By Lynn Ockersz

Politics wasn’t ‘a Stage’,

For R. Sampanthan,

Nor did he ‘Strut and Fret’,

His ‘Hour upon it’,

As usually is the case,

But put it to wise use,

As a means of delivering,

Invisible people of the margins,

From their Longsuffering,

And note we must the fact,

That he was the only Member,

Of the raucous House by the lake,

Who could deliver an address,

In immaculate ‘Queen’s English’.

By Prabhat Sirisena
Leiden University

Review of Buddhism in Sinhalese Society 1750-1900: A Study of Religious Revival And Change by Kitsiri Malagoda, Colombo, Tambapanni Academic Publishers, 2023, 300pp. ISBN: 9786245529094

Sri Lankan Buddhists are spoiled for choice these days. Depending on where your faith lies and what tugs at your heart, it seems you can choose the flavour of Theravada Buddhism that suits you best: from the traditional temple Buddhism of the great sects of Kandy to the radical orthopraxy of ascetic Buddhism in remote forest monasteries, and from the devotional Buddhism of Mahamevuna to the contrarian, eclectic mix of teachings at Umandawa, the variety can be dazzling—so much so that one could be excused for thinking that this lack of homogeneity is a sign of decay.

Kitsiri Malalgoda, in his classic study Buddhism in Sinhalese Society 1750–1900 shows us that there is nothing new with these ebbs and flows in the sāsana. Buddhism has always been plural in the island. It has also been resilient, perhaps because of that very plurality. Whenever all hope seemed to have been lost—as in the low points during the colonial period Malalgoda talks about in great detail—the religion has managed to sprout back into life. This, I think, is the biggest lesson for us in the present day from Malalgoda’s book that deals with our recent past: we are not just creators, but heirs, of multiple Buddhisms.

Malalgoda tells this story in two parts. The first part begins with an exploration of the form of Buddhism one could witness in the last decades of the Kandyan kingdom, prior to its conquest by the British in 1815. Here we find the unique quasi-monastic character of gaṇinnānse—a religious specialist that is not a layman but not quite a monk, and also not found before or since in our history. The emergence of the Silvat Samāgama in this period, led by the charismatic elder Venerable Saraṇaṃkara, initiated a series of monastic reforms that reverberates to this day. Ironically, the Dutch colonial conquestors also played a vital role in that reform, facilitating the introduction of higher ordination (upasampadā) from historical Siyam (Thailand). The Sangha, however, does not remain a unitary institution: there is conflict within the Siyam sect, and between the classes, resulting in more sects (and sub-sects!) that reject Siyam authority. There are even monks plotting to assassinate the king, a habit that the post-independence Sangha cannot claim to have entirely rid itself of, if the events in 1950s were an indication. In fact, the political machinations of monastic institutions and the religious meddlings of political operators is a key theme that runs through the study.

The colourful and detailed story of Sinhala Buddhism related by Malalgoda takes a new turn in the second part of the book, with the arrival of so-called Protestant Buddhism. In this phase in the late 19th century, we find Buddhists learning new tricks from their colonial masters, sometimes beating them at their own game, but also seemingly changing Buddhism in the process. An organized, rational, and intellectual Buddhism begins to take root, with Anagarika Dharmapala and the theosophists at its forefront, using institutions such as schools and the press to proselytize novel interpretations and practices that can better withstand the challenges of its day. By this time, Kandy had given way to Colombo as the Buddhist epicentre of the country. In many ways, the forms of Buddhism we see today have all been heavily influenced by the reforms Malalgoda discusses in these chapters.

Reading about this recent history is a humbling experience, in that it questions our ideas of decline and revival. As we get to know the events that unfolded during these difficult times for Buddhism in the country, we develop a deeper appreciation for the difficulty in identifying what is progress or regress while we are engaged in living through that process. Well-intentioned actions towards the betterment of the sāsana do not necessarily lead to beneficial results, simply because it is humanly impossible to have an objective perspective, especially into the future. Alternatively, blessings may come in forms we do not recognise, and what is reviled by the Buddhist populace today might be the very thing that ensures the teachings survive for future generations. This is a lesson we cannot afford to ignore, and one that Malalgoda imparts in exquisite detail.

