Features
Difficult Dealings with Strong Political Personalities
(Excerpted from the autobiography of MDD Pieris, Secretary to the Prime Minister)
Senior public officials have often to act as buffers between ministers, other important political actors, and other stakeholders in society. On many occasions, one had to absorb a significant degree of shock and act as a facilitator, mediator or referee. A rousing example of this side of one’s responsibilities came by courtesy of Mrs. Vivienne Goonewardene, the LSSP Member of Parliament for Dehiwela-Galkissa and wife of Mr. Leslie Goonewardene, Minister of Communications.
Mrs. Goonewardene was well known for her intrepidity, straight frank discourse and a degree of rebelliousness. She rang me one day. The prime minister had apparently “interfered,” in some matter pertaining to her electorate. I received a characteristic barrage aimed at the prime minister. “Tell that woman, just because she is prime minister, she has no business to interfere in my electorate. Tell her that I am not afraid of her, and I will know what to do if she tries her nonsense with me. Now, I want you to tell her what I told you in exactly the same words,” insisted Mrs. Goonewardene.
I listened to this tirade with a degree of amusement. This was vintage Vivienne. I said “Madam, you meet the Prime Minister in Parliament. Why don’t you tell all this to her yourself’.?” This time it was my turn to get blasted. “That is none of your business. You do what is told. This is a formal request,” she replied. I then told her “Madam, if you want to use your own words, you will have to deliver them yourself. I will however, tell the prime minister that you spoke to me and that your were deeply upset about what you reported she had done in your electorate, and that as an MP you were unwilling to accept it.”
Mrs. Goonewardene was not pleased. She said, “All right, if you don’t have the guts to tell her what I have said, do it your way!” And that is what I did. I did not think it my function as a public servant to promote disharmony and spread ill will. What was relevant was that an MP was upset at a purported action of the prime minister, which it was important to bring to her attention in a suitable manner so that the issue could be addressed. Aggression and abuse would not have been helpful.
Sometimes, it becomes one’s unpleasant duty to clash with ministers, and it occasionally happens. I was Acting Secretary to the Ministry of Defence and Foreign Affairs. Mr. WT Jayasinghe and the PM were abroad. There occurred an assault on a doctor in the South, by a police constable. The doctors were naturally up in arms and wanted the constable interdicted immediately. The Inspector General of Police, Mr. Stanley Senanayake came to see me personally, and stated that there was a long standing problem between this doctor and some members of the public; that there were complaints made regarding this doctor’s behaviour in the past; that he had been rude to police officers; and that there was also some personal enmity between this doctor and the police constable.
He reported that the police were seething and did not want the constable interdicted without a full preliminary inquiry, at which they were confident the doctor’s behaviour would come to light. The IGP said that the situation was so bad, that if the constable was interdicted due to the pressure of the doctors, he might have a strike by the police of that range on his hands. I told the IGP, that if there was prima facie evidence, no matter what the reason, the constable struck the doctor, things could not be left as they were, pending a full investigation which was going to take time.
I said that at the least, the constable should be sent on compulsory leave and a full inquiry begun immediately. I also told him that there should not be any postponements and that the inquiry should be continued until it was over. I also said that in view of the high feelings on both sides, a retired judge should conduct the inquiry. The IGP agreed with some reluctance, to these instructions of mine given in my capacity as Acting Secretary, Defence.
The doctors were not happy. They were not prepared to settle for anything short of interdiction. They began to canvass Ministers, and amongst others went to Minister Felix R. Dias Bandaranaike, who, without checking with the IGP or me, and not knowing the background or the serious implications on the police side had agreed that the constable should be interdicted. The minister rang me, and in a rather peremptory tone said, “I want that policeman interdicted.” I said “I am sorry, I won’t be able to do that,” and explained the complications, and how I had already taken steps to remove the constable from the scene, by sending him on compulsory leave, in spite of the opposition of the IGP.
