Opinion

From Opposition to alternative? – Some thoughts on the potential and the trajectory of Aragalaya

Published

2 years ago

2022/09/27

By Sasinindu Patabendige

Aragalaya which is/can be (mis)translated to English as ‘struggle’ or ‘revolt’ is getting suppressed and appropriated in multiple ways at the time of writing this piece, ironically (perhaps), with the sanction of the de facto president who claims to be ‘liberal’ and ‘democratic’. The attempt of this column is to present some scattered readings about the current interregnum, as it were, while trying to learn to draw insights from it which might be useful for long-term tasks of/for the future.

Those of ‘us’ in ‘academic circles’ (no matter how progressive we think we are) should constantly keep reminding ‘ourselves’ of the provocative insight that “the street is always two steps ahead of theory” in order to guard ‘ourselves’ against top-down and/or vanguardist tendencies. Generalising and romanticising the street will lead to misnomers and oversimplifications. That is to say, it is dangerous to underestimate the adeptness of the “politico class” and it is equally dangerous to overestimate, generalise and romanticise the “people”. At the same time, it is very convenient either to forget or to fault those who cannot take to the streets. There are/were many, especially, subaltern and subalternised groups, who can neither afford nor are powerful enough to reach the protest-site(s). To reiterate, forgetting and faulting is easy and cozy in this context. The street, if you will read it as a metaphor, is never a level-playing/protesting-field. Besides, one should not disregard the multiplicity of Aragalaya and this multiplicity includes groups and sentiments of classed self-interests – it is not an unquestioned good. Nonetheless, this argument should not be too quickly read as a dismissal of the great potential of the street.

A deep-seated crisis gives some room (which is not readily available under ‘usual’ circumstances) to read systemic problems as problems (at least or perhaps, at best). However, it goes without saying that this task of reading is full of tricks and traps. For instance, under ‘usual’ circumstances, the dominant discursive practice is hero-worshiping the military as war heroes and valorising the military as the saviors of the (Sinhala-Buddhist) nation – their function (and presence) is taken for granted as an unquestioned-worshipped-good. This is a myth. The role of the military is to safeguard the ‘nation’ and its ‘people’ is a myth on multiple levels. Military primarily works/serves for itself/themselves and their benefits (to secure a good slice of the pie). And, as a part of this project, it defends the regimes and the politicians who act like a class in its own right. But, calling it a myth, let alone countering or debunking it, is extremely risky in ‘usual’ times. This rather counter-intuitive thought seemed to resonate at times (?) during the ongoing Aragalaya. There were (are?) moments where this usually unquestioned good was somewhat questioned in the ‘public domain’.

However powerful these moments were, they were only momentary. The task is to work towards making these ‘momentary moments’, as it were, into ‘habits of the mind’. This is where education of the kind – that Kuppi collective attempts to envision and practice – which is not a technical-technocratic exchange (more often than not, it is not even an exchange but a top-down stuffing and vomiting) between teaching machines and learning machines comes into play. Education is absolutely crucial in the long-term task of the Aragalaya. The task of reading, learning to learn from the complex terrain of the Aragalaya, broadening/rethinking the immediate demands and the necessity to turn ‘moments’ into ‘habits’ are pointers towards an education of a particular kind. In other words, the overarching trope here is education.

Building up from the myth of the military, I would move to the extent of reading the military, the politicos and the bureaucrats + corporate sector as class-like establishments that are mutually complementary. For the purpose of the argument, let me focus on the military and the politicos. Here I am drawing insights from Newton Gunasinghe’s powerful thesis in “The Symbolic Role of the Sangha” (the way I use it is probably a distortion, alas!) where he identifies the Sangha as an “apparently non-class force” with “ideological coherence”. It is “apparently non-class” because the sangha claims to be and everyone else is supposed/imposed to think that it is a “single moral community” on the path to moksha and not as “the representatives of a single class”. But the sangha is divided in multiple ways on multiple fronts. Despite this “fact” (facts and arguments do not matter in this discourse), there is “ideological coherence” and it unites as a force to defend its interests and to devour its benefits. Hence, it is “apparently non-class” but very much class-like in performance. So is the political ‘elite’ (or politicos, if you will) and the military in different but mutually complementary ways. They are apparently-non-class-but-class-like groups or forces that work for their class-like interests. The nuance that I am trying to emphasise here is somewhat different from the classical Marxist conceptualisation of the “ruling class”. The political ‘elite’ or politicos are fragmented into numerous parties, cliques and cartels based on political agendas/views, self-interest(s), ethnicity, religion, caste, language and location among other things and some of them are more progressive (at least, at times) than others. However, in powerfully subtle ways, they maintain more or less an “ideological coherence” and work towards/with class-(like) interests. The military too is internally divided and heavily hierarchical, but, it is able to work for its own gains superimposing those dividing lines. And, both these apparently-non-class-but-class-like establishments use their dominance to help each other sustain their interests, especially, during crisis situations.

