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Global Tamil Forum calls for strong resolution on Lanka
The Global Tamil Forum (GTF) has called for a strong resolution on Sri Lanka at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC) in Geneva.Issuing a statement, the GTF said that for the Tamil people who have suffered enormously during the war, and indeed for the victims of human rights violations from all communities who are denied accountability and justice in Sri Lanka, the UNHRC has consistently provided much needed hope.
The role played by the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) is crucial in this regard. GTF expresses its sincere appreciation to Michelle Bachelet for her exemplary service as the High Commissioner till last month and welcomes the new High Commissioner Volker Turk in this important role.
It is clear from the High Commissioner’s report that the unprecedented economic crisis in Sri Lanka has its roots firmly in its long history of unaccountable governance associated with the ethnic conflict and war. The report argues that ‘deepening militarisation and lack of transparency and accountability in governance have embedded impunity for serious human rights violations and created an environment for corruption and the abuse of power.’ For the first time related to Sri Lanka, the UN review recommends ‘investigation of economic crimes that impact on human rights and the tracing and recovery of stolen assets.’
The High Commissioner’s report also recognises the opportunity provided by the economic crisis, to charter a new path spurred by broad-based demand by all communities for deeper reforms and accountability. And the report recommends ‘a more fundamental constitutional reform through broad-based consultative process to strengthen democratic checks and balances and devolution of political authority, which is integral to reconciliation and the full enjoyment of human rights by all members of its population.’
However, the report is highly critical of the hard-line approach taken by the Ranil Wickremesinghe government – including continued usage of the Prevention of Terrorism Act (PTA) to detain student leaders and to continue to detain long-term Tamil and Muslim prisoners, despite years of promises to repeal, and rescinding on the recent commitment to a de facto moratorium on its use. And the report calls to immediately end the reliance on draconian security laws to crack down on peaceful protests, reverse the drift towards militarisation and to show renewed commitment to deliver on security sector reform and ending impunity.
The OHCHR report notes that in 2022, Defence was allocated 373.1 billion rupees (then US$1.86 billion), which accounted for 15 percent of total government expenditure, and this was more than double that allocated for Health. Such high defence expenditure in a country under major financial crisis and that too for defence activities disproportionately concentrated in the North-East where their actions only prevent return to normalcy, defies logic.
GTF would like to emphasise that the genesis (from 2009) and the continuing driver of the UNHRC process have been about addressing accountability for war time atrocities committed during the war and promoting reconciliation among all communities. It is in this aspect the High Commissioner’s report is more scathing. The Easter Bombing (2019) is now part of a long list of emblematic cases where truth seeking has been intentionally made impossible.
The OHCHR report unambiguously states, ‘The Sri Lankan state, through successive governments, has consistently failed to pursue an effective Transitional Justice process to hold perpetrators to account and to uphold victims’ rights to truth, justice, and reparation. Rather, they have created political obstacles to accountability and actively promoted and incorporated some military officials credibly implicated in war crimes in the highest levels of government.’
The report identifies that even the tokenistic initiatives from the government, such as the Office on Missing Persons (OMP), has lost the confidence and trust of the relatives of victims, following a series of problematic appointments to the Chairperson and Commissioners. In effect, the OMP has not been able to trace a single disappeared person or clarified the fate of the disappeared in meaningful ways and it is focussed on expeditiously closing the files and issuing families with ‘Certificates of Absence’.
The High Commissioner’s report calls Sri Lanka to ‘re-launch a comprehensive, victim-centred strategy on Transitional Justice and accountability, to establish credible truth seeking mechanism and ad hoc special court’. This statement is unambiguous in that as per the view of the OHCHR, after 13 years of solemn promises and commitments to its citizens and to the international community, the accountability project within Sri Lanka has reached the dead end.
In reality, Sri Lanka went through many distinct phases in its dealing with war related accountability issues – outright denials initially; followed by half-hearted actions and perceived cooperation through internal investigations and co-sponsorships of UNHRC resolutions; and finally playing for time hoping that the issue will disappear. But it is to the credit of the international community, the core group of countries, the NGOs and the United Nations system that their focus never wavered. In fact, there has been progressive ramping of up of initiatives – Secretary General’s Panel of Experts on Accountability in Sri Lanka (2011); Secretary-General’s Internal Review Panel on United Nations Action in Sri Lanka (2012); OHCHR Investigation on Sri Lanka (2015) and the OHCHR Accountability Project as per the Resolution 46/1, Paragraph 6 (2021).