I also informed him that the inquiry was starting immediately. But the minister was not satisfied. He had committed himself to the doctors. He said, “All that is well and good, but unless the police officer is interdicted, you will have a doctors’ strike on your hands, and you will be responsible.” I replied that “If I order interdiction there will be a police strike on my hands, for which too I would be held responsible.” I concluded by saying that as Acting Secretary, Defence & Foreign Affairs, I had also to be concerned with the morale of the police, and that what had been worked out was a fair compromise.
The minister was not pleased. “Then, you do any bloody thing you want,” he said and slammed the phone down. Curiously, virtually these same words were used on me by a few other ministers on some future occasions, and my left ear received significant training in coping with banging telephones. Fortunately, wiser counsel prevailed and a strike either by the doctors or the police was averted. The immediate commencement of the inquiry helped.
When the PM returned to the island, I briefed her on what had happened. She backed me fully, and said that the minister had no business to get involved in an issue, which was not within his area of responsibility. In the future too, she wanted me to use my own independent judgment, on any issue which concerned her responsibilities. This was one of the main reasons why it was easy to work with Mrs. Bandaranaike. She trusted you, and backed fully whatever decision you took. She was interested in hindsight only to the extent that its contemplation could improve the quality of foresight in the future, and not to find fault.
Another strong quality of the Prime Minister was her ability to listen to a strong dissenting view, without losing her temper or later holding it against you. In any case, as far as I was concerned, I had cleared this question the first day she came to office after having been sworn in as Prime Minister, as I had related earlier in these memoirs. We had a relationship built on frank and sincere talk and discussion. I never felt inhibited to speak out when I thought it was necessary. Although I did not get involved in political comment, sometimes the sheer sycophancy one saw around provoked one to say something.
For instance, on one occasion, when the ruling SLFP had lost a by-election fairly badly, there was a political figure trying to put a gloss on it in order to please the PM. I happened to be there, and in my presence he said “But Madam, there is nothing to worry. Over 12,000 progressives voted for us. That is a great victory.” I was so irritated that I shot back, that on this calculus of the “progressive” vote for the government, it would lose every seat at the next general election. The PM, surprised, looked hard at me, and then said, “quite right.” In fact, unfortunately for the government, the next general election, illustrated my point all too comprehensively. I did not realize at the time, that what I uttered was prophetic.
The case of Mr. R. Paskaralingam
An example of the PM, and her attitude towards dissenting views, was the case of Mr. R. Paskaralingam. Mr. Paskaralingam was a colleague, in the Civil Service, senior to me in the service, and at the time Additional Secretary to the Ministry of Education. He was an experienced, unruffled and a sound administrator who bore the brunt of the general administration in a large and difficult Ministry, thus freeing the Secretary, Dr. Udagama, a distinguished educationist, to address the quality, content and scope of education at the various levels.
Unfortunately, for Mr. Paskaralingam, during this period, he had approved an officer of the Ministry going to London on a scholarship, and the officer did not return. The Minister of Public Administration, Mr. Felix Dias Bandaranaike took a dim view of this, and wrote a letter to the Prime Minister expressing extremely critical views of Mr. Paskaralingam’s negligence in permitting this officer to go.
The charge was that he was not diligent enough in checking all aspects before he gave permission.
This was also a time of stringent exchange controls, where a system of exit permits existed without which no one could travel abroad. Particularly in the climate of the time, the charge against a senior public servant of Mr. Paskaralingam’s position was serious.
I held quite a different view and I expressed it to the Prime Minister. I said that all of us in the public service work on a basis of trust as far as our colleagues are concerned. There was no way that you could look into every representation made to you by a fellow public servant. The whole administration would grind to a halt if you spent your time investigating every assertion or statement made to you. It was just not practical and I explained to the Prime Minister that Mr. Paskaralingam, who was a very busy person would have had to take his Assistant Secretary’s word in this instance. I told her that I would have done exactly the same thing.
