Features
Generic system failure or inherent deficiencies in corporate ethics?

SLIIT controversy in the context of establishing private sector higher education institutions in Sri Lanka
By Prof Susirith Mendis
(susmend2610@gmail.com)
Having been a regular contributor to ‘The Island’, I have ventured again into expressing my opinion in public spaces after an extended period of silence, as I felt compelled to, after I read the excellently argued piece by Prof R.P. Gunawardane titled ‘SLIIT should remain non-state and non-profit institution’ in The Island of November 23.
Prof. Gunawardane explains why Sri Lanka Institute of Information Technology (SLIIT) should remain non-state and non-profit. He also discusses dispassionately the ‘issues and concerns’ that have come up in recent times about the unsavoury circumstances under which SLIIT ended up completely under private ownership divesting itself from what they might have seen as ‘the restraining clutches’ of the Mahapola Trust Fund (MTF). Prof Gunawardane’s recommendations finally, as well, are mostly acceptable and valuable.
But there are a few places where I beg to disagree and also wish to extend comment on the two topics he has touched upon.
Leaving the comments about the restraints of the University Grants Commission (UGC) on the state universities for later, let me first take issues about SLIIT.
SLIIT and MTF
Things have ‘hit the fan’ since the COPE report on SLIIT became public. Minister Bandula Gunawardane has assured at a meeting chaired by the President, that in his capacity as Minister of Trade, “action would be taken to take over SLIIT divested through fraudulent means”. The Minister used the words “fraudulent means”. The Island of August 10, 2021 headlined its story on the COPE revelations on SLIIT, ‘COPE tells govt. to undo SLIIT swindle’. So, it has been named fraudulent and a swindle.
The Second Report of the Committee on Public Enterprises tabled in Parliament on April 6, 2021, was a Special Report on SLIIT. The report prepared on the basis of an investigation by the Auditor General’s Department has recommended that “the SLIIT be recognised as a non-governmental institution and that the decision taken by the Cabinet of Ministers on 24.05.2017 not to include the said institution under any purview of the Ministry be reconsidered.” It also recommends that “the institution be taken over by the Mahapola Fund.”
Furthermore, the COPE recommended that action be taken under the Public Property Act against ‘all parties involved’ (my emphasis) in the action taken to deprive the government of its ownership of SLIIT and its control by an agreement signed on May 12, 2015 without any formal authority.
Therein lies the crux of this issue, that Prof Gunawardane failed to emphasise. But Prof Gunawardane rightly questions the bona fides of SLIIT in not responding to the summons of COPE to appear before it, using a technicality and informing, through their law firm, that it is ‘not legally obligated’ to do so. If all the actions of SLIIT in the process of the MTF divesting itself of SLIIT were above board, and there was nothing to hide, this would have been the best opportunity that the management of SLIIT had of publicly declaring that it had clean hands. Their refusal to do so is suspicious to say the least. A subsequent full-page advertisement (for which they must have spent a few cool millions) in The Daily Mirror of October 29, 2021, titled ‘The True Story of SLIIT’ was a varnished narrative signed, sealed and delivered to a gullible public. What was curiously revealing was, therein, they relate in passing, “the great risks and sacrifices made by the pioneers of SLIIT,” in particular those of Prof Lalith Gamage. It is a good advertisement. As good an advertisement as all advertisements are and expected to be, where critical information is suppressed, and high-points are emphasised and overblown. Like advertisements for milk foods or table margarines, for instance.
The refusal of SLIIT to appear before COPE may have prompted Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe to move the Supreme Court in terms of article 126 and Article 17 of the Constitution of Sri Lanka to request the cancellation of agreements between the MTF and SLIIT. The former Minister of Justice as well as Minister of Higher Education under the Yahapalana government, has named Cabinet of ministers including the Prime Minister, Members of the Commission to Investigate Allegations of Bribery or Corruption, the IGP, Attorney General, members of SLIIT and the Mahapola Higher Education Scholarship Trust Fund as respondents, and asked for issuing of notices to them and most importantly an order directing the Attorney-General to charge and indict Gamini Jayawickrama Perera, Dr. Wickrama Weerasooriya (deceased), Anil Rajakaruna, Prof Lalith R. Gamage and Prof Luxman Rathnayaka, among others.
Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe alleged that though he made a complaint to the CIABOC on February 25, 2019 that the loss caused to SLIIT as a result of the corrupt transaction at that time was about Rs. 23,000,000,000. (Rs. 23 billion), the outfit did nothing except recording statements from him twice.
As the Minister of Justice and of Higher Education, Wijeyadasa Rajapakshe was privy to all the sordid details of what happened at a particular MTF Board of Governors meeting when the Board was coerced into consenting to the divesting of SLIIT from the MTF.
Now, it is in the hands of the Supreme Court. We shall wait with bated breath. But in the meantime, a debate in Parliament is on the offing, which may bring to the public domain what is still not fully revealed.
Considering all of the above, I cannot but disagree with Prof. Gunawardane that the Vice-Chancellor/CEO of SLIIT should be retained in that position. He has apparently compromised himself, having started splendidly well in bringing SLIIT initially up to what it became later. Here was a golden opportunity for MTF and SLIIT to jointly set up a model for public-private partnership in the provision of higher education to an ‘education-hungry’ generation of Sri Lankan youth. But unfortunately, SLIIT has not conducted itself to be above reproach. Greed has, perhaps, taken over the early ideals of treading new paths in establishing a new kind of higher educational institution, as often as it happens in the conduct of most human affairs. In the end, it seems to have gone the same way as did North Colombo Medical College (NCMC) and South Asian Institute of Technology and Management/Medicine (SAITM) – manipulated by vested interests, for different ends, under different circumstances and different political regimes. Hence, my question in the title. Is it a system failure or corporate greed that creates an environment that attempts at private higher education, as in the three cases mentioned above, have failed our expectations? Failed to show that education, even in the hands of the private sector, is not wholly a ‘tradable commodity, but it is also a public good’.
We, the public also would wish, if it is at all possible, to know the answers to the following:
(i) Why has SLIIT not named the ‘company’ to which the SLIIT Board of Directors transferred the assets of SLIIT in 2015?
(ii) Who owns SLIIT now?
(iii) Why is there deliberate secrecy about ‘company’ that owns SLIIT?
(iv) Who are the shareholders of the above ‘company’?
(v) Does the Chancellor or the Vice-Chancellor/CEO or any other member of the Board of Management of SLIIT have any financial interest or any ownership or shareholding of the said unnamed ‘company’?
Until these questions have unambiguous answers, the truth about SLIIT will not be known.
I believe that a Presidential Commission has to be appointed to probe the allegations of a ‘fraudulent’ ‘swindle’ sullied by corruption at the highest levels of the SLIIT management.
State universities and the UGC
Prof R. P. Gunawardane argues that ‘UGC interference’ in State universities has retarded or restrained their growth and development as universities. I fully agree.
He quotes as examples Harvard, Princeton, MIT, Stanford and all ‘Ivy League’ universities in the US and to a lesser extent the British universities, such as Oxford and Cambridge, that are free from the fetters of government control. I believe that we need to look at their origins and the context in which they were established. Oxbridge were established as religious institutions of learning. The origins of Oxford are lost in the mists of time and legend, but the influence of the Christian Church in these two institutions is well-known. Harvard was founded to train clergy as a ‘church in the wilderness’. Hence, we cannot compare our state universities with the hoary traditions and culture that are behind those institutions that have developed through millennia and centuries. As a result, neither their governance structures nor their ethos can be replicated to our contexts.
Having said that, I agree that we need to strive for higher goals and greater futures for our universities. But, having been in the system for four decades, I have many misgivings about the self-governance of our universities. We have not shown that we have the distinct capabilities of ensuring quality and standards of higher education without state overview. I wish it were otherwise. To illustrate this absence of educational as well as fiduciary or financial responsibility and accountability within our universities, let me quote these two examples.
