanese vessels to Sri Lankan ports as well as vessels of Western powers. A state of the art French intelligence gathering vessel was here last June. No one found fault with Sri Lanka for welcoming the high tech French vessel. The media largely didn’t bother even to report it.

SAGAR doctrine

India repeatedly reminds Sri Lanka that the bankrupt country is a beneficiary of her SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the region) doctrine. SAGAR describes India’s vision and geopolitical structure for maritime cooperation in the Indian Ocean region.

The high profile project announced in March 2015 is in line with the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue that involved the US, Japan, Australia and India.

Sri Lanka has been accommodated in the SAGAR project and obviously is a beneficiary. Two days after Kshenuka Senewiratne assumed duties in New Delhi, a keel laying ceremony of 4000T dock for Sri Lanka Navy was held at M/s Dempo Shipbuilding and Engineering Pvt. Ltd. (DSEPL), Goa. It was being built by M/s Goa Shipyard Ltd. India entered into an agreement in this regard on March 15, 2022 in Colombo, 15 days before protests erupted outside President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s private residence at Pangiriwatte, Mirihana, demanding that he step down over the deterioration of the economy.

This is the latest project undertaken in terms of SAGAR and India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy. The Floating Dock capable of docking vessels up to 115 meters in length is a gift.

India recently expanded India-Sri Lanka bilateral annual Exercise MITRA SHAKTI for the benefit of the Sri Lanka Air Force. The recently concluded MITRA SHAKTI-IX saw participation of the two Air Forces in addition to the two Armies, making it the first bi-service edition.

The Indian HC declared that based on the success of MITRA SHAKTI–VIII, the exercise was upgraded from a Combined Arms concept to bi-service level. “This demonstrates the ever-enhancing Defence co-operation between the two countries to fight common threats effectively, including terrorism,” Eldos Mathew Punnoose, head of Press, Information & Development Cooperation stated. MITRA SHAKTI, too, in line with India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy and SAGAR.

Over the years, India has stepped up military assistance in a way that increased and consolidated Sri Lanka’s dependence on the giant neighbour.

On February 28, this year the then Deputy Indian High Commissioner Vinod K Jacob declared on board INS Sukanya at the Colombo port that India offered approximately 1500 training slots every year to the Sri Lankan military. The training project according to Jacob was financed through an annual allocation of USD 7 million. Jacob said so addressing a group of Indian Navy-trained Sri Lanka Defence Forces personnel on board INS Sukanya. Jacob emphasized that training is the strongest and most enduring pillar of bilateral Defence cooperation between India and Sri Lanka.

Bankrupt Sri Lanka seems to be happy to accept anything and everything regardless of consequences. An examination of Indian investments since the conclusion of the conflict in May 2009 and after Narendra Modi became the Premier in May 2014 showed the rapid growth of their influence here.

A moment of shame

Napoleon Bonaparte is widely credited with the quote: “An Army marches on its stomach.” With that, he acknowledged that food is one of the most essential elements to keep an Army fighting fit. This obvious basic truth has been shamefully lost on authorities here.

A recent disclosure at the Committee on Public Finance underscored the crisis the country is experiencing. The Committee, chaired by Dr. Harsha de Silva, was told that the Army couldn’t provide a balanced diet to troops due to the continuing economic crisis.

A statement dated Dec 07, 2023 issued by Parliament quoted senior Army representatives who appeared before the parliamentary watchdog as having said that they faced a daunting challenge of providing a 3,400 calorie diet as required to ensure fitness. They were also quoted as having acknowledged that the failure on their part to meet such basic requirements eroded morale of troops and weakened fitness.

Sri Lanka should be ashamed of failing to provide for a war-winning Army. The Parliament owed an explanation and public apology. Actually, Dr. de Silva’s Committee should officially inform President Ranil Wickremesinghe who is also the Defence Minister, in addition to being the Commander-in-Chief of armed forces. State Defence Minister Pramitha Bandara Tennakoon should brief Parliament of the shocking disclosure made at the Public Finance Committee. The parliamentary Sectoral Oversight Committee (SOC) on National Security should look into this matter.

