Midweek Review
Costly UNDP ‘lessons’ for Parliament
By Shamindra Ferdinando
UNDP Resident Representative in Colombo, Azusa Kubota, accompanied international expert on parliamentary development, Kevin Deveaux, to meet Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena at the Parliament on 14th June. They were joined by Policy Expert and Head of Governance, UNDP Colombo, Chandrika Karunaratne.
Japanese national Kubota took over the UNDP mission in Colombo in January this year in the wake of the forced removal of Gotabaya Rajapaksa who handsomely won the last presidential election in November 2019. She had been the UNDP’s Resident Representative in Bhutan from 2019 to 2022.
According to a brief statement issued by Parliament, Deputy Speaker Ajith Rajapaksa, Deputy Chair of Committees Angajan Ramanathan, Secretary General of Parliament Kushani Rohanadeera, Assistant Secretary General Hansa Abeyratne and Speaker’s Foreign Affairs Coordinating Secretary Dr. Chamira Yapa Abeywardena were present on the occasion. Dr. Chamira Yapa Abeywardena is the Speaker’s son.
The trilingual media statement didn’t indicate as to why UNDP brought in the former Canadian lawmaker, a lawyer by profession here at a time Parliament is in deepening turmoil. There is no doubt the UNDP wants Deveaux to advise the Sri Lanka Parliament. Interestingly, the UNDP has engaged an ex-Canadian lawmaker for its high profile project here at a time controversy surrounds the Canadian Parliament passing a resolution, claiming Sri Lanka had committed genocide against its Tamils and a declaration of punitive sanctions against former Presidents Mahinda Rajapaksa and Gotabaya Rajapaksa over unsubstantiated war crimes allegations, especially during the last phase of the war to defeat “the world’s most ruthless terrorist outfit” the LTTE.
Did Parliament seek UNDP’s assistance or did the UN intervene on its own? The UN has had a murky past here, especially during the war years when it only posted Westerners. One such Resident Representative even went to the extent of wanting to declare its compound in Colombo a refugee camp for Tamils obviously to create a new problem for Sri Lanka. Luckily for us our then much loved Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, later assassinated by the LTTE, had the guts to tell the world body, obviously manipulated by the West, where to get off.
Bankrupt Sri Lanka is at a crossroads. With political parties unable to reach consensus on a tangible recovery plan over a year after outspoken Governor of the Central Bank Dr. Nandalal Weerasinghe acknowledged Sri Lanka’s inability to meet her obligations, Parliament seems to be the mother of all problems.
Responding to The Island query in this regard, Kubota has sent us the following response: Kevin Deveaux is here in his capacity as an expert consultant. Deveaux is also a former UNDP parliamentary development advisor supporting all of our programmes in the world. The former Canadian lawmaker is here as part of the integrated economic governance mission which looks at our current Parliament development programme and advises on future activities. As you know, we have a longstanding programme with the Parliament. The meeting was a courtesy call to initiate the exercise.”
UNDP’s efforts should be appreciated. However, UNDP Colombo that had funded projects implemented by Parliament here cannot be unaware of the pathetic status of Sri Lanka’s parliamentary democracy. Further funding wouldn’t make any difference as long as those at the helm lacked political will to take remedial measures. Sri Lankan leadership, regardless of who exercised the power at any given time since 1977, seems hell-bent on pursuing corrupt practices, regardless of consequences. The accusations exchanged between the government and Opposition benches repeatedly prove that Parliament is the worst offender and directly responsible for the unprecedented economic crisis.
Parliament standards hit a new low late last month when first time entrant Ali Sabri Raheem of the Muslim National Alliance (MNA), was caught trying to smuggle in gold and smartphones worth Rs 74 mn and Rs 4.2 mn respectively, through the VIP channel of the Bandaranaike International Airport (BIA). The arrest was made after he arrived from Dubai, his sixth visit to that destination since 01 March, this year! The following day, he coolly entered Parliament and exercised his vote in support of the Opposition when the government successfully moved a resolution against the then Chairman of the Public Utilities Commission Janaka Ratnayake.
Having declared the UNDP’s involvement with Parliament for over a decade at an orientation workshop for youth representatives of Sectoral Oversight Committees of Parliament, at Waters Edge, Battaramulla, on 13 June this year, Kubota must surely be ashamed of the developing situation. Speaker Abeywardena has declared that he didn’t have the power to deal with the errant MP who seems to have visited Dubai more than his electorate Puttalam since March, this year.
Addressing the event at Waters Edge, Kubota explained the UNDP’s role here to the gathering. The audience included President Ranil Wickremesinghe, who also serves as the Minister of Finance as well as Defence, Premier Dinesh Gunawardena, Speaker Mahinda Yapa Abeywardena and Opposition Leader Sajith Premadasa. Kubota stressed that the UNDP backed initiatives to strengthen Parliament. Such initiatives were meant to foster democracy and promote what Kubota called sustainable and inclusive development.