Buddhism in Sinhalese Society has its origins in Malalgoda’s doctoral studies at Oxford in the late 1960s. First published in 1976 by the University of California Press, over the years, it has gained a reputation as one of the most comprehensive and meticulous works on Sri Lankan Buddhism. Getting a copy of it, however, has not been easy as of late. There are international copies available in digital format for astronomical fees, but thankfully, Tambapanni Academic Publishers have now released a Sri Lankan paperback edition at a very reasonable price. This is a book that deserves a place on the shelf of anyone interested in Sri Lankan Buddhism.

Prabhath Sirisena is a visiting researcher at the Leiden University Institute for Area Studies.

Sri Lanka entered into a MoU with India for the setting up of MRCC on March 28, 2022, just three days before an externally-backed violent protest campaign was launched with the first demonstration at Pangiriwatte, Mirihana, outside President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s private residence. That agreement had been signed between Sri Lanka and Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL), Bangalore.

The following is the relevant section from the factsheet released by the Indian High Commission on June 20 along with the press release on Dr. Jaishankar’s visit: “The project envisaged expanding the MRCC at Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) Headquarters in Colombo with Maritime Rescue Sub Centre (MRSC) in Hambantota, as well as unmanned installations at seven sub stations at Galle, Arugam Bay, Batticaloa, Trincomalee, Kallarawa, Point Pedro and Mollikulam. All these substations are networked to both the centres using leased lines for remote operation and monitoring of radio sets. The HF transmitters are installed in Welisara and Hambantota.

By Shamindra Ferdinando

With the world on a catastrophic path, mainly due to the US’ machinations, whether it be in Ukraine, Palestine or Taiwan, to mould the world solely to its own wishes, Sri Lanka’s dependence on global and regional powers ironically, too, is rapidly growing. Having bankrupted the country, the continuing utterly irresponsible political leadership is unable to even meet the basic requirements of the war-winning heroic armed forces. The situation is further deteriorating as political parties, represented in Parliament, continued their destructive political manipulations, ahead of the Presidential Poll scheduled for Sept/Oct this year.

Nearly two years after President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s ouster, an alarming situation is developing, with the country heavily reliant on external support to sustain operational capabilities of the armed forces.

A careful assessment of the country’s defence needs, the ability/inability on the part of the government to meet them, and how to overcome these challenges, is long-overdue. Examination of various post-Aragalaya ‘events’ depicts a hopeless situation. Unfortunately, the Parliament seems wholly incapable and oblivious to the sensitive situation that may have far reaching consequences over the next decade.

The decision to downsize the Army to 100,000, by 2030, should be dealt with separately, taking into consideration the frightening deterioration of all sectors. Security sector is no exception.

Let me discuss two recent happenings to explain the country’s reliance on external assistance. Sri Lanka lacked the wherewithal to provide even basic essential equipment to the armed forces. The writer would like to examine Asian developments against the backdrop of the battle for regional and global supremacy between China and the US-led grouping that included India. In spite of being in the US camp ostensibly, when it comes to facing off with China, and also on the same page in respect of Sri Lanka, India’s foreign policy is not entirely black and white and is fashioned to meet its own requirements. The Indian stand on the ongoing war between Russia and Western proxy Ukraine is an indication of a unique foreign policy, solely based on its interests. New Delhi is also no fool to get entangled with China, unnecessarily, as a cat’s paw of the West. And the two of them, despite all their differences, seem to be getting on famously when it comes to mutual economic interests.