Dr. de Silva didn’t mince his words when he declared that if the military couldn’t be provided with proper meals Sri Lanka was nothing but a failed state. The former State Minister and economist also questioned whether meals provided for troops were worth the amount of money the government spent for that purpose. The lawmaker said so after his Committee approved the payments amounting to Rs 16.5 bn for various suppliers of food to the Army.

Against the backdrop of a sharp drop in the quality of food, the Committee was also told that since 2021, the strength of the Army had been reduced by nearly 30,000.

The Parliament should look into the issue at hand without delay. It would be pertinent to ask Army headquarters actually when it stopped providing a 3,400 calorie diet to troops. The public has a right to know whether this situation was brought to the notice of the government before the Army told the parliamentary watchdog of the crisis.

The State Defence Minister is on record as having said that the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government intended to reduce the strength of the Army to 135,000 by end of next year and 100,000 by 2030. The Army should be able to ascertain whether the deterioration of standards contributed to the increased number of desertions. Unless remedial measures are taken immediately, the situation can take a turn for the worse with further desertions for obvious reasons.

At the time the LTTE was brought down to its knees in May 2009, the Army boasted of 205,000 officers and men. However, over the years, the Mahinda Rajapaksa government gradually decreased the Army strength as troops were appropriately re-deployed. Perhaps the strength dropped by approximately 35,000 and a little more by the time President Gotabaya Rajapaksa was ousted in July 2022. Subsequently, State Minister Tennakoon on behalf of the government declared intention to reduce the strength to 100,000 by 2030. The desertions during a war happen in any Army, but apparently it again picked up here during Gotabaya Rajapaksa time and has continued unabated as authorities turn a blind eye to the situation. The Army, too, should equally be held accountable for this pathetic situation.

Reappraisal of priorities needed

Recently State Finance Minister Ranjith Siyambalapitiya said that President Ranil Wickremesinghe in his capacity as the Finance Minister directed that out of the new Rs 10,000 allowance granted to 1.3 mn public servants Rs 5,000 would be paid beginning January 2024, although the payment was previously scheduled to commence in April. President Wickremesinghe also directed that pensioners also be paid the promised Rs 2,500 beginning January.

Against the backdrop of President Wickremesinghe’s directives to advance the payments assured to public servants and pensioners, the government should explain why the guardians of the nation are not provided with suitable meals. The Public Finance Committee should also inquire into the quality of meals provided to SLN and SLAF as the recent meeting chaired by Dr. de Silva appeared to have not dealt with the situation in those two services.

Corruption at every level has taken a heavy toll on the national economy. The recent Supreme Court ruling on the ruination of the economy found fault with the executive, some members of legislature as well as those who received appointments from the executive.

The failure on the part of the Army to provide proper meals can be quite easily blamed on the political leadership. Proceedings based on findings made by the Auditor General at parliamentary watchdog committees almost on a weekly basis reveal waste, corruption, irregularities and mismanagement. Unfortunately, Prof. Ranjith Bandara, Chairman of one of the committees is himself under fire for trying to protect the corrupt Sri Lanka Cricket (SLC), a charge vehemently denied by the SLPP lawmaker. Prof. Bandara has been embroiled in a simmering and continuing controversy over his relationship with an extremely rich institution accused of squandering millions of Rupees over the years.

The government must take tangible measures to meet requirements of the armed forces and police. The failure on the part of the political leadership to identify the needs of the armed forces and police can be quite deadly. The disclosure at the Public Finance Committee should prompt the government to review the overall situation and take whatever measures necessary to provide the basic necessities required by the armed forces.



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Midweek Review

Aragalaya: GR blames CIA in Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s explosive narrative

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Asanga

Did CIA chief William Burns visit Colombo in Feb 2023? Sri Lanka and the US refrained from formally confirming the visit. The Opposition sought confirmation of the then CIA Chief’s visit to Colombo in terms of the Right to Information Act but the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government sidestepped the query. A former Republican congressman from Texas and Director of National Intelligence (2020–2021) John Ratcliffe succeeded Burns in late January 2025.