That passed. But shortly thereafter the issue of acting arrangements in the Ministry of Education came up, since Dr. Udagama was due to go abroad. Mr. Paskaralingam was the next senior officer. The period involved was about 10 days. I therefore prepared as is customary, a letter from the Prime Minister to the President recommending his appointment as Acting Secretary. Secretaries even then were appointed by the President, on the recommendation of the Prime Minister. When I took the letter for signature, the Prime Minister said, “No, I can’t have him act. We will get a Secretary from another Ministry to act.”
I asked what the problem was. She said that some members of Parliament had made complaints to her about various transfers and so on made by him. I asked whether any of these complaints were inquired into. She said “No,” but she would have problems with the MPs, if Mr. Paskaralingam acted. I told the Prime Minister that Mr. Paskaralingam was one of the hardest worked officers. He was in office by 7.30 in the morning and on most days left after 7.30 in the night. He carried a tremendous burden of administration and was the second most senior officer in the Ministry. Acting for the Secretary, was not a favour. It was but his due.
I said that a man was entitled to the “fruits” of his labours. I also said that as Prime Minister, she should not come to any conclusions, based on what some MPs may have said, without investigating the matter and establishing its truth or otherwise. But the Prime Minister was still not convinced. She said that she would have problems with the MPs. I then said, “Excuse me,” and started walking out of the room. “Where are you going?” inquired the Prime Minister. I said, I was going to bring the seniority list of the Sri Lanka Administrative Service. “What for?” asked the Prime Minister. I said, “Madam, the government cannot have it both ways. You cannot get work out of people and not give them their due.
If you believe what the MPs have stated without any inquiry, it is obvious that you yourself have lost confidence in the person. Such an official should not be No. 2 in a Ministry as important as the Ministry of Education. Please select someone else from the seniority list and we will move out Mr. Paskaralingam immediately.” “Sit down,” the Prime Minister ordered. Then she reflected. Put this way, the Prime Minister realized that acting on a vague impression created in her mind was not in order. She signed the letter, recommending Mr. Paskaralingam as Acting Secretary, Education. I thanked the Prime Minister and reminded her that she was free to make any investigations about complaints from MPs.
I also told her that this was only one specific case, and that it was important that certain fair norms be established in regard to the interaction between political authorities and the public service, and that these be visible to the public service. This was necessary, in order to obviate frustration and produce an efficient service, which was in the interests of both the government and the country.
Speaking of Dr. Udagama, it is worth relating an amusing incident that occurred around this time. One day, I was at Temple Trees working with the Prime Minister. The time was about 2.45 p.m. On a matter arising from some of the papers I was discussing with her, she wanted to speak with Dr. Udagama. The switchboard operator was instructed to get him on the line. The operator first trying his office and being told that he could be at home, had attempted to reach him there. Soon, a hesitant and somewhat embarrassed operator came up to the Prime Minister and informed her that Dr. Udagama was at home but was having a bath!
“What! having a bath at this time?” blurted out an incredulous Prime Minister. She had a sense of humour, and the next moment observed “what a strange man!” Evidently Dr. Udagama had come home for a late lunch, and decided to take a shower before getting back. I mentioned this episode to him. We had a good laugh. Even today we sometimes laugh about this when we meet. I however had told Dr. Udagama that I have no means of describing the look on the Prime Minister’s face when she was told that her Secretary, Ministry of Education was enjoying a bath at 3 o’clock in the afternoon on a working day.
Features
The Ramadan War
A Strategic Assessment of a Conflict Still Unresolved
The Unites States of America and its ally, Israel attacked Iran on 28 February, or the 10th day of the month of Ramadan. More than a month of intense fighting has passed since, and the Ramadan War has settled into a grinding, attritional struggle that defies early declarations of victory. Despite sustained U.S. and Israeli air and naval bombardment, Iran remains standing, and continues to strike back with a level of resilience that has surprised many observers. The conflict has evolved into a contest of endurance, adaptation, and strategic innovation, with each side attempting to impose costs the other cannot bear.