(1) External Degree Programmes: Several state universities conducted external degree programmes. Sri Jayewardenepura, Kelaniya, Peradeniya and Ruhuna universities were prominent amongst them. As I estimate, 15,000 to 35,000 students were registered annually by each of them. Almost all of them, if not all, were degrees in the Arts and Humanities. The monitoring of quality and standards was poor, and often non-existent. Many academic staff of these universities were external lecturers at mushrooming tutories countrywide, that conducted classes. Though they were expected to make a declaration to their respective universities about their involvement as external teaching staff, to avoid conflict of interest when examiners were appointed, this was practised more in the breach. Corruption became rampant. Examiners were correcting over 5,000 answer scripts. I was not surprised that the Minister of Higher Education, S.B. Dissanayake said publicly that ‘examiners throw answer scripts in the air and give marks according to when and where they fall’. He must have had some inside information. One of them told me that he built his three-storey house from the external degree examination payments he received. The Director of the External Examinations Branch was a much sought-after position. And once in, few left willingly. No control was possible due to pressures of vested interests within universities until the UGC stepped in and limited numbers that could be registered for external degrees by a special circular.
(2) Master’s degree, postgraduate diploma and certificate programmes: Though Bachelor’s degrees are non-fee levying, all other programmes conducted by state universities are fee-levying. Such programmes began to mushroom in all state universities. Academic staff delivering lectures and examining answer scripts were paid handsomely. Therefore, such courses began to proliferate. Master’s programmes were the most lucrative. Some professors and senior staff in universities neglected their undergraduate lectures and concentrated on postgraduate lectures. Examinations were delayed and results were not released for months, if not years. Having paid large sums of money, postgraduate students languished without being awarded their degrees. Some newly established universities with a severe dearth of academic staff even to effectively conduct their undergraduate bachelor’s programmes, were commencing and conducting Master’s programmes. Some even commenced such programmes in Colombo in rented premises with minimal involvement of their academics in the teaching programmes. The quality of these Master’s programmes was much in question. Since the situation was going out of control, the UGC had to bring in stricter criteria for universities to establish postgraduate courses. This had to be done by the UGC because the powerful vested interests within the universities overwhelmed any attempt at internal reform. But, even now, the proliferation of Master’s degree programmes in our state universities are a matter of much concern and debate.
The above are just two examples of the lack of educational and fiduciary or financial governance of the state university system in Sri Lanka.
After all, we are currently debating the deficiencies of governance at the highest levels of government. It is my considered view that neither systems nor persons of adequate integrity are in place for us to entrust self-governance to our universities at present. Corruption will become rampant from student selection to awarding of degrees. This is despite a myriad of UGC circulars. What would the playing fields be, without such an independent referee, and if none of those restraints by circulars (rules) were in existence? I may be a pessimist. But I fear to envisage such a scenario.
Features
NPP govt. and its take on foreign relations

by Neville Ladduwahetty
Following President Anura Kumara Dissanayake’s visit, first to India and then to China, Foreign Policy analysts and Commentators of repute have cautioned the NPP government the need to exercise BALANCE particularly in respect of its relations with India and China. The question is how balancing could be the guiding policy in Sri Lanka’s relations with India and China, when balancing is only a strategy? For instance, is the prospect of a 200,000 barrels a day refinery by China in Hambantota to be balanced by a prospective refinery by India in Trincomalee even if it is not in Sri Lanka’s best interests? Is this what some commentators call “pragmatic balancing”?
Sri Lanka’s policy regarding relations with other countries is stated at times as Non-Aligned and neutral at other times depending on the occasion and the forum. In the Joint Statement with China, the Policy is Non-Aligned. During a press conference, Foreign Minister Vijitha Herath made comments that undoubtedly amounted to “reaffirmation of Neutrality” according to a report in the Daily FT (Oct. 9, 2024). Such inconsistencies are not in the best interest of relations with India or China or with any other country. It is therefore imperative that the NPP government adopts a Policy and conducts its affairs in a manner that abides by the stated Policy if its credibility is to be respected
OBJECTIVES to PRECEEDE POLICY
However, whatever policy the NPP government adopts, what needs to be understood is the fundamental premise that prior to developing a Policy there has to be a clear and unambiguous Objective. For instance, the Foreign policy of India is often expressed as “Neighbourhood First”, and Security and Growth for All in the Region (SAGAR). Such a policy would entitle India to realise its objective of being accepted as a Regional Power in South Asia and therefore recognised as a global power where its currency is internationally recognised, a place in the UN Security Council, etc., and other symbols of a global power. On the other hand, China’s objective is to become first among equals among global powers. The Policy to achieve such an objective is its Belt and Road Initiative.