The final move of this column is an attempt to read the adeptness of dominant class-like establishments. Aragalaya, although not at all a monolith, posed(s) a great threat to the political establishment – it was (is?) more or less developing into a powerful oppositional movement in ways that have never seen before. But right now, so much force is being exerted to make it more of an alternative (?) than a proactive oppositional movement. Aragalaya is being persistently watered down and/or appropriated by the dominant class-like structure of the politicos with the abundantly available support of the military.

This takes the forms of creating internal divisions, infiltration, (ab)use of law, sanctioned violence and many other subtle modes of incorporation/appropriation. The adeptness of the political establishment is something that one should never take lightly.

This is a painful lesson that Raymond Williams teaches in Marxism and Literature when theorizing the interplay of the dominant, residual and emergent where he cautions against the dominant’s ability to incorporate the oppositional elements and the dominant’s ability to convert/dilute opposition into alternative. The two words ‘opposition’ and ‘alternative’ are positioned in contrast with one another. The contrast here, in my view, is premised upon the sense that the opposition, at best, is an action or an active overarching task against dominance whereas an alternative is an option or a choice (which is surely neither inactive nor lack of use) against dominance – hence, it is difficult to appropriate and/or to not respond to a proactive oppositional movement but it is not that difficult to appropriate and/or to neglect responding to an alternative. Williams is making this argument in relation to the dominance of advanced capitalist systems. But it is a powerful lesson that can be used to read and to learn to act in a political terrain which is dominated by Rajapakse-politics.

When attempting to read the (enforced) incorporation of the opposition to make it into a mere alternative, it is necessary to keep in mind that this ‘opposition’ is/was by no means uniform and not all progressive (if there’s anything as such in the first place). It is never even and never uniform. It includes a vast range (of groups and “people”) with varying interests. The protest movement(s) too had very conservative, nationalistic, xenophobic, sexist and chauvinistic-heteronormative elements in it (for example, the constant threats to the LGBTIQA+ tent at GotaGoGama, Colombo). Yet, some even identified GGG as a miniature communist society which is symptomatic of sheer romanticizing. Emergent oppositional movements are not (completely) outside or independent of the dominant forces. There is always room for incorporation or appropriation. And when incorporation/appropriation is happening well, it does not look like incorporation/appropriation. However, it cannot be disregarded that there was and there is a considerable and a productive space for critique and reform in the ongoing protest movement(s). This space, although it comes with its limitations, is the incalculable potential of the aragalaya.

Let me end this column rather abruptly with an opening statement. The dominant’s adeptness to dilute opposition into alternative does not mean that there is no room for resistance or that there will not be any resistance. But the dominant’s primary task is to make sure that it does not have to ‘respond’ to resistance and the demands that come with it. At the other end, certainly, there is and there should be a set of immediate demands and tasks (this ‘set’ too needs rethinking and broadening). Yet, the immediacy and quick-fixing urge must be supplemented with something long term. It is in this long term task that education which is committed to change the ‘habits of the mind’ comes into play. And let us not forget Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s call to the Occupy Wall Street: “Lenin’s ‘What is to be Done” concentrated on the party. Our ‘What is to be Done’ must concentrate on the mindset of the electorate”.

(The author is attached to the Department of English Language Teaching, University of Jaffna)

Kuppi is a politics and pedagogy happening on the margins of the lecture hall that parodies, subverts, and simultaneously reaffirms social hierarchies.

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Opinion

Is persistent mudslinging solution to our problems?