Iran’s response to the overwhelming airpower of its adversaries has been both simple and devastatingly effective: saturate enemy defences with swarms of inexpensive drones and older ballistic missiles, forcing them to expend costly interceptors and reveal radar positions, and then follow up with salvos of its most advanced precisionguided missiles. This layered approach has inflicted severe physical damage on Israel and has shaken its national morale. The country has endured repeated missile barrages from Iran and rocket fire from Hezbollah, straining its airdefence network and pushing its civilian population to the limits of endurance.
The United States, meanwhile, has been forced to evacuate or reduce operations at several bases in the Gulf region due to persistent Iranian drone and missile attacks. For both the U.S. and Israel, the war has become a test of strategic credibility. For Iran, by contrast, victory is defined not by territorial gains or decisive battlefield outcomes, but by survival, and by continuing to impose costs on its adversaries.
The central strategic objective for the U.S. has now crystallised: reopening the Strait of Hormuz to secure global energy flows. Ironically, the Strait was open before the war began; it is the conflict itself that has rendered it effectively closed. Air and naval power alone cannot achieve this objective. The geography of the Strait, combined with Iran’s layered defences, means that any lasting solution will require ground forces, a reality that carries enormous risks.
U.S. Strategic Options
The United States faces five broad operational options, each with significant drawbacks.
1. Seizing Kharg Island
Kharg Island handles roughly 90% of Iran’s oil exports, making it an attractive target. However, it lies only a short distance from the Iranian mainland, where entrenched Iranian forces maintain dense networks of missile batteries, drones, artillery, and coastal defences. Any attempt to seize Kharg would require first neutralising or capturing the adjacent coastline, a costly amphibious and ground operation.
Even if successful, this would not reopen the Strait of Hormuz. It would merely deprive Iran of export capacity, which is not the primary U.S. objective. At least ostensibly not; there are those who argue that the U.S. simply wants to take over Iran’s petroleum (see below).
2. Forcing the Strait of Hormuz by Naval Power
Sending U.S. naval forces directly through the Strait is theoretically possible but operationally hazardous. Iran has mined all but a narrow channel hugging its own shoreline. That channel is covered by overlapping fields of antiship missiles, drones, artillery, and coastal radar. Clearing the mines would require prolonged operations under fire. Attempting to push through without clearing them would risk catastrophic losses.
3. Capturing Qeshm, Hengam, Larak, and Hormuz Islands
These islands dominate the Iranian side of the Strait and host radar, missile, and drone installations. Capturing them would degrade Iran’s ability to close the Strait, but the islands are heavily fortified, and the surrounding waters are mined. Amphibious assaults against defended islands are among the most difficult military operations. Even success would not guarantee the Strait’s longterm security unless the mainland launch sites were also neutralised.
4. Invading Southern Iraq and Crossing into Khuzestan
This option would involve U.S. forces advancing through southern Iraq, crossing the Shatt alArab waterway, and pushing into Iran’s Khuzestan province — home to most of Iran’s oilfields. The terrain is difficult: marshes, waterways, and narrow approaches. Iranian forces occupy the high ground overlooking the plains.
While this route would allow Saudi armoured forces to participate, it would also expose U.S. and allied logistics to attacks by Iraqi Shia militias, who have already demonstrated their willingness to target U.S. assets. The political and operational risks are immense.
5. Capturing Chabahar and Advancing Along the Coast
The most strategically promising — though still costly — option is seizing the port of Chabahar in southeastern Iran and advancing roughly 660 kilometres along the coast toward Bandar Abbas. This approach offers several advantages:
· Distance from Iran’s core population centres complicates Iranian logistics.
· Chabahar’s deepwater port (16m draught)
would provide a valuable logistics hub.
· U.S. carriers could remain at safer standoff distances
, supporting operations without entering the Strait.
· The coastal route allows naval gunfire and missile support
to assist advancing ground forces.
· Local Baluchi insurgents
could provide intelligence and limited support.
· Capturing Bandar Abbas would
outflank Iran’s island defences and effectively reopen the Strait.