On the day before Indian External Affairs Minister Dr. S. Jaishankar paid an official visit to Colombo, on June 20, his first bilateral call, after his re-appointment, following the General Election in the world’s largest democracy, Indian Coast Guard Ship Sachet, an Offshore Patrol Vessel, arrived in Colombo for a two-day visit. The ship brought essential spare parts worth USD 1.2 million gratis for Sri Lanka Coast Guard Ship Suraksha. It would be pertinent to mention that India gifted Suraksha to Sri Lanka in Oct 2017 during the Yahapalana administration.

Sri Lanka received spare parts for the ship in June 2021 and April 2022. In January this year India provided assistance in refilling Halon cylinders.

India keeps on reminding Sri Lanka that such donations are in line with India’s SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) doctrine and its ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy.

Those concerned about the combined Indian strategy shouldn’t find fault with New Delhi but address political, economic and social issues that facilitated external interventions. There is absolutely no point in blaming foreign powers after having created an environment conducive for them to operate, though even far bigger and richer countries than Sri Lanka have fallen victim to Western machinations and ended in ruination or in perpetual turmoil, especially through the use of Western tools in the form of NGOs, including UNHCR.

A week before at the hangar of the No 02 Heavy Transport Squadron at the Katunayake air base, Sri Lanka received USD 3 mn worth of equipment for the military. Outgoing US Ambassador Julie Chung was present on the occasion along with Air Marshal Udeni Rajapaksa, Commander of the Air Force.

The Air Force Headquarters, in a statement issued on June 13, declared that the consignment for the SLAF included air mobility equipment and aircraft spare parts for the No. 02 and No. 03 Squadrons to be utilized for C-130 aircraft and specifically for the Beechcraft King Air 360 ER. According to the statement, the Air Force would soon take delivery of Beechcraft King Air 360 ER. The total value of the consignment, received by the Air Force, was estimated at over USD 1.6 million.

Sri Lanka should be grateful for such generous donations, but those come with strings attached and cannot ignore the growing danger in failing to meet its own defence requirements.

International Day of Yoga seems to be part of the overall approach and apparently successful. An indigenously designed and built anti-submarine warfare (ASW) corvette of the Indian Navy INS Kamorta arrived at the strategic Trincomalee Port on June 20th. The INS’s arrival coincided with Dr. Jaishankar’s high profile visit. India marked the 10th International Day of Yoga by organizing a yoga event onboard and alongside the visiting INS Kamorta on the following day. Governor of Eastern Province Senthil Thondaman was among those present. Let us hope it was also not an act of gunboat diplomacy on the part of New Delhi and let us simply take it as a coincidence. But the neighbour in the past has been a terrible bully, who muddied the waters here, which we have yet to overcome, especially with the West continuing to poke us with totally unproven war crimes allegations, while conveniently forgetting the worst possible genocide they are committing in Palestine, especially with the US providing most of the destructive material.

What made INS Kamorta’s visit really interesting is the cancellation of a media release issued by the SLN on the day of the vessel’s arrival at Trincomalee. What prompted the SLN to withdraw a simple press release issued on the latest INS visit? Perhaps the Indian High Commission wanted to make the announcement of the visit in line with its overall approach. The press release issued by the Press, Information and Cultural section of the Indian High Commission on the following day was headlined ‘Yoga onboard visiting Indian Naval Ship Kamorta’.

Indian Naval Submarine Vagir joined International Day of Yoga celebrations last year. The press release emphasized such visits aimed to foster brotherhood and togetherness between the two the Navies in line with India’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy and SAGAR vision.

Sarvajana Balaya issues warning

Sarvajana Balaya, consisting of ex-SLPP constituents and Mawbima Janatha Peramuna (MJP), has emerged as the only party (not a registered party yet) to publicly oppose the Indo-US game plan here that should be examined taking into consideration current geopolitical developments.

One-time JVP firebrand, Wimal Weerawansa, MP, recently repeated what he sees as the mounting Indian threat to the country’s political and economic independence. Weerawansa and his colleagues on the Sarvajana Balaya platform, at their inaugural meeting, explained how President Ranil Wickremesinghe pursued his Indian agenda with the support of the ruling SLPP.