Published

3 hours ago

2025/03/5

Thilina Walpola

By Dr Upul Wijayawardhana

It is no secret that the JVP/NPP government came to power mostly by slinging mud at their opponents, no doubt justified to some extent. There were gross exaggerations, claiming that nothing positive has happened since independence and tarring all politicians with the brush of corruption! It looks as if it wants to remain in power using the same tactic probably because it finds it difficult to keep to some of the promises it made to gain power. The sheer eloquence displayed by the president during the election campaigns seem to be coming to haunt him. On many things, which he stated could be reversed by a stroke of a pen are still pending and sceptics are questioning whether the president has misplaced the pen, just like the former speaker has misplaced his academic certificates!

Distortions continue to be the order of the day and as mentioned in the editorial “From ‘chits’ to ‘lists’ (The Island, 1 March), lists are being used to attack opponents, some of whom have already received ‘political punishment’ from the voters. What is worse are the unfair comparisons made, well exemplified by the list of expenses for foreign travel by presidents. The government made the crucial mistake of not limiting it to former presidents but in an attempt to create a whiter-than-white image of the president, it added unbelievably low cost to the present president’s three foreign trips. It is very likely that the expenses for the former presidents were for the entourage whereas for the present president, it was only for himself! Part of the low cost was attributed to the president receiving free tickets for two trips. I am sure if the tickets were provided by the inviting governments, it would have been stated as such and one must assume that they were from other sources, which raises further questions; who are these generous guys and why did they do it? Reminds one of the saying “There is nothing called a free lunch!”

More importantly, one fervently hopes that the reverse does not happen; from going from ‘lists’ to ‘chits’ again, which would be a disaster. It was a disaster that cost thousands of lives and remembered with trepidation by those who were lucky enough to survive. A colleague of mine has forwarded a photograph of one of these notorious ‘chits’ sent during the second JVP uprising, which is in circulation in social media now, and called me later to have a chat. I was taken aback when he told me that he had them pasted daily on his door, as he worked part-time for the army. He had torn them away but on learning this, his superior medical officer had advised him to leave the country, for the sake of his young family, which he did. He worked in New Zealand a year before coming to the UK. Do hope this does not happen again but the video circulating showing a party-man advising a villager not to post adverse comments on the government, raises the possibility that ‘chits’ may raise its ugly head again!

I am not sure whether it was the president who stated that fuel prices could be brought down immediately by cutting off commission charged by the previous minister but the widely anticipated fuel price reduction never materialised. Whoever that made the accusation owes an apology to the previous minister.

However, I am sure the president gave repeated assurances that Arjuna Mahendran would be brought back to stand trial for the Bond Scam. He told cheering audiences that he could do it with a stroke of his pen, in spite former president Sirisena claiming that he placed more than 2,500 signatures for this purpose. It did not succeed and, instead, Mahendran dared by publishing two letters in The Island, giving his full postal address in Singapore, the moment Ranil became president. He would not have done so without knowing that he would be protected. It is a pity AKD did not appraise himself of facts before giving categorical assurances. What is the government’s position now? “We have encountered some legal difficulties but don’t worry, we will try him in absentia” according to the cabinet spokesman, which is hilarious!

The Mahendran episode raises another interesting question. There are droves who sing hosannas for Singapore and Lee Kuan Yew. Whilst not trying to belittle what LKY achieved for Singapore, I have always questioned whether he is a true democrat. He was far from it and what he did to his opponents is conveniently forgotten because of the massive transformation he engineered. Coming to the present, much is made of Singapore’s anti-corruption measures. There are regular reports of politicians being jailed for corruption and many contend that Singapore thrives as it has eradicated corruption. This raises the question why it is refusing to extradite a Singapore citizen who is charged with corruption? Is it that Singapore’s anti-corruption drive operates only when it is an internal matter? Is it that Singapore does not care when one of its citizens takes on an extremely responsible job in a foreign country and indulges in corrupt activities? Is this not the height of hypocrisy?

Although Gotabaya is hauled over the coals for making the country bankrupt, the rot started with Yahapalanaya and the Bond Scam is one of the major factors. Mahendran, who lacked any suitable experience, was imported on false pretences by Ranil but, interestingly the Handunnetti COPE report did not apportion any blame to Ranil. As all investigations laid the blame on Mahendran, who left the country to attend a wedding according to Ranil, not being able to bring him back is a gross injustice. Of course, the government spokesman had a wonderful solution; “As it is his friend, Ranil should bring him back. Then we will prosecute him”! If Mahendran saga is not resolved, it would be a shame for our government and would tarnish the reputation of Singapore, as well.