This option is likely to form the backbone of any U.S. ground campaign, potentially supplemented by diversionary attacks by regional partners to stretch Iranian defences.
The Limits of U.S. Superiority
The United States retains overwhelming superiority in naval power and manned airpower. But whether this advantage translates into dominance in unmanned systems or ground combat is far from certain.
The 2003 invasion of Iraq is often cited as a model of U.S. military prowess, but the comparison is misleading. Iraq in 2003 had been crippled by a decade of sanctions. Its forces lacked modern mines, antitank missiles, and effective air defences. Tank crews had little training; some could not hit targets at pointblank range. RPG teams were similarly unprepared. The U.S. enjoyed numerical superiority in the theatre and total control of the air, allowing it to isolate Iraqi units and prevent reinforcement.
Even under those favourable conditions, Iraqi forces managed to delay the U.S. advance. At one point, forward U.S. units nearly ran out of ammunition and supplies, forcing the diversion of forces intended for the assault on Baghdad to secure the lines of communication.
Iran is not Iraq in 2003. Its armed forces and industrial base have adapted to nearly half a century of sanctions. It produces its own drones, missiles, artillery, and armoured vehicles. It has built extensive underground facilities, hardened command posts, and redundant communication networks.
Moreover, the battlefield itself has changed. The RussoUkrainian war demonstrated that deep armoured penetrations – once the hallmark of U.S. doctrine – are now extremely vulnerable to drones, loitering munitions, and precision artillery. The result has been a return to attritional warfare reminiscent of the First World War, with front lines stabilising into trench networks.
Yet, as in the First World War, stalemate has been broken not by massed assaults but by small, highly trained teams infiltrating thinly held lines, identifying targets, and guiding drones and artillery onto enemy positions deep in the rear. Iran has studied these lessons closely.
Mosaic Defence and Transformational Warfare
Iran’s military doctrine has evolved significantly over the past two decades. Its “mosaic defence” decentralises command and control, ensuring that even if senior leadership is targeted, local units can continue operating autonomously. This structure proved resilient during the initial waves of U.S. and Israeli strikes.
Iran has also absorbed lessons from U.S. “shock and awe” operations. The botched U.S. invasion of Grenada in 1983 exposed weaknesses in joint operations, prompting the development of “effectsbased operations,” “rapid dominance” and the broader concept of “transformational warfare.” These doctrines (better known colloquially as “Shock and Awe”), influenced by Liddell Hart and Sun Tzu, emphasised simultaneous strikes on strategic targets to paralyse the enemy’s decisionmaking.
While the U.S. struggled to apply these concepts effectively in Iraq and Iran, Tehran has adapted them for asymmetric use. Its drone and missile campaigns have targeted not only military assets but also economic infrastructure and psychological resilience. Israel’s economy and morale have been severely tested, and the United States finds itself entangled in a conflict that offers no easy exit.
Iran has also pursued a broader strategic objective: undermining the petrodollar system that underpins U.S. financial dominance. By disrupting energy flows and encouraging alternative trading mechanisms, Iran seeks to weaken the economic foundations of U.S. power.
Will the USA Achieve Its War Aims?
The United States’ core objective appears to be securing control over global energy flows by reopening the Strait of Hormuz and limiting China’s access to Middle Eastern oil before it can transition to alternative energy sources. Whether this objective is achievable remains uncertain.
A ground campaign would be long, costly, and politically fraught. Iran’s defences are deep, layered, and adaptive. Its drone and missile capabilities have already demonstrated their ability to impose significant costs on technologically superior adversaries. Regional allies are cautious, and global support for a prolonged conflict is limited.
The United States retains overwhelming military power, but power alone does not guarantee strategic success. Iran’s strategy is simple: survive, adapt, and continue imposing costs. In asymmetric conflicts, survival itself can constitute victory.
In Frank Herbert’s Dune, the protagonist, Paul Muad’dib says “he who can destroy a thing, controls a thing.” This is the essence of Iranian strategy – they have a stranglehold on petroleum supply, and can destroy the world economy. Trump has had to loosen sanctions on both Iran’s and Russia’s oil, simply to prevent economic collapse.