In a way we can understand the behaviour of the Rajapaksas, especially after how they suffered at the hands of the Aragalaya storm troopers, who were described as peaceful protesters by Ambassador Julie Chung, especially on the night of May 09, 2022. They were more like the US-sponsored Nazi ‘storm troopers’ who took part in the Maidan coup in Ukraine in 2014 and thereafter.

Perhaps, Sarvajana Balaya’s most important declaration, at the Nugegoda rally, was nothing but the claim the new alliance genuinely represented the interests of the Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s electorate at the 2019 Presidential Poll. Having declared that India intended to transform Sri Lanka into a vassal state, MP Weerawansa explained how India gradually took over the country with the backing of the political party system here.

But the actual issue or rather the daunting challenge faced by Sarvajana Balaya is whether the new coalition could convince the electorate that MJP represented the interests of people who voted for Gotabaya Rajapaksa and the SLPP at the 2019 Presidential and 2020 General Elections, respectively. That wouldn’t be an easy task. In fact, Sarvajana Balaya appears to have so far failed to fathom the gravity of the developing situation. Whatever the treacherous crimes that had been perpetrated by those who exercised political authority over the years, the electorate time after time elected the most corrupt at all levels.

The frequency of Dr. Jaishankar’s visit underscores the pivotal importance New Delhi has attached to its Sri Lanka project. Dr. Jaishankar has visited Sri Lanka four times – in January 2021, March 2022, January 2023 and October 2023. The recently concluded visit is the fifth and perhaps the last before the next Presidential Poll later this year.

During his latest visit, Dr. Jaishankar and President Wickremesinghe jointly commissioned the virtual ceremony Maritime Rescue Coordination Centre (MRCC), a nerve centre for Search and Rescue operations at sea established with an Indian grant of USD 6 million. The project is of strategic importance though Sri Lanka never bothered at least to properly examine the MRCC project. What is MRCC? How does it function? And who really benefited from such an endeavour? These are some of the pertinent questions that need lucid answers.

Sri Lanka entered into a MoU with India for the setting up of MRCC on March 28, 2022, just three days before an externally-backed violent protest campaign was launched with the first demonstration at Pangiriwatte, Mirihana, outside President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s private residence. That agreement had been signed between Sri Lanka and Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL), Bangalore.

The following is the relevant section from the factsheet released by the Indian High Commission on June 20 along with the press release on Dr. Jaishankar’s visit: “The project envisaged expanding the MRCC at Sri Lanka Navy (SLN) Headquarters in Colombo with Maritime Rescue Sub Centre (MRSC) in Hambantota, as well as unmanned installations at seven sub stations at Galle, Arugam Bay, Batticaloa, Trincomalee, Kallarawa, Point Pedro and Mollikulam. All these substations are networked to both the centres using leased lines for remote operation and monitoring of radio sets. The HF transmitters are installed in Welisara and Hambantota.

The hardware for the project was delivered between September 2023 and January 2024. Installation commenced soon thereafter and was completed expeditiously in end February 2024 meeting the agreed timelines. Extensive trials were undertaken prior to the formal commissioning today. The Agreement also includes Annual Maintenance Contract (AMC) support for a period of five years by BEL.

The establishment of this facility is expected to greatly enhance the capability of SLN to receive and respond to distress calls from vessels operating in Sri Lanka’s SAR region of responsibility including from Sri Lankan fishing boats fitted with VHF/ MF/ HF radios. The system also helps broadcast weather warnings and security information, thus mitigating danger and saving lives.”

Over 15 years after the successful conclusion of the war, an unprecedented challenge has emerged. Actually, emerging foreign policy challenges should be carefully examined and addressed taking into consideration national interests. The foreign policy should be a priority issue for major presidential contenders President Ranil Wickremesinghe, SJB leader Sajith Premadasa and JVP/JJB leader Anura Kumara Dissanayake. Sarvajana Balaya, though it has yet to officially announce its candidate entrepreneur Dilith Jayaweera is widely believed to be its choice.