It is high time the government stopped slinging mud at opponents and start taking actions to solve the problems affecting the masses, the most important being the cost of living.

Opinion

Our rice crisis: A holistic solution – II

Published

1 day ago

2025/03/4

Sahan Weerasooriya

A farmers’ protest in Colombo (file photo)

by Emeritus Professor Ranjith Senaratne

Department of Crop Science, University of Ruhuna (ransen.ru@gmail.com)

(Continued from 03 March, 2025)

Voiceless farmers and toothless farmer organisations

The hapless farmers, who render a yeoman service to the nation by ensuring food and nutritional security are often at the mercy of some large-scale rice traders and millers. They get a raw deal at the end of the day, and this vicious cycle has gone on for many years with no end in sight. Consequently, every year, several “nation’s feeders” take their own lives out of sheer frustration and hopelessness. There are farmers’ organisations in the country who speak on behalf of the hapless farmer, but their protests seldom make an impact on the politicians and policy makers to change the status quo. What is most ironic is that the millions of paddy farmers who feed the nation are voiceless and powerless, while even private bus drivers, three-wheeler drivers and railway guards, to name a few, are much more powerful and make themselves heard.

However, many countries have powerful farmer organisations that wield much influence at the national level. Hence, it is possible and important to strengthen and give muscle to local farmer organisations through awareness, professional training and capacity building so that they could evolve into a vibrant and powerful force that cannot be brushed aside, but must be reckoned with by the policy makers, planners and politicians. Opportunistic political elements with ulterior motives masquerading as farmer representatives should not be allowed to exploit these hapless “nation feeders” for their narrow political ends, something which is unfortunately evident in our country. The Faculties of Agriculture and professional bodies in allied fields have a responsibility and moral obligation to provide leadership and guidance to bona fide farmer organisations which will contribute not only to improving the socio-economic standard of the millions of farmers and their families, but also to enhancing food and nutritional security in the country.

Uncoordinated and unregulated crop production

There is a plethora of government institutions in the agricultural sector, yet no institution is mandated to coordinate and regulate the national crop production. Taking into account land capability, climatic potential, food demand, export potential etc. will minimise food surpluses and scarcities and overuse of fertilisers and pesticides while ensuring a fair price to both the farmer and consumer. Presently, anybody with land and the necessary resources and inputs can cultivate any crop anywhere on any scale at any time. However, in many countries, food production and food imports are carefully regulated to minimise food surplus and scarcity. Farmers are given incentives to produce less when a glut is anticipated and to produce more when a scarcity is likely. Such decisions are based on market surveys, meteorological forecasts and past experience, ensuring fairly stable prices throughout the year.

In each district, govt. support such as fertiliser subsidies, crop insurance, provision of water, bank loans, etc., should be provided only to farmers with a proven track record who cultivate paddy in productive areas adhering to the recommended cultural practices. If a field with high potential produces a low yield, it is likely to be associated with poor management. Cultivation of such paddy fields should be given to promising farmers in the area and benefits should be shared between the two parties in an equitable manner. This will help realise the potential yield from the field. Such intervention could be made with the support of the farmer organisations in the area.

Lack of robust anti-hoarding laws

Hoarding of agricultural produce and the consequences arising therefrom have posed formidable challenges to governments and caused untold hardships to the consumers in many parts of the world. As regard paddy production in Sri Lanka, it is reported that nearly 70% is purchased by the small and medium scale millers and the remaining 30% by a few large scale millers. While the veracity of those figures is yet to be established, the existing laws and regulations are not robust enough to effectively deal with the issues of hoarding and associated problems which have precipitated a prolonged crisis in the country. In this context, it is appropriate to see how the Philippines has dealt with a similar problem. The new law, Anti-Agricultural Economic Sabotage Act, enacted by the Dept. of Agriculture in the Philippines in September, 2024 has declared smuggling and hoarding of agricultural products as economic sabotage and has imposed stiff penalties against smugglers and hoarders of agricultural food products, including heavy fines, i.e. 5 times the value of smuggled and hoarded agricultural products and life imprisonment if found guilty. Such deterrent punishment would benefit the farmers and fisher folk whose livelihoods have been jeopardized by unscrupulous traders and smugglers (https://www.da.gov.ph/da-chief-new-law-declares-smuggling-hoarding-of-agricultural-products-as-economic-sabotage/). The Government in our country could introduce such laws to deal with undisclosed hoarding of agricultural produce and products by traders and millers. Through constructive engagement with traders and millers and deployment of electronic sensor based computational intelligence in storage bins or silos, the govt. will be able to ascertain the stock position on a real-time basis so that necessary interventions could be made to minimize shortages and price fluctuations in rice. This technology has many applications in smart inventory and stock management and such technological interventions can be facilitated by the newly established Ministry of Digital Technology.