The President’s Office quoted Kubota as having said that UNDP’s global collaboration with parliaments around the world focused on strengthening all their core functions. “These functions include lawmaking, oversight, representation and budget scrutiny. While doing so, we hope to further enhance the inclusivity and representation of the people. We promote a greater oversight of transparent governance processes and to improve the effectiveness of its functioning. The current programme we have with the Parliament of Sri Lanka is one of such flagship partnerships in the Asia Pacific region.”
We would beg to ask how transparent is the UN about its own internal governance, especially inside the UNDP in particular when it picks heads to third world countries.
It would be pertinent to ask the Speaker’s Office about the total amount of UNDP funds spent on various projects meant to strengthen Parliament over the past decade. Obviously, as Kubota disclosed at the Waters Edge event, the UNDP had intervened in Parliament during the tail end of Mahinda Rajapaksa’s second term. Had the UNDP funded projects achieved desired results? Perhaps, the UNDP should at least confidentially assert the situation.
What ails Parliament?
Utterly corrupt, extravagant and incorrigible political party system has ruined Parliament. That is the ugly truth. The parliamentary system has deteriorated to such an extent the Parliament now appears to have developed an in-built system to protect those engaged in corruption at every level even though the judiciary from time to time delivered far reaching judgments.
There cannot be a better example than the Supreme Court judgment (SC [FR] 209/2007) on Attorney-at-Law Vasudeva Nanayakkara MP vs the then Finance Minister K.N. Choksy PC and 30 others in respect of the controversial sale of shares of Lanka Marine Services Ltd (LMSL), a wholly owned profit-making company of the Ceylon Petroleum Corporation (CPC). The three-judge bench comprising then Chief Justice Sarath Nanda Silva, R.A.N.G. Amaratunga and D. J de S. Balapatabendi, on 21 July, 2008 reversed the sale of LMSL shares to blue chip company John Keells Holdings Limited. The apex court found fault with Dr. P.B. Jayasundera for working in collusion with Susantha Ratnayake the then Chairman of John Keells for the benefit of the conglomerate and ordered him to pay half a million rupees to the State. Click the line for the LMSL judgment (https://whistleblower.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/12/LMS_SC_Judgment.pdf)
By the time SC delivered this judgment Dr. P.B. Jayasundera who executed the deal during the UNP-led UNF government in his capacity as the Chairman of PERC (Public Enterprise Reforms Commission) served the President Mahinda Rajapaksa government as the Secretary to the Ministry of Finance. Petitioner Vasudeva Nanayakkara at the same time served as a member of the Cabinet. Dr. PBJ continued as the Finance Secretary till 2015 whereas Vasudeva Nanayakkara served as a Cabinet Minister. All forget that the Secretary to a particular ministry is the Chief Accounting Officer.
Unfortunately, our political party system conveniently forgot this judgment. Had political party leaders took notice of that judgment, they would have been accountable to Parliament. Unfortunately, the SLFP-led UPFA disregarded that judgment. In fact, the Rajapaksas brought back Dr. P.B. Jayasundera as the Secretary to President Gotabaya Rajapaksa following the November 2019 presidential election. Then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa appointed Susantha Ratnayake as Chairman of BOI.
As the custodian of public funds, the Parliament should have acted on the LMSL judgment. The failure on the part of Parliament to go the whole hog should be examined, taking into consideration the fact that Vasudeva Nanayakkara couldn’t have moved the Supreme Court if not for the thorough inquiry conducted by the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) under the leadership of lawmaker Wijeyadasa Rajapakse. At the time Wijeyadasa Rajapakse investigated the LMSL deal, he hadn’t received the title of President’s Counsel.
Had there been a consensus among an honest group of MPs backed by the civil society, disclosures made by parliamentary watchdogs could have paved the way for lawsuits. Instead, political parties represented in Parliament seemed to have reached a general agreement that such disclosures wouldn’t end up in court cases. Strangely, the usual rabble-rousers, the plethora of Western funded NGOs, who scream bloody murder on issues of interest to their pay masters, were dead silent on issues like these
KJ’s USAID project

Secretary General, Parliament Kushani Rohanadeera addresses the meeting attended by Deveaux. Jaffna District SLFP MP and Deputy Chair of committees Angajan Ramanathan sits next to Rohanadeera (Pic courtesy Parliament)
The UNDP’s impact on Parliament cannot be discussed without taking into consideration an unprecedented agreement between the USAID and Parliament finalized in 2016.
In early March, 2016 USAID (United States Agency for International Development) sponsored a conference for members of the Committee on Public Accounts (COPA) and the Committee on Public Enterprises (COPE) and officials from the Finance Ministry and the Auditor General’s Department.
The conference was meant to help strengthen overall transparency, accountability and effectiveness of governance. At the time of the launch of the project, Karu Jayasuriya served as the