The High Commissioner’s report states that the OHCHR Accountability Project is fully staffed and operational since May and is focussed on four tracks – “Collecting, consolidating, analysing and preserving information and evidence”; “Developing possible strategies for further accountability processes”; “Advocating for victims and survivors” and “Supporting relevant judicial and other proceedings”. It is pleasing to note that the OHCHR has received requests from national authorities for information and evidence related to eight individuals, as well as a number of alleged violations, and we strongly support High Commissioner’s call for ‘renewing the mandate and reinforcing the capacity of OHCHR for its specialised accountability project’.
It is important to note that that the time has arrived to explore further options for advancing accountability in Sri Lanka. The High Commissioner’s report refers to communications submitted in October and November 2021 to the Prosecutor of the International Criminal Court requesting that the Prosecutor exercise jurisdiction over alleged crimes occurred partially on the territory of States Parties (to the Rome Statute).
The report calls on ‘states to cooperate in accountability efforts, including available avenues of extraterritorial and universal jurisdiction to investigate and prosecute crimes under international law’ and ‘to explore further measures including targeted sanctions, restrictive measures and travel bans in relation to those who are credibly implicated in serious crimes.’
It is in this context the international community needs to view the announcement by the Sri Lankan Foreign Minister Ali Sabri that the Ranil Wickremesinghe government would not agree to any external mechanism and looking for internal truth seeking arrangements within the framework of Sri Lankan constitution. After 13 years of dithering and deceiving, and co-sponsoring resolutions (30/1, 34/1) which called for establishing hybrid court with international participation, that too by a government when Ranil Wickremesinghe was the Prime Minister, Sri Lanka now wants to go back to square one and start all over again. The absurdity of this proposition will not be lost on any keen observer of Sri Lanka.
We also thank India for comments during the Interactive Dialogue on Sri Lanka: Indian delegation notes with concern the lack of measurable progress by Government of Sri Lanka on their commitments of a political solution to the ethnic issue — through full implementation of the 13th Amendment of the Constitution, delegation of powers to Provincial Councils and holding of Provincial Council elections at the earliest. The HRC process should facilitate devolution of political authority to the North and East provinces building up on the 13th Amendment and finding a lasting political solution to ensure non-recurrence of the violent past.
GTF is of the view that Sri Lanka is at crossroads. The nascent transformation Sri Lanka presently undergoing is significant and there is a developing environment where an unaccountable government will be under increased scrutiny. In addition to wartime accountability, legal, financial, and other governance accountabilities are also under intense focus. Unfortunately, many of the recent actions by the Ranil Wickremasinghe government are not conducive to promote this healthy development. Irrespective of that, this emerging trend needs to be conscientiously promoted by the international community, which is possible only by adopting a well-targeted UNHRC resolution. The new resolution needs to build on the key aspects of the March 2021 UNHRC resolution (A/HRC/RES/46/1) and mirror the comprehensive set of recommendations listed in the High Commissioner’s reports of February and September 2022. GTF is of the view that the reports mandated in the proposed resolution should be transmitted to all relevant United Nations Bodies and the Secretary-General for appropriate action.
The GTF also fully endorsed the request by Human Rights Watch and 3 other NGOs calling the HRC to adopt a Resolution that: Strengthens the mandate for monitoring and reporting, by establishing an expert mechanism to monitor and report (both to the Human Rights Council and the General Assembly) on the current rights situation in Sri Lanka and make concrete recommendations to ensure the protection and realization of rights. It is also the responsibility of the Member States including the Core Group of Sri Lanka to adequately fund the increased scope and capacity of the Sri Lanka Accountability Project throughout the new period envisaged in the Resolution.