The Ramadan War has already reshaped regional dynamics. Whether it reshapes global power structures will depend on how the next phase unfolds, and whether the United States is willing to pay the price required to achieve its aims.
by Vinod Moonesinghe
Features
Nayanandaya:A literary autopsy of Sri Lanka’s Middle Class
“Nayanandaya,” meaning the enchantment of indebtedness, is Surath de Mel’s latest novel. True to his reputation as a maximalist writer, de Mel traverses the labyrinth of middle-class struggles; poverty, unemployment, the quest for education, through a father’s fragile dreams. The novel unfolds around Mahela, his son, his friendships, and the fragile relationships that keep him tethered to life.
“Happiness is not a destination; it is a journey. There are no shortcuts to it. At some point, the path you thought was right will be wrong. You have to make sacrifices for it.”
These words, uttered by the protagonist Mahela to his ten-year-old son, is the silent mantra of every middle-class parent. A common urban middle-class father’s yearning for his child to climb the ladder he himself could not ascend.
A Socio-Political Mirror
Sri Lanka’s middle class remains trapped in paradox. They are educated but underemployed, salaried but indebted, socially respected yet politically invisible. Structural inequalities, economic volatility and populist politics inclusively contribute to keep them “forever middle”.
Through protagonist Mahela, who is sometimes a graphic designer, sometimes a vendor and always a failure Surath de Mel sketches the deficiencies of an education system that does not nurture skills of the students. Sri Lanka boasts about high literacy rates, yet the economy cannot absorb the thousands of graduates produced into meaningful work. Underemployment becomes the inheritance of the middle class. With political connections often the stories can be transformed. De Mel pens it in dark humour to expose these truths:
“Some notorious writer once sneered in a newspaper, ‘Give your ass to the minister, and you’ll earn the right to keep it on a bigger chair.’ Countless people waiting in ministers’ offices, pressing
their backsides to seats, carrying the weight of their own lives.”
Childhood Trauma and Its Echoes
Surath de Mel frequently weaves psychoanalysis into his fiction. In Nayanandaya, he captures the lingering shadows of childhood trauma. Mahela, scarred by a loveless and fractured youth, suffers phobic anxiety and depression, apparently with a personality disorder as an adult. His confession at the psychologist reveals it out:
“Childhood? I didn’t have one. I was fifteen when I was born.”
Here, Mahela marks his true birth not at infancy, but at the death of his parents. This statement itself reveals the childhood trauma the protagonist had gone through and the reader can attribute his subsequent psychological struggles as the cause of it.
From a Lacanian perspective, trauma is not just something that happens to a child; it is a deep break in how the child understands the world, themselves, and others. Some experiences are too painful to be put into words. Lacan calls this the Real — what cannot be fully spoken or explained. This pain does not disappear but returns later in life as anxiety, fear, or obsessive compulsive disorder.
This trauma disturbs the child’s sense of self and their place in society. When language fails to make sense of loss, the mind creates fantasies to survive. These fantasies quietly shape adult desires, relationships, and choices.
In Nayanandaya, childhood trauma of the protagonist does not stay buried — it lives on, shaping the adulthood in unseen ways. In the narrative, Mahela’s struggles are not just personal failures but the result of a past that was never given words.
Tears of Fathers – Forgotten in Sri Lankan Literature
Sri Lankan literature has long been attentive to suffering — especially rural poverty, social injustice, and the silent endurance of women and single mothers. Countless novels, poems, and songs have given voice to maternal sacrifice, female resilience, and women’s oppression.
Yet, within this rich narratives, the quiet grief of the urban middle-class father remains mostly unseen. Rarely does fiction pause to examine the emotional lives of men who shoulder responsibility without language for their pain. These masculine tears are private, swallowed by routinely and masked by humour or silence. Definitely never granted literary space.