In order to avoid making this article lengthy, I have not elaborated on some further factors contributing to the rice crisis. However, they have been dealt with in the book edited by the writer in 2021 titled “The Future of the Agriculture and the Agriculture of the Future: From Beaten Track to Untrodden Paths”.

Conclusions

Availability of rice and its price depend on the rice value chain which encompasses not only a multitude of actors and players, but also several sectors of the economy. Therefore, there are no simple, straight forward solutions to such a complex, multi-faceted and multi-dimensional problem, and tinkering with the system is to no avail and will only aggravate matters. This problem, developed over many years, demands a holistic systems approach through transsdisciplinary interventions. Here, the issue should be viewed in an integrated manner as a collection of interconnected and interdependent elements and people, taking into account the relationships and interactions between them. This calls for a paradigm shift and bold, proactive and pragmatic moves in order to bring about a sustainable solution to this complex, intractable and drawn-out problem, thereby ensuring year-round availability of rice at an affordable price to the ordinary citizen.

This would, among other things, include enactment of the requisite laws and regulations to deal with the oligopoly of rice trade and the lack of price regulation of key imported agricultural inputs such as pesticides, weedicides, fungicides etc. and services such as hiring of machinery for land preparation, harvesting, threshing etc. for which the farmers presently pay exorbitant prices. In addition, announcing the guaranteed price of paddy only after the harvest is an unkind cut. The price should be made known to the prospective farmers well ahead of the beginning of the cultivation season, thereby giving them an opportunity and the space to decide whether to cultivate paddy on a commercial scale and, if so, to what extent.

Needless to add that the hapless farmers are at the mercy of the large-scale rice millers and traders, including input and service providers. However, we must recognize the pivotal and crucial role they play in supporting the paddy production and providing quality rice to the consumer. However, the failures of the governments to date to enact and enforce the requisite laws and regulations have made the farmers extremely vulnerable and prone to exploitation in a fiercely competitive globalized environment where ethical and moral values are fast eroding.

Therefore what is needed in this decisive hour in not to continue finding fault with and flogging the large-scale millers and traders, or blaming the previous regimes, but to make proactive and constructive moves, hasten to enact pragmatic and actionable laws and regulations, and beef up the relevant law enforcement and regulatory authorities such as Consumer Affairs Authority, providing them with the much needed teeth and resources to address the said key issues as a matter of top priority and the utmost urgency. The government has received an overwhelming mandate with 159 members in the parliament. Hence, the above interventions will be only a walk in the park for the government to introduce. The earlier it happens, the better, since the next rice crisis, like the second wave of the tsunami in 2004, could be much worse and more disastrous not only in economic and social, but also in political terms.

(The writer appreciates the comments and observations made by Dr. W.M.W. Weerakoon, former Director General, Dept. of Agriculture, Dr. Sumith Abeysiriwardena, former Director, Rice Research and Development Institute, Bathalagoda and Mr. C.S. Kumarasinghe, Senior Lecturer, Department of Crop Science, University of Ruhuna on a draft of this article)

Opinion

Lessons from Ukrainian Debacle

Published

2 days ago

2025/03/3

Thilina Walpola

Why Sri Lanka must continue to pursue a Non-Aligned, yet Multi-Aligned Foreign Policy:

by Ali Sabry, PC

In a world increasingly polarised by great-power rivalries, Sri Lanka must remain steadfast in its time-tested foreign policy doctrine: non-alignment. Our strategic location in the Indian Ocean, economic aspirations, and long-term stability demand that we engage with all global actors without becoming pawns in their geopolitical games.

The ongoing crisis in Ukraine offers a stark reminder of what happens when small and mid-sized nations get caught in the crossfire of major power struggles. For Sri Lanka, the lesson is clear: we must remain non-aligned yet multi-aligned, engaging with all, avoiding entanglements, and ensuring that our sovereignty is never compromised.