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Green Climate Fund (GCF) Regional Dialogue for East and South Asia will be held from 14 to 17 September 2026 at Cinnamon Life at City of Dreams Hotel, Colombo
The Green Climate Fund (GCF) Regional Dialogue for Eastern and Southern Asia is scheduled to be held from September 14 to 17, 2026, at Cinnamon Life at City of Dreams, Colombo.
The Dialogue is hosted by the Government of Sri Lanka. The Green Climate Fund is the world’s largest dedicated climate fund established under the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change to assist developing countries in responding to the challenges of climate change.
The Green Climate Fund aims to promote a paradigm shift towards low-emission and climate-resilient development
pathways by supporting developing countries in reducing their greenhouse gas emissions and adapting to the impacts of climate change.
The Ministry of Environment of Sri Lanka serves as the country’s National Designated Authority for the Green Climate Fund, playing a critical role in coordinating access to climate finance, nominating institutions for accreditation to the Green Climate Fund and approving funding proposals, and ensuring that activities supported by the Green Climate Fund are aligned with national development objectives.
More than 120 delegates from 10 countries are expected to participate. The participating countries are Bangladesh, Bhutan, China, India, the Maldives, Mongolia, Nepal, Pakistan, the Republic of Korea, and Sri Lanka.
Participants will include representatives of National Designated Authorities of the above countries, Direct Access Entities, Accredited Entities, civil society organizations, the private sector, development partners, and technical institutions across the region.
Sri Lanka’s delegation comprises Dr. Dammika Patabendi, Minister of Environment, Anton Jayakody, Deputy Minister of Environment, K.R. Uduwawala, Secretary, Ministry of Environment, and high-level government officials.
The Dialogue will provide a platform to:
Share challenges, experiences, and lessons learned from the implementation of climate change projects and programmes.
Strengthen regional cooperation and partnerships on climate finance.
Discuss the Green Climate Fund’s evolving strategies, policies, and approaches.
Identify opportunities to accelerate climate investments across East and South Asia.
Hosting the Regional Dialogue in Colombo will provide Sri Lanka with an important opportunity to engage with senior government officials, private-sector representatives, development partners, technical experts, and international climate finance institutions.
The event is expected to support Sri Lanka’s efforts to improve access to climate finance and international grants, showcase national climate action initiatives and achievements, and strengthen the country’s engagement with the global climate community.
The Dialogue will also offer a strategic platform for Sri Lankan institutions that have applied for direct accreditation to present their project concepts and engage directly with representatives of the Green Climate Fund. These engagements are expected to support the accreditation process and contribute to the expansion of Sri Lanka’s network of Direct Access Entities through stronger regional partnerships and increased cooperation on climate finance, the Regional Dialogue will
contribute to positioning Sri Lanka as a credible and reliable partner for climate investment.
Projects that Sri Lanka has received funding from this fund are:
• The main projects that Sri Lanka has received support from the Green Climate Fund at present include the Wevu Gam Pubuduwa Project (52.1 USD Million) and the GCF Knuckles Project (49 USD Million).
7.5 USD Million has been allocated from GCF for 5 National Designated Authority Readiness Projects (NDA Readiness Projects) and for the National Adaptation Plan Readiness Project (NAP Readiness Project).
Approval has also been obtained for 3 regional projects. (Cooling Facility Programme, Global Fund for Coral Reef Investment Window, PEEB COOL Programme)
Sri Lanka has also identified 5 project concepts as priority projects for the Green Climate Fund period 2024-2027 and has taken steps to submit those project concepts (Concept Notes) for
approval by the Green Climate Fund.
The “Climate-resilient Fisheries in Sri Lanka” project concept (USD 107.5 million) submitted by DFCC Bank has already received approval.
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Prof. Pieris says Buddha Dhamma recognised as source of law under Constitution
Former Minister and People’s Joint Opposition Convener Prof. G.L. Peiris has challenged the assertion that the Supreme Court’s determination on the 22nd Amendment to the Constitution would be based solely on law and not Buddhist teachings, arguing that such a position is inconsistent with Article 9 of the Constitution and established judicial precedent.
In a special statement, titled “Buddhist Doctrine as a Source of Law in Sri Lanka”, Prof. Peiris has said the issue had arisen during the 22nd Amendment determination proceedings when Ven. Balangoda Kassapa referred to the Buddha Dhamma in his submissions.