 

On the sheer weight of new evidence presented by Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s ‘Winds of Change’, readers can get a clear picture of the forces that overthrew President Gotabaya Rajapaksa in 2022.

Even five years after the political upheaval, widely dubbed ‘Aragalaya,’ controversy surrounds the high-profile operation that forced wartime Defence Secretary Gotabaya Rajapaksa to literally run for his dear life.

Gotabaya Rajapaksa, formerly of the Army but a novice to party politics, comfortably won the 2019 November presidential election against the backdrop of the Easter Sunday carnage that caused uncertainty and suspicions among communities. The economic crisis, also clandestinely engineered from abroad, firstly by crippling vital worker remittances from abroad, almost from the onset of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s presidency, overwhelmed the government and created the environment conducive for external intervention. Could it have been avoided if the government, that enjoyed a near two-thirds majority in Parliament, sought the help of the International Monetary Fund (IMF)?

The costly and well-funded book project, undertaken at the time Abeyagoonasekera was working on a governance diagnostic report for the IMF, in the wake of the change of government in Sri Lanka, meticulously examined the former Lieutenant Colonel’s ouster, taking into consideration regional as well as global developments. Abeyagoonasekera dealt efficiently and furiously with rapidly changing situations and developments before the unprecedented 03 January, 2026, US raid on Venezuela.

Lt. Col. (retd) Gotabaya Rajapaksa, for some unexplainable reason and a considerable time after the events, has chosen to blame his ouster on the United States. We cannot blame him either, by the way we have seen how other regime changes had been engineered, in our region, by Washington, since and before Gotabaya’s ouster. The accusation is extraordinary as Gotabaya Rajapaksa in his memoirs ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ refrained from naming the primary conspirator, though he clearly alluded to an international conspiracy.

April 8, 2019 meeting

Launched in March 2024, in the run-up to the presidential election that brought Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) to power, almost in a dream ride, if not for the intervening outside evil actors, ‘The conspiracy to oust me from presidency’ discussed the international conspiracy, but conveniently failed to name the primary conspirator. What made the former President speak so candidly with Abeyagoonasekera, the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, from 2016 to 2020?

Abeyagoonasekera also served as Executive Director at the Lakshman Kadirgamar Institute (LKI), under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (2011–2015), during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term as the President. The author, both precisely and furiously, dealt with issues. Readers may find very interesting quotes and they do give a feeling of the author’s general hostility towards the US, India, as well as to the US-India marriage of convenience. Those who sense so may end up thinking ‘Change of Winds’ being supportive of the Chinese strategy. Among the highly sensitive quotes that underlined the Indian approach were attributed to Indian Defence Secretary Sanjay Mitra. The author quoted Mitra as having declared: “We need the MRCC centre [Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre], and you cannot give it to another nation.” As pointed out by the author, it was not a request but an order given to Sri Lanka on 8 April, 2019, meant to prevent Sri Lanka from even considering a competing proposal from China. Against that background, the author, who had been present at that meeting at which the Sri Lanka delegation was led by then Defence Secretary Hemasiri Fernando, questioned the failure on the part of the delegations to take up the Easter Sunday attacks. Terrorists struck two weeks later. Implications were telling.

That particular quote reveals the circumstances India and the US operated here. No wonder the incumbent government does not want to discuss the secret defence MoUs it has entered into with India and the US as they would clearly reveal the sellout of our interests.

The following line says a lot about the circumstances under which Gotabaya Rajapaksa was removed: “In Singapore, a senior journalist recounted how Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s resignation was scripted, under duress, at a hotel, facilitated by a foreign motorcade.”

In the first Chapter that incisively dealt with the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the author was so lucky to secure an explosive quote from the ousted leader in an exclusive, hitherto unreported, interview in June 2024, a few months after the launch of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s memoirs. The ex-President hadn’t minced his words when he alleged that the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) orchestrated his removal. He also claimed that he had been under US surveillance throughout his presidency.