In Nayanandaya, Surath de Mel breaks this silence. Through Mahela, he lends voice to these overlooked men — fathers whose love is expressed through sacrifice rather than speech. However, de Mel does not romanticise the tears. Rather he humanises them. He allows their vulnerabilities, anxieties, and quiet despair to surface with honesty and compassion. In doing so, Nayanandaya fills a striking gap in Sri Lankan literature, reminding us that fathers, too, carry invisible wounds.
Literary value
With Nayanandaya, Surath de Mel reaches a new pinnacle in his literary craft. His language is dense yet lyrical, enriched with similes, metaphors, irony, and a full range of literary tools deployed with confidence and control.
One of the novel’s most touching narrative choices is the personification of Mahela’s son’s soft toy, Wonie. Through personified Wonie, de Mel captures the two most touching incidents in the entire novel . This simply reveals the author’s artistic maturity, transforming a simple object into a powerful emotional conduit that anchors the novel’s tenderness amidst its despair.
At a deeper symbolic level, Mahela himself can be read as more than an individual character, but a metaphor for Sri Lanka — a nation struggling under economic hardship, clinging to impractical dreams, witnessing the migration of its people, and drifting towards a slow, painful exhaustion. His personal failures could mirror the broader decay of social and economic structures. This symbolic reading lends Nayanandaya a haunting national resonance.
Today, many write and many publish, but only a few transform language into literature that lingers in the reader’s mind long after the final page. Surath de Mel belongs to that rare few. In a literary landscape crowded with voices, he remains devoted to art rather than popularity or trend. As a scholar of Sinhala language and literature, de Mel writes with intellectual depth, dark humour, and deep human empathy.
In conclusion, Nayanandaya is not merely a story; it is social commentary, psychoanalytic reflection, and tragic poetry woven into richly textured prose. With this novel — a masterful interlacing of love, debt, and fragile dreams — Surath de Mel engraves a distinctly Dostoevskian signature into Sinhala literature.
Reviewed by Dr. Charuni Kohombange
Features
Domestic Energy Saving
Around 40 percent of the annual energy we use is consumed in domestic activities. Energy is costly, and supply is not unlimited. Unfortunately, we realize the importance of energy – saving only during the time of a crisis.
If you adopt readily affordable energy-saving strategies, you will cut down your living expenditure substantially, relieving the energy burden of the nation. Here are some tips.
Cooking:
Cooking consumes a good portion of domestic energy demand and common practices, and negligence leads to 30 – 40 percent wastage. A simple experiment revealed that the energy expenditure in boiling an egg with the usual unnecessary excess water in an open pan is nearly 50 percent higher than boiling in a closed lid pan with the minimal amount of water. In an open pan, a large quantity of heat is lost via convection currents and expulsion of water vapor, carrying excessive amounts of heat energy (latent heat of vaporisation). Still, most of us boil potatoes for prolonged intervals of time in open receptacles, failing to realise that it is faster and more efficient to boil potatoes or any other food material in a closed pan. About 30 – 40 percent of domestic cooking energy requirements can be cut down by cooking in closed-lid pans. Furthermore, food cooked in closed pans is healthier because of less mixing with air that causes food oxidation. Fat oxidation generates toxic substances. In a closed- lid utensil (not tightly closed), food is covered with a blanket of water vapor at a positive pressure, preventing entry of air and therefore food oxidation.
Overcooking is another bad habit that not only wastes energy but also degrades the nutritional value of food.
Electric kettle:
For making morning or evening tea or preparing tea to serve a visitor. Do not pour an unnecessarily large quantity of water into the electric kettle. Note that the energy needed to make 10 cups of tea is ten times that of one cup.
Electric Ovens:
Avoid the use of electric ovens as far as possible. Remember that foods cooked at higher temperatures are generally unhealthy, and even carcinogens are formed when food is fried at higher temperatures in an oven. If ever you need to bake something in an oven, limit the number of times you open the door. Use smaller ovens adequate for the purpose and not larger ones just for fashion.