The Ukrainian Crisis: A Cautionary Tale for Small States

Ukraine’s tragedy is not just a distant war; it is a lesson in realpolitik for all small nations. Over the past two decades, Ukraine found itself on the fault line between NATO and Russia. By aligning too closely with one camp, it triggered existential fears in the other. When the crisis escalated, Ukraine was left to bear the full cost of war. its cities reduced to rubble, its economy in shambles, and millions of its people displaced.

Despite strong international support, Ukraine has suffered devastating consequences. The military and financial aid it has received has come at a tremendous cost, both in human lives and economic ruin. No amount of Western backing has spared Ukraine from becoming the battlefield of a larger geopolitical contest.

For Sri Lanka, the lesson is simple: never allow ourselves to become the battleground for someone else’s war. We must ensure that our sovereignty is non-negotiable and that our foreign policy choices are dictated solely by our national interests, not by the strategic ambitions of global powers.

Sri Lanka’s Foreign Policy: The Power of Equidistance

Sri Lanka has historically been a champion of non-alignment. From our role in the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) to our principled stand at the 1951 San Francisco Peace Conference, we have long understood that small states wield the greatest power when they remain independent in their decision making.

Over the years, we have experienced the perils of veering too far in one direction. The late 1970s saw an excessive pro-Western tilt, leading to strained relations with India and regional instability. More recently, an over reliance on China in the early 2010s resulted in economic vulnerabilities and strategic imbalances. The anti-China rhetoric of 2015 cost us dearly, almost freezing Chinese investments and triggering a devastating economic slowdown that contributed to the financial crisis.

Every time Sri Lanka has moved too close to one power bloc, it has paid a price, whether in economic pressure, diplomatic isolation, or security threats. This is why our best path forward is non-alignment in politics but multi-alignment in economic and diplomatic engagement.

What Does a Non-Aligned Yet Multi-Aligned Foreign Policy Look Like?

1. No Military Alignments, No Foreign Bases

• Sri Lanka must firmly reject any attempt by external powers to establish military bases or exclusive defence arrangements on our soil. While we should engage in cooperative security dialogues, we must not allow ourselves to be drawn into power blocs that undermine our neutrality.

2. Economic Engagement with All, Dependency on None

• We should welcome investments from all corners, India, China, the U.S., the EU, Japan, and others, while ensuring that no single actor dominates our economic landscape. A diversified economic strategy will safeguard us from economic coercion and financial vulnerabilities.

3. Diplomatic Balancing

• Just as we engage with China on infrastructure, we must strengthen ties with India for regional security and trade, collaborate with the U.S. and Europe for technology and education, and maintain strong links with Japan and ASEAN for economic opportunities.

4. Leveraging Multilateralism

• Sri Lanka must remain active in regional and global organisations like the UN, NAM, SAARC, and BIMSTEC, using these platforms to promote dialogue, trade, and security cooperation without taking sides in major power conflicts.

5. Resisting Coercion and Protecting Sovereignty

• Major powers will always seek to exert influence over small nations, forcing to take sides, whether through economic pressure, diplomatic maneuvering, or security agreements. We must have the political will to resist undue pressure and assert our sovereign right to pursue an independent foreign policy.

A Realistic Assessment of Our Size, Strength, and Interests

Sri Lanka is not a superpower. We do not have the economic or military clout to take sides in great power conflicts. But we do have strategic importance, a vital geographic location, and a respected voice in international diplomacy. If we play our cards wisely, we can turn our neutrality into an advantage, positioning ourselves as a hub for global trade, an honest broker in international disputes, and a bridge between competing powers.

We must recognise that aligning with any single power bloc, whether Western, Chinese, or otherwise, will only expose us to greater risks. Instead, a pragmatic, balanced approach will allow us to benefit from global partnerships while avoiding the pitfalls of dependency.

The Middle Path is the Best Path

Sri Lanka does not need to pick sides. We need to pick strategies that work best for our long-term stability, security, and prosperity. The world today is as divided as it was during the Cold War, and the lessons from Ukraine prove that small nations that fail to remain neutral pay the heaviest price.

Our path is clear: a foreign policy rooted in non-alignment, strengthened by multi-alignment, and guided by the unwavering principle that Sri Lanka’s future must be shaped by Sri Lankans not by external pressures.

As we move forward, we must do so unapologetically and with confidence, embracing the world, engaging with all nations, and ensuring that Sri Lanka remains sovereign, secure, and successful in an increasingly uncertain global order.