The ousted leader has confidently cleared India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW) of complicity in the operation. What made him call Indian National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval ‘a good man,’ in response to Abeyagoonasekera’s pointed query. Abeyagoonasekera quoted Gotabaya Rajapaksa as having said: “… he would never do such things.” The ex-President must have some reason to call Doval a good friend, regardless of intense pressure exerted on him and the Mahinda Rajapaksa government by the Indians to do away with large scale Chinese-funded projects. (Doval in late October last year declared “poor governance” was the reason behind uprisings that led to change of governments in Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka over the period of past three-and-a-half years. The media quoted Doval as having said, during a function in New Delhi, that democracy and non-institutional methods of regime change in countries, such as Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal, created their own set of problems. That was the first time a senior Indian government official made remarks on Nepal’s government change, followed by the Gen Z uprising in early September, 2025.)

Gotabaya Rajapaksa also cleared the Chinese of seeking to oust him. It would be pertinent to mention that China reacted sternly when at the onset of the Gotabaya presidency, the President suggested the need to re-negotiate the Hambantota Port deal.

During the treacherous ‘Yahapalana’ administration (2015 to 2019) Gotabaya Rajapaksa told me how Doval had pressed him to halt not only the Colombo Port City project but to take back Hambantota Port as well. By then, the Chinese had twisted the arms of the Yahapalana leaders Mairthpala Sirisena and Ranil Wickremesinghe and secured the Hambantota Port on a 99-year lease in a one-sided USD 1.2 bn deal. The Colombo Port City project, that had been halted by the Yahapalana government, too, was resumed possibly under Chinese threat or for some money incentive.

Once Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe, PC, declared, at a hastily arranged media briefing at Sri Lanka Foundation (SLF), that Sri Lanka would be relentlessly targeted as long as the Chinese held the Hambantota Port. The writer was present at that media briefing.

Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe said so in the aftermath of the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage, while disclosing his abortive bid to convince the Yahapalana government to abrogate the Hambantota Port deal. Did the parliamentarian know something we were not aware of? The author’s assessment, regarding the Easter Sunday attacks, based on interviews with Chinese officials and scholars, is frightening and an acknowledgement of a possible Western role in Sri Lanka’s destabilisation plot.

The ousted leader, in his lengthy interview with Abeyagoonasekera, made some attention-grabbing comments on the then US Ambassador here, Julie Chung. The ex-President questioned a particular aspect of Chung’s conduct during the protest campaign but his decision not to reveal it all in his memoirs is a mystery. Perhaps, one of the most thought-provoking queries raised by Abeyagoonasekera is the rationale in Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s claim that he didn’t want to suppress the protest campaign by using force against the backdrop of his own declaration that the CIA orchestrated the project.

Author’s foray into parliamentary politics

Gotabaya

For those genuinely interested in post-Chandrika Bandaranaike Kumaratunga developments, pertaining to international relations and geopolitics, may peruse ‘Winds of Change’ as the third of a trilogy. ‘Sri Lanka at Crossroads’ (2019) dealt with the Mahinda Rajapaksa period and ‘Conundrum of an Island’ (2021) discussed the treacherous Sirisena–Wickremesinghe alliance. The third in the series examined the end of the Sri Lanka Podujana Peramuna’s (SLPP) President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s rule and the rise of Anura Kumara Dissanayake (AKD) whom the author described as a Marxist, though this writer is of the view the JVP and NPP leader AKD is not so. AKD has clearly aligned his administration with US-India while trying to sustain existing relationship with China.

Among Asanga Abeyagoonasekera’s other books were ‘Towards a Better World Order’ (2015) and ‘Teardrop Diplomacy: China’s Sri Lanka Foray’ (2023, Bloomsbury).