Refrigerators:
Refrigerators consume lots of energy. Do not use over-capacity refrigerators just for fashion. Every time you open the fridge, more electricity is used to reset the cooling temperature. Plan your access to the appliance accordingly. Check whether the doors are properly secured and there are no leakages. Keep the fridge in a cooler location, not hit by direct sunlight and away from warmer places in the kitchen. Remember that turning off the fridge frequently will not save energy, instead it draws more energy.
Use of gas burners:
Do not use oversized utensils. Keep the lid closed as far as possible to prevent the escape of heat. Remember that excessive amounts of heat energy are carried away by a large surface-area conducting utensil. Do not open the gas vent to allow the flame to flash outside the vessel. A flame not impinging on the pan would not heat it, and gas is wasted. Ensure that the flame is blue. Frequently check whether gas vents are clogged with rust and carbon. Frequently, cooking material in the pan drops into the gas vents, and salt there corrodes the gas vents. Cleaning and washing would be necessary. Do not prolong cooking, taking time to prepare ingredients and adding them to the pan intermittently. Add ingredients at once and before switching the burner. If the preparation of a dish is prolonged to slow the cooking, use earthenware pots rather than metallic ones. An earthenware pot, being thermally less conducting retain heat.
Firewood for cooking:
Do not attempt to eliminate the use of firewood in cooking. If you are living in a village area, the exclusive use of LPG gas is an unnecessary expenditure. Large smoke-free, efficient oven designs are now available. If you are compelled to use gas, keep the option of firewood ovens, especially for prolonged cooking. Admittedly, there are locations, especially in cities, where the use of firewood is unsuited.
Hot water showers:
Before installing hot water showers, reconsider whether they are really necessary in a hot tropical climate. Go for solar water heaters, although the installation cost is high. Instant water heaters consume much less electricity compared to geysers with water tanks. Now, cheap and safe instant water heaters are available.
Lighting:
Arrange and design your residence to optimise daytime illumination until late evening. If you are constructing a new house, take this issue into account. Use LED lamps, which provide the same illumination for 85 percent less energy. In study rooms and areas that require prolonged illumination, paint the walls white. Angle – poised LED lamps with very low voltage are available. Use them for reading and studies. Routinely clean the surfaces of all lamps. Dust deposition cuts off light.
Air conditioning and ventilation:
Air conditioning consumes prohibitively large quantities of electrical energy. You can avoid air conditioning by optimising ventilation. The principle is to have air entry points (windows) in the house near the ground level and exit points (vents or windows) near the roof. Ground level is cooler, and the region near the roof is warmer. Thus, a cool air current enters the house near the ground level and hot air is drawn by the vents near the roof. The region near the ground can be rendered cooler by planting trees. Architectural designs are available to optimise this effect. You can sense the direction of air motion by holding a thin strip of paper near the windows at the ground and near the roof level. In addition to ceiling fan, install exhaust fans in the upper points of the house to remove hot air and draw cooler air through windows near the ground. Reduce the amount of sunlight hitting the roof by shading with trees. There are techniques for increasing the reflectance of the roof with paints and other designs.
Transportation:
A good portion of your budget is drained by transportation. Irrespective of who you are, use public transport if convenient and available. As much as possible, use the telephone and email to get your things done. If the officers do not comply for no valid reason, complain. Plan your trips to the town to do several things at the same time. Whenever possible, plan to share transport. Buy energy – efficient small vehicles. Routinely examine your vehicle for energy efficiency, i.e. correct tire pressure etc.
Charge electric vehicles off peak hours. Slow charging reduces heat generation in the circuit, reducing energy loss.
Energy is costly and limited in supply. Everything you do consumes energy. Be energy conscious in all your deeds. That attitude will reduce your expenditure, lessen the environmental degradation and financial burden of the nation in importing fuel.
Educating the general public is the most effective way of implementing energy-saving strategies.
By Prof. Kirthi Tennakone
(kenna@yahoo.co.uk)
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