External manipulations

Sri Lanka never investigated external interventions in President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s ouster in July 2022. The Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government is determined not to do so for obvious reasons. The Human Rights Commission, as well as Parliament, indicated in no uncertain terms that March 31-July 14, 2022 events wouldn’t be probed at any level and whatever the new disclosures in respect of the ‘GotaGoHome’ movement, they would turn a blind eye.

Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena must have regretted a thousand times his decision to reveal external interventions meant to take control of the country by having an interim President answerable to the conspirators. Abeywardena, who had been elected from the Matara district at the last parliamentary poll conducted in August 2020, was the consprators’ choice. Perhaps, doing away with the Rajapaksa government not entirely subservient to the US-led camp had been their major priority.

A recent statement attributed to the next US Ambassador to Colombo Elizabeth K. Horst emphasized that they expected Sri Lanka to toe their line in return for various favours bestowed on the bankrupt country. There cannot be a better example than the US influenced ban on visits by foreign research vessels during the 2024 period.

Former Minister and top Sarvajana Balaya spokesman Udaya Gammmanpila explained how the US manipulated the Wickremesinghe-Rajapaksa government at will. Referring to the controversy over CIA Chief William J. Burns’ clandestine visit to Colombo in February 2023, the next US Ambassador to Colombo Elizabeth K. Horst had revealed that Sri Lanka announced a one-year ban on foreign research vessels’ entry into Sri Lankan waters, beginning January 1 this year, at the behest of Washington.

The government never responded to this shocking revelation. Horst made the disclosure when she appeared before the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee on 09 May.

The former Power and Energy Minister said that Horst’s initial statement and her responses to questions raised by members of the committee could be accessed from www.senate.gov

During her testimony, Horst stressed the need to monitor Chinese research vessels in the Indian Ocean.

“We have huge concerns and we have asked for that moratorium. We think it is in Sri Lanka’s best interest,” she said.

The Ambassador Nominee stressed the importance of collaborating with Sri Lanka to enhance its maritime patrol capabilities to safeguard sovereignty and regional stability. Gammanpila said the Foreign Ministry owed an explanation regarding the disclosure made by Horst.

Declaring that the US targeted China, Attorney-at-Law Gammanpila noted that however the US and German research vessels were allowed into Sri Lanka this year. The ex-Minister emphasized that the government’s stand that US and German vessels had been allowed for only replenishment wasn’t acceptable and the ban imposed at the US demand jeopardized Sri Lanka’s relations with China. If Sri Lanka for whatever reason decided to deny entry to research vessels, that should apply to all countries, the former Minister said.

Perhaps, brief statement made by Defence Attaché at the United States Embassy in Colombo, Lieutenant Colonel Anthony Nelson, at the event at the Katunayake air base, on June 12, where they handed over equipment and spares worth USD 3 mn, explained the situation. A statement issued by Air Force Headquarters quoted the US official as having said: “Today’s USD 3 million equipment transfer marks another important milestone in our long-standing partnership with Sri Lanka. Enhancing Sri Lanka’s security contributes to regional stability and peace, benefiting everyone. We are proud to support initiatives that strengthen our ties in ways that help Sri Lanka safeguard their waters, promote regional security, and ensure the prosperity and safety of the Sri Lankan people.”

Maybe an overview of the country’s security status is a necessity. Especially against the backdrop of the overthrow of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa two years ago, whatever the blunders made by his administration, post-Aragalaya security overview is a must. The country cannot ignore ousted President Gotabaya Rajapaksa’s allegations that the security establishment deliberately failed him due to external interventions. The former President, who had served the Army in his younger days and retired having reached the rank of Lt. Colonel, declared that external powers influenced the rapid collapse of his administration. The government treated the accusation the same way it dealt with Wimal Weer0awansa’s high profile revelation regarding foreign intervention and Speaker Abeywardena’s confirmation of the same a year later.