Had Abeyagoonasekera succeeded in his bid to launch a political career in 2015, the trilogy on Sri Lanka may not have materialised. Abeyagoonasekera contested the Gampaha district at the August 2015 parliamentary election on the UNP ticket but failed to garner sufficient preferences to secure a place in Parliament. That dealt a devastating setback to Abeyagoonasekera’s political ambitions, but the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena administration created the Institute of National Security Studies Sri Lanka (INSS), under the Ministry of Defence, for him. Abeyagoonasekera received the appointment as the founding Director-General of the national security think tank, from 2016 to 2020.

Several persons dealt with ‘Aragalaya’ (the late Prof. Nalin de Silva used to call it (Paragalaya) before Abeyagoonasekera though none of them examined the regional and global contexts so deeply, taking into consideration the relevant developments. Having read Wimal Weerawansa’s (Nine: The hidden story), Sena Thoradeniya’s (Galle Face Protest; Systems Change or Anarchy?). Mahinda Siriwardena’s (Sri Lanka’s Economic Revival – Reflection on the Journey from Crisis to Recovery) and Prof. Sunanda Maddumabandara’s (Aragalaye Balaya), the writer is of the opinion Abeyagoonasekera dealt with the period in question as an incisive insider.

Abeyagoonasekera, as a person who left the country, under duress, in 2021, painted a frightening picture of a country with a small and vulnerable economy trapped in major global rivalries. The former government servant attributed his self–imposed exile to two issues.

The first was the 2019 Easter Sunday carnage. Why did the Wickremesinghe-Sirisena government ignore the warning issued by Abeyagoonasekera, in his capacity as DG INSS, in respect of the Easter Sunday bombing campaign? There is absolutely no ambiguity at all in his claim. Abeyagoonasekera insists that he alerted the government four months before the National Thowheed Jamath (NTJ) bombers struck. The bottom line is that Abeyagoonasekera had issued the warning several weeks before India did but those at the helm of that inept administration chose to turn a blind eye.

The second was the impending economic crisis that engulfed the country in 2022. Abeyagoonasekera is deeply bitter about his arrest on 21 July, 2024, at the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA) over an alleged IRD –related offence as reported at that time, especially because he was returning home to visit his sick mother.

Asanga’s father Ossie, a member of Parliament and controversial figure, was killed in an LTTE suicide attack at Thotalanga in late Oct. 1994. The Chairman and leader of Sri Lanka Mahajana Pakshaya had been on stage with then UNP presidential election candidate Gamini Dissanayake when the woman suicide cadre blasted herself. The assassination was meant to ensure Kumaratunga’s victory. The LTTE probably felt that it could manipulate Kumaratunga than the experienced Dissanayake who may have had reached some sort of consensus with New Delhi on how to deal with the LTTE.

Let me reproduce a question posed to Asanga Abeyagoonasekera and his response in ‘Winds of Change’ as some may believe that the author is holding something back. “Didn’t they listen?” a US intelligence officer had asked me incredulously after the bombings. Years later, during my role as a technical advisor for the International Monetary Fund (IMF) amid Sri Lanka’s collapse, the question resurfaced: “How did you foresee the collapse of a powerful regime with a majority in parliament?” My answer remained the same—patterns. Rigorously gathered data and relentless analysis reveal the arcs of history before they unfold.

Perhaps, readers may find what former cashiered Flying Officer Keerthi Ratnayake had to say about ‘Aragalaya’ and related developments (https://island.lk/ex-slaf-officer-sheds-light-on-developments-leading-to-aragalaya/)

Bombshell claim

Essentially, Abeyagoonasekera, on the basis of his exclusive and lengthy interview with former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, confirmed what Wimal Weerawansa and Sena Thoradeniya alleged that the US spearheaded the operation.