According to Prof. Peiris, the Chief Justice responded that the determination would be made on the basis of the law and not Buddhist teachings.
Describing this as a “cavalier dismissal” of the Buddha Dhamma. Prof. Peiris has said it is contrary to Article 9, which gives Buddhism the foremost place and requires the State to protect and foster the Buddha Sasana.
Full text of the statement: In the 22nd Amendment determination proceedings, Venerable Balangoda Kassapa, in his submissions, made reference to the Buddha Dhamma. His Lordship the Chief Justice, in reply, made the strong assertion that the determination would be made on the basis of the law and not Buddhist teachings. This cavalier dismissal of the Buddha Dhamma is totally inconsistent with Article 9 of the Constitution and its authoritative interpretation in judicial decisions.
I. Authoritative Sri Lankan Judicial Authority A few examples may be cited.
In the Antiquities Amendment Bill, the Supreme Court, in its determination, observed: “The expression Buddha Sasana is wider than Buddhism and includes the entire establishment, together with objects and places of religious practices and worship of Buddhists”.
In Re the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution and the Provincial Councils Bill, 1987 2 Sri Lanka LR 312, Wanasundera J, referring to the term Buddha Sasana, said that it was “a compendious term encompassing all ancient, historic and sacred objects and places which have from ancient times been associated with the religious practices and worship of Sinhala Buddhists”.
It is clear that the Buddha Sasana is not confined to matters of ritual or practice, but includes the substance of Buddhist teachings. This is borne out clearly in other judgments of the Supreme Court.
An explicit example is the determination of the Supreme Court in the Ayurveda Amendment Bill, SCSD, numbers 22-35/2023, where the Court declared: “We hold that Buddha Sasana in Article 9 of the Constitution includes the dhamma, principles and teachings of Buddhism, including in particular recognized and undisputed codifications of the teachings of Lord Buddha”.
There are several other passages in the judgment which offer strong authority on the point.
The Court declared: “We determine that the word Buddha Sasana in Article 9 is a compendious term and includes the entire establishment of Buddhism as defined above. We conclude that the Tripitaka, consisting of the Vinaya Pitaka, the Sutta Pitaka and the Abhidhamma Pitaka, falls within the word Buddha Sasana. Hence the State has a duty inter alia to protect and foster the Tripitaka”.
The Court was uncompromising in its declaration that “While retaining the word Buddhism to denote the religion to which foremost place has been accorded in the Republic, the word Buddha Sasana was used to impose a duty on the State to protect and foster the entire establishment of Buddhism”.
The Court’s approach is very clear from the following passage: “We must proceed to interpret Article 9 of the Constitution on the basis that this change was intentional on the part of the legislature. It was meant to cover an area wider than Buddhism”.
II. International Judicial Authority
There is valuable material in the jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice at The Hague.
Judge C. G. Weeramantry, in his dissenting opinion in the ICJ’s 1996 advisory opinion on the legality of the threat or use of nuclear weapons, said that Buddhism could provide an important humanitarian perspective when considering the legality of nuclear weapons. The judge cited as his source the work by Walpola Rahula, entitled What the Buddha Taught, 1959.
Similarly, Judge Weeramantry, in his separate opinion in the maritime delimitation in the area between Greenland and Jan Mayen case, 1993, commented on the international legal concept of equity. In this connection, he referred to “the elaborately researched concept of fairness and justice in Buddhism”.
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GR leaves FCID after making statement over MiG deal
Former President Gotabaya Rajapaksa left the Financial Crimes Investigation Division (FCID) last evening after making a statement for several hours in connection with the ongoing investigation into the controversial procurement of MiG fighter aircraft.
Rajapaksa arrived at the FCID Headquarters yesterday morning after being summoned by investigators to assist with the inquiry into the procurement and related financial transactions involving the aircraft acquired for the Sri Lanka Air Force.
He was questioned for several hours before leaving the premises later in the day.
Meanwhile, former Air Force Commander Air Chief Marshal Roshan Goonetileke also appeared before the FCID on Thursday to provide a statement in connection with the same investigation.Goonetileke left the FCID after being questioned for more than five hours.
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