Similarly, the US Declaration of Independence sets out its objective as being: “We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. That to secure these rights governments are instituted among men ….”
It is therefore clear that the Objective of a Nation is a declaration of the goals the Peoples of a Nation craft for themselves. Therefore, Sri Lanka has to define unambiguously its Objectives. To state that Sri Lanka’s Objective should be based on Self-Interests is to state the obvious because Self-Interest is what drives Foreign Relations. Foreign Policy of a Nation is how it conducts itself in its relations with other Nations in the process of pursuing its Objectives. For instance, the Objective of the NPP Government is to create “A thriving Nation and a beautiful life”. Thus, having declared its Objective, the NPP government has to decide whether a Foreign Policy of Non-Alignment, Neutrality or any other would enable it to realise its stated Objective of a thriving Nation and a beautiful life.
On the other hand, balancing is not an objective nor is it a policy. It is only a Strategy that could be resorted to within the context of Non-Aligned or Neutral Policies. Thus, its application is limited in scope to specific countries such as India and China and to infrastructure projects as part of Balancing interests of geopolitical rivals at a cost to Sri Lanka’s national interests.
NON-ALIGNMENT v. NEUTRALITY in PRACTICE
From a security perspective, non-alignment does not guarantee territorial inviolability. On the other hand, a neutral state is protected by international law. Therefore, neutrality offers greater guarantees in respect of territorial inviolability. Furthermore, since Neutrality defines duties and responsibilities of a Neutral State, other Nations are forewarned of what to expect from Sri Lanka – in short there are no surprises nor is there a need to go out of its way to ensure the security of India or any other State. This fosters trust and credibility among nations. However, if any country decides to violate Sri Lanka’s territory for whatever reason, as it was when India violated Sri Lanka’s air space, Sri Lanka has to accept the fact that no one would be coming to its defence other than the protection of International Law.
The real test between Non-Alignment and neutrality is when it comes to infrastructure projects. Furthermore, under a Policy of Non-Alignment, infrastructure projects invariably become part of balancing and therefore end up with unsolicited proposals, as in the past. Attempts to balance the refinery in Hambantota by China that was reported to have been based on expressions of interest called for by Sri Lanka, with a possible Refinery in Trincomalee for India would be unsolicited and to different standards. A variation to the theme of unsolicited projects is to tempt Sri Lanka by funding projects that serve the interests of the funding agency and not that of Sri Lanka.
On the other hand, a policy of neutrality requires that strict and open procedures are followed in order to ensure that all are treated as equals. This makes it imperative for Sri Lanka to first define the scale and scope of the project and call for Expressions of Interest (EOI) from parties for evaluation in a transparent and open manner. Thus, practices that require a Neutral State to adopt fosters Credibility and Trust in the eyes of other Nations; characteristics critically needed to create a Thriving Sri Lanka. These characteristics together with reliance on International Law become the combined armory of a Neutral State such as Sri Lanka that is relatively small, but strategically located for aspiring Global Powers to go out of their way to foster abiding relations.
CONCLUSION
The foreign policy options explored and commented on by analysts, think tanks and during panel discussions are; Non-Alignment, Neutrality, Balancing and Self- Interest, etc., not realising that some proposed Policies, such as Balancing, are not Policies but Strategies. These explorations fail to define the objective that determines which policy to adopt as in the case of India, China and the USA cited above. Additionally, the context in which the Policy works, becomes a factor that shapes and Influences Policy. In the particular context of Sri Lanka, its strategic location that is akin to a key stone in the arch of Indian Ocean Rim countries in the geopolitical equation has molded Sri Lanka as a Nation State over Millennia to an extent that its geographical size has become a secondary factor.
In such a context, its security, and the goal set by the NPP government of a “Thriving Nation and a beautiful life” is best served by international law and the Soft Power of a neutral state that requires it to conduct its International Relations in an open and Transparent manner that ensures equality among Nations in a manner that fosters Trust and Credibility. The dividends from such an approach would foster a “Thriving Nation”.
Features
Appropriate scaled-down celebration; probable statesman; misinterpretation

This year the scaled-down Independence Day celebrations were just right. There was pageantry but no pomp. We must celebrate Independence Day and fortunately it was done. Every item was commendable: the mixed in race and gender choirs rendering so well the National Anthem, the Jayamangala Gatha and chant of blessing, directed at the President. Cass’ thought that after a long time he really deserved these chants of blessing, and good fortune for the country too. The National Anthem was sung in Tamil too by students. The President’s address was excellent in substance and delivery. The cultural event was superb. The best was that no armed vehicles drove past.
Statesman
A niece sent Cassandra a video clip of Prez AKD being mobbed – joyfully, admiringly, affectionately – on a recent visit to Velvataturai. He just got into the crowd, shook hands, patted little ones and posed for innumerable selfies, all smilingly with not a trace of self-promotion. He was just one of them. To have Tamils, Muslims, Catholic priests and nuns, Hindu dignitaries greeting him gladly brought tears to Cass’ eyes – tears of joy and the fact of reconciliation being evidently shown by the Tamil people. Accompanying the video Cass’ niece wrote: “Never in my wildest dreams would I have ever thought a Sinhala leader would be made so welcome in the North. They seemed to love him. He definitely has qualities of a leader.” And then she adds: “But I seriously fear for his safety, the way he is running around.” Agreed but not with crowds in the North, now that the suicide bombers are no more (or so we hope).
Judging the President and his manner of presenting himself (behaviour for short) locally and overseas in India and China within one hundred and something days of becoming Prez of the country, Cassandra declares she at last sees a potential statesman in him.
The only statesman we have had so far – D S Senanayake was a person of the people by his actions, notwithstanding his exclusive ancestry. He came from a land and plumbago mine owning, well to do family, but felt sincerely for the common people and hence his foremost policy being agriculture, since food is one of the three requirements for basic life. Air is free, and unpolluted then; water is/was plentiful through rain or containment in wewas, the largest of which he got constructed in Gal Oya, Ampara. DS seemed happiest when surrounded by villagers.
AKD was born to a simple family – but of integrity and worth – and thus he remains honest, simple, sincere, with very high ideals and love for Sri Lanka and its people, determined to do well by them. His head has definitely not been turned or swollen by the obvious adulation shown by our people and the VVIP welcome received in the two countries that dominate the world now. That is almost a humanely impossible achievement but he has succeeded in keeping his head while most other leaders before him lost theirs. That was principally because leaders of the past, starting from SWRD, had themselves and their political success in mind, later added to by greed of enrichment.
These qualities so far are missing in AKD and thus Cassandra’s prophecy – he will reach statesmanship because he has the qualities inherent in him and he gives the promise of not changing to be self-gratifying through imbibing greed for riches, greed for continued power, greed for the strength it gives a person to grab material wealth for himself and his family and cohorts.
Revenge
MTV 1 on Saturday February 1, carried the news of MP Rohitha Abeygunawardena visiting Mahinda Rajapaksa in his government-paid-for palatial home in Colombo 7 just to see to his well-being, as the MP said.
Now, the gist of what Rohitha A said, seated in his luxury car as he drove out of the ex Prez’s premises; “It is very wrong of the government to ask this great man to vacate the state-owned residence. Then he made this typical below par, oft used political accusation that government leaders were taking revenge on Ex Prez Mahinda R. Revenge for what act of the Ex Prez’s, pray? Cassandra cannot bear to hear the two words ‘jealousy’ and ‘revenge’. These two accusations are often made on political platforms by defeated leaders and lesser politicians.
Considering the case of ex-presidents being asked to vacate the huge houses bequeathed them by previous governments, started by JRJ, is a travesty of justice. Many of the past Prez’s contributed by the policies they followed and personal acts to the downfall of the country. A second reason: why should they live in absolute comfort and luxury, guarded by hordes of security personnel, when a large proportion of the population of the country have no decent housing nor adequate food to eat. In MR’s case particularly, he has many mansions in his name and his sons’ names. How about that Malvana grand house that finally had no owner?