But Prof. Maddumabandara, a confidant of first post-Aragalaya President Ranil Wickremesinghe has bared the direct Indian involvement in the regime change operation. In spite of Gotabaya Rajapaksa confidently clearing Indian NSA Doval of complicity in his ouster, Prof. Maddumabandara is on record as having said that the then Indian High Commissioner here Gopal Baglay put pressure on Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena to take over the government for an interim period. (https://island.lk/dovals-questionable-regional-stock-taking/)

Obviously, the US and India worked together on the Sri Lanka regime change operation. That is the undeniable truth. India wanted to thwart Wickremesinghe receiving the presidency by bringing in Speaker Abeywardena. That move went awry in spite of some sections of both Buddhist and Catholic clergy throwing their weight behind New Delhi.

The 2022 violent regime change operation cannot be discussed without taking into consideration the US-led project that also involved the UNP, JVP and TNA to engineer retired General Sarath Fonseka’s victory at the 2010 presidential election and their backing for turncoat Maithripala Sirisena at the 2015 presidential election.

The section, titled ‘Echoes of Crisis from Sri Lanka to Bangladesh: South Asia’s Struggle in a Polycrisis’, is riveting and underscores the complexity of the situation and fragility of governments. Executive power and undisputable majorities in Parliament seems irrelevant as external powers intervene thereby making the electoral system redundant.

Having meticulously compared the overthrowing of Gotabaya Rajapaksa and Bangladesh’s Premier Sheikh Hasina, the author condemned them for their alleged failures and brutality. Abeyagoonasekera stated: “When the military sides with the protesters, as it did in Sri Lanka and now in Bangladesh, it reveals the rulers’ vulnerabilities.” The author unmercifully chided the former President for seeking refuge in the West while alleging direct CIA role in his ouster. But that may have spared his life. Had he sought a lifeline from the Chinese so late the situation could have taken a turn for worse.

The comment that had been attributed to Gotabaya Rajapaksa seemed to belittle Ranil Wickremesinghe who accepted the challenge of becoming the Premier in May 2022 and then chosen by the ruling SLPP to complete the remainder of Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s five-year term. Ranil was definitely seen as an opportunistic vulture who backed ‘Aragalaya’ without any qualms till he saw an opening for himself out of the chaos.

On Wickremesinghe’s path

Abeyagoonasekera discussed the joint US-Indian strategy pertaining to Sri Lanka. Whatever the National People’s Power (NPP) and its President say, the current dispensation is continuing Wickremesinghe’s policy as pointed out by the author. In fact, this government appears to be ready even to go beyond Wickremesinghe’s understanding with New Delhi. The Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on defence and the selling of the controlling interests of the Colombo Dockyard Limited (CDL) to India, mid last year, must have surprised even those who always pushed for enhanced relations at all levels.

The economic collapse that resulted in political upheaval has given New Delhi the perfect opportunity to consolidate its position here. Uncomplimentary comments on current Indian High Commissioner Santosh Jha in ‘Winds of Change’ have to be discussed, paying attention to Sri Lanka’s growing dependence and alleged clandestine activities of India’s Research and Analysis Wing (RAW). Abeyagoonasekera seemed to have no qualms in referring to RAW’s hand in 2019 Easter Sunday carnage.

Overall ‘Winds of Change’ encourages, inspires and confirms suspicions about US and Indian intelligence services and underscores the responsibility of those in power to be extra cautious. But, in the case of smaller and weaker economies, such as Sri Lanka still struggling to overcome the economic crisis, there seems to be no solution. Not only India and the US, the Chinese, too, pursue their agenda here unimpeded. Utilisation of political parties, represented in Parliament, selected individuals, and media, in the Chinese efforts, are obvious. Once parliamentarian Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe raised the Chinese interventions in Sri Lanka. He questioned the Parliament receiving about 240 personal laptops for all parliamentarians and top officials. The then UNPer told the writer his decision not to accept the laptop paid for by China. Perhaps, he is the only Sri Lankan politician to have written a strongly worded letter to Chinese leader Xi warning against high profile Chinese strategy.

Winds of Change
is available at
Vijitha Yapa and Sarasavi

By Shamindra Ferdinando

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Midweek Review

Beginning of another ‘White Supremacist’ World Order?

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Donald Trump’s complete lack of intelligence, empathy and common sense have become more apparent during the current term of his presidency.  Ordinarily, a country’s wish to self-destruct as the United States seemingly does at present, and as the violence against US citizens and immigrants alike at the hands of federal authorities have shown in Minnesota, can be callously considered the business of that country. If the Trumpian imbecility was unfolding in Sri Lanka, anywhere else in South Asia or some other country of the purported Third World, the so-called World Order, led by the United States, would be preaching to us the values of democracy and human rights.  But what happens when the actions of a powerful country, such as the United States, engulfs in the ensuing flames the rest of us? Trump and his madness then necessarily become our business, too, because combined with the military and economic power of the United States and its government’s proven lack of empathy for its own people, and the rest of the world, is quite literally a matter of global survival. Besides, one of the ‘positive’ outcomes of the Trumpian madness, as a friend observed recently, is that “he has single-handedly exposed and destroyed the fiction of ‘Western Civilisation’, including the pretenses of Europe.”

It is in this context that the speech delivered by the Canadian Prime Minister, Mark Carney, at the World Economic Forum, in Davos, on 20 January, 2026, deserves attention.  It was an elegant speech, a slap in the face of Trump and his policies, the articulation of the need for global directional change, all in one. But, pertinently, it was also a speech that did not clearly accept responsibility for the current world (dis)order which Carney says needs to change.  The reality of that need, however, was overly reemphasised by Trump himself during his meandering, arrogant and incohesive speech delivered a day later, spanning over one hour.

My interest is in what Carney did not specifically say in his speech: who would constitute the new world order, who would be its leaders and why should we believe it would be any different from the present one?

Speaking in French, Carney observed that he was talking about “a rupture in the world order, the end of a pleasant fiction and the beginning of a harsh reality, where geopolitics, where the large, main power, geopolitics, is submitted to no limits, no constraints.” He was, of course, responding to the vulgar script for global domination put in place by the Trumpian United States, given Trump’s declared interest in seeing Canada as part of the United States, his avarice for Greenland, not to mention his already concluded grab for Venezuelan oil. But within this scenario, bound by ‘no limits’ and ‘no constraints’ he was also talking of Russia and China albeit in a coded language.

He reiterated, “that the other countries, especially intermediate powers like Canada, are not powerless. They have the capacity to build a new order that encompasses our values, such as respect for human rights, sustainable development, solidarity, sovereignty and territorial integrity of the various states. The power of the less power starts with honesty.”

Who could disagree with Carney? His words are a refreshing whiff of fresh air in the intellectual wasteland that is the Trumpian Oval Office and the current world order it prevails over. But where has been the ‘honesty’ of the less powerful in the specific situation where he equates Canada itself within this spectrum? He tells us that “the rules-based order is fading, that the strong can do what they can, and the weak must suffer what they must.”

That is stating the obvious. We have known this for decades by experience. Long before Canada’s relative silence with regard to Trump’s and US’ facilitation of the assault on Palestine and the massacre of its people, and the US President’s economic grab in Venezuela and the kidnapping of that country’s President and his wife, Canada’s own chorus in the world order that Carney now critiques has been embellished by silence or – even worse – by chords written  by the global dominance orchestra of the United States.

He says the fading of the rules-based order has occurred because of the “strong tendency for countries to go along, to get along, to accommodate, to avoid trouble, to hope that compliance will buy safety.” Canada fits this description better than most other nations I can think of. But would Canada, along with other nations among the silent majority within the ‘intermediate powers’ take the responsibility for the mess in the world precisely that silence has directly led to creating? Who will pay for the pain many nations have endured in the prevailing world order? Will Canada lead the way in the new world order in doing this?

Carney further articulates that “for decades, countries like Canada prospered under what we called the rules-based international order. We joined its institutions, we praised its principles, we benefited from its predictability. And because of that, we could pursue values-based foreign policies under its protection.”

But this is not true, is it?  Countries like Canada prospered not merely because of the stability of rules of the world order, but because they opted for silence when they should not have.  The rupture and the chaos in the world order Carney now critiques and is insanely led by Trump today is not merely the latter’s creation. It has been co-authored for decades by countries such as Canada, France, the United Kingdom to mention just a few who also regularly chant the twin-mantras of human rights and democracy. Trump is merely the latest and the most vocal proponent of the nastiness of that World Order.

It is not that Carney is unaware of this unpleasant reality.  He accepts that “the story of the international rules-based order was partially false, that the strongest would exempt themselves when convenient, that trade rules were enforced asymmetrically. And we knew that international law applied with varying rigour depending on the identity of the accused or the victim.”

While Canada seems to be coming to terms with this reality only now, countries like Sri Lanka and others in similarly disempowered positions in this world order have experienced this for decades, because, as I have outlined earlier, Canada et al have been complicit sustainers of the now demonised and demonic world order.

It is not that I disagree with the basic description Carney has painted of the status of the world. But from personal experience and from the perspective of a citizen from a powerless country, I simply do not trust those who preach ‘the gospel of the good’ not as a matter of principle, but only when the going gets tough for them.

At this rather late stage, Carney says, Canada is “amongst the first to hear the wake-up call, leading us to fundamentally shift our strategic posture.” Unfortunately, we, the people of countries who had to dance to the tunes of the world order led by the First World, have heard it for years, with no one listening to us when our discomforts were articulated. Now, Carney wants ‘middle powers’ or ‘intermediate powers’ within which he also locates Canada, “to live the truth?” For him, the truth means “naming reality” as it exists; “acting consistently” towards all in the world; “applying the same standards to allies and rivals” and “building what we claim to believe in, rather than waiting for the old order to be restored.” This appears to be the operational mantra for the new world order he is envisioning in which he sees Canada as a legitimate leader merely due to its late wakeup call.

He goes on to give a list of things Canada has done locally and globally and concludes by saying, “we have a recognition of what’s happening and a determination to act accordingly. We understand that this rupture calls for more than adaptation. It calls for honesty about the world as it is.” He goes on to say Canada also has “the capacity to stop pretending, to name reality, to build our strength at home and to act together.” He notes this is “Canada’s path. We choose it openly and confidently, and it is a path wide open to any country willing to take it with us.” Quite simply, this a leadership pitch for a new world order with Canada at its helm.

Without being overly cynical, this sounds very familiar, not too dissimilar to what USAID and Voice of America preached to the world; not too dissimilar to what the propaganda arms of the Soviet Union and the Chinese Communist Party used to preach in our own languages when we were growing up. It is difficult to buy this argument and accept Canadian and middle country leadership for the new world order when they have been consistently part of the problem of the old one and its excuses for institutionalised double standards practiced by international organisations such as the likes of the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund and other hegemonic entities that have catered to the whims of that world order.

As far as Canada is concerned, it is evident that it has suddenly woken up only due to an existential threat at home projected from across its southern border and Trump’s threats against the Danish territory of Greenland. When Gaza was battered, and Venezuela was raped, there was no audible clarion call. Therefore, there is no real desire for democracy or human rights in its true form, but a convenient and strategic interest in creating a new ‘white supremacist’ world order in the same persona as before, but this time led by a new white warrior instead. The rest of us would be mere followers, nodding our heads as expected as was the case before.

As the 20th century American standup comedian Lenny Bruce once said, “never trust a preacher with more than two suits.” Mr. Carney, Canada along with the so-called middle powers and the lapsed colonialists have way more than two suits, and we have seen them all.

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Midweek Review

The MAD Spectre

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Lo and behold the dangerous doings,

Of our most rational of animals,

Said to be the pride of the natural order,

Who stands on its head Perennial Wisdom,

Preached by the likes of Plato and Confucius,

Now vexing the earth and international waters,

With nuke-armed subs and other lethal weapons,

But giving fresh life to the Balance of Terror,

And the spectre of Mutually Assured Destruction.

By Lynn Ockersz

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