Yes, what Rohitha A threatened could easily happen. Give a gang of ne’er-do-wells a large tot of kasippu, a bath packet and a monetary inducement and they will rise up with deadly rampaging anger anywhere and against anyone. Did we not see this happen against the Aragalaya protesters and rampage of Gotagogama on May 9, 2022, by an inebriated but ferocious horde that poured out of Temple Trees when Mahinda R was PM and in residence in this house?
A ray of sunshine
Along with a daily presentation of how money was wantonly wasted by previous governments in starting expensive projects in different parts of the country and then abandoning them, named What happened to the Village, MTV Channel One in its news presentation includes feel good happenings in the country named Happy Headlines. It’s so good to view a happy happening, a successful person, sports event, occurrence in nature within the daily dose of dismal news. It is a merciful occurrence for which the present government is thanked that news is no longer so dismal and we in Sri Lanka are fortunate to be living in a reviving country unlike Gaza, Sudan, Ukraine, even Pakistan and the US of America which has a daily new edict proclaimed by President Trump, which sends shivers down American backs unless they are the white Supremacists who believe this proven to be dishonest businessman is set to Make America Great Again.
Features
Mangroves in Sri Lanka : Guardians of the Coast Facing Uncertain Future

By Ifham Nizam
Mangroves, often referred to as the “rainforests of the sea,” play a crucial role in maintaining coastal ecosystems. These salt-tolerant trees and shrubs thrive in the intertidal zones of tropical and subtropical regions, forming a unique and highly productive ecosystem.
In Sri Lanka, mangroves contribute significantly to biodiversity, fisheries, coastal protection, and climate resilience. However, despite their immense ecological and economic value, these forests are under severe threat due to human activities and climate change.
“Mangroves are among the most productive and valuable ecosystems on the planet. They not only support marine biodiversity but also act as a natural buffer against coastal erosion and extreme weather events,”
says Dr. Nilanthi Rajapakse, a scientist on Plant Taxonomy.
As the world observed World Wetlands Day on February 2, 2025, Sri Lanka faces a critical moment in its efforts to protect and restore these vital ecosystems.
The Importance of Mangroves in Sri Lanka
Mangroves provide a wide range of ecological, economic, and social benefits. Sri Lanka is home to more than 20 species of mangroves, which are mainly found along the western, southern, and eastern coastlines. Notable mangrove-rich areas include the Puttalam Lagoon, Maadu Ganga Estuary, Negombo, Batticaloa, Mannar, Trincomalee, and Jaffna.
Biodiversity Hotspots
Mangrove forests support an array of wildlife, including fish, crustaceans, mollusks, birds, reptiles, and marine mammals. Their dense root systems create breeding and nursery grounds for many commercially valuable fish species.
“Without mangroves, Sri Lanka’s fisheries industry would be severely impacted. These ecosystems serve as nurseries for juvenile fish, ensuring a steady supply for local fishermen,”
explains Wildlife Guard, Nuwan Jayawardena.
Mangroves also provide habitat for endangered and migratory birds, as well as reptiles like saltwater crocodiles and various marine mammals. Some species, such as Avicennia marina (Grey Mangrove) and Rhizophora mucronata (Red Mangrove), have unique adaptations like pneumatophores (aerial roots) and salt glands to survive in extreme coastal environments.
Coastal Protection and Climate Resilience
One of the most critical roles of mangroves is coastal defense. Their extensive root systems stabilize shorelines, preventing erosion and reducing the impact of tsunamis and storm surges.
“During the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami, coastal areas with dense mangrove cover suffered less damage compared to those without. This underscores their importance as natural barriers,”
says Dr. Rajapakse.
Additionally, mangroves are powerful carbon sinks, absorbing and storing large amounts of carbon dioxide. Studies show that mangrove forests store up to four times more carbon per hectare than tropical rainforests, making them crucial in the fight against climate change.

The Wetland Newsletter of the Department of Wildlife Conservation (DWC) was first published in 2012 to share valuable information about wetlands. It is released twice a year and distributed among school children, undergraduates, government officials, naturalists, and wildlife enthusiasts. The advisory committee consists of M.G.C. Sooriyabandara, Director General of the DWC; Ranjan Marasinghe, Director (Operations) and Manjula Amararatne, Director (Protected Area Management) and edited by Dr. Nilanthi Rajapakse. The first volume of each year is launched on February 2nd in celebration of World Wetlands Day, while the second volume is released on October 1st to commemorate the founding anniversary of the DWC. This year, the official launch took place on Monday at the Ministry of Environment Auditorium during the national ceremony, where it was presented to the Chief Guest, Dr. Dhammika Patabendi, Minister of Environment. The event was also graced by Anton Jayakodi, Deputy Minister of Environment; Rohitha Uduwawala, Secretary of the Ministry of Environment; M.G.C. Sooriyabandara, Director General of the DWC; and Tilak Hevawasam, Chairman of the Central Environmental Authority.
Threats to Mangrove Ecosystems
Despite their significance, Sri Lanka’s mangroves are facing an existential crisis due to:
Human Activities
· Deforestation: Mangrove forests are being cleared for shrimp farming, agriculture, and urban expansion. The destruction of mangroves for economic gain often leads to long-term environmental and economic losses.
· Pollution
: Industrial waste, agricultural runoff, and plastic pollution degrade mangrove habitats, affecting water quality and marine life.
· Unregulated Development
: Coastal infrastructure projects, such as hotels and resorts, encroach on mangrove areas, disrupting their delicate balance.
Climate Change
· Rising sea levels threaten the very existence of mangroves by increasing salinity levels beyond their tolerance.
Stronger storms and extreme weather events
lead to physical damage and habitat loss.
· Temperature fluctuations
affect the reproductive cycles and growth of mangrove species.
“If we do not act now, Sri Lanka could lose a significant portion of its mangrove forests within the next few decades,”
warns Dr. Rajapakse.
Conservation Efforts and Restoration Projects
Government and International Initiatives
Sri Lanka has taken several steps to protect and restore mangroves. The country is a signatory to the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands, which emphasises the conservation of wetland ecosystems.
The establishment of protected areas and national parks has helped safeguard some mangrove habitats.
However, enforcement of environmental laws remains a challenge. Conservationists argue that stronger policies, stricter regulations, and better coordination between government agencies are necessary to curb illegal activities.
Community-Based Conservation
Engaging local communities in mangrove conservation has proven to be one of the most effective strategies. Several NGOs and local organisations are working to:
· Educate coastal communities about the importance of mangroves.
· Promote sustainable fishing and aquaculture practices.
· Conduct mangrove restoration projects, where degraded areas are replanted with native mangrove species.
“When local communities understand that their livelihoods depend on healthy mangroves, they become active participants in conservation efforts,”
explains Dr. Rajapakse.
Successful Restoration Projects
Several mangrove restoration projects have yielded positive results. In some areas, mangrove saplings have been replanted in degraded zones, leading to the regeneration of native species. International organisations have also collaborated with Sri Lankan researchers to monitor mangrove health and develop strategies for long-term sustainability.
The Road Ahead: A Call to Action
While progress has been made, conservationists emphasise that more action is needed to protect Sri Lanka’s mangroves. The following key steps are crucial for ensuring the long-term survival of these ecosystems:
Strengthening Environmental Laws
– Enforcing stricter regulations against illegal deforestation and pollution.
Expanding Protected Areas
– Designating more mangrove forests as protected zones.
Promoting Eco-Tourism
– Developing sustainable tourism models that benefit both conservation and local communities.
Investing in Research
– Supporting scientific studies to better understand the impact of climate change on mangroves.
Empowering Coastal Communities
– Providing training and financial incentives for sustainable livelihoods.
“Protecting mangroves is not just an environmental issue—it’s an economic and social necessity,”
says Dr. Rajapakse
Sri Lanka’s mangroves are priceless assets, offering countless benefits to people and nature alike. Yet, without urgent and sustained conservation efforts, these ecosystems could disappear, leaving coastal communities vulnerable and biodiversity at risk.
As the world celebrated World Wetlands Day 2025, the call for immediate action has never been clearer. Governments, conservationists, and local communities must work together to protect and restore Sri Lanka’s mangrove forests. The choices made today will determine whether these vital ecosystems thrive or vanish in the years to come.
Mangroves are not just trees—they are lifelines.
Preserving them is essential for a sustainable and resilient future for Sri Lanka and the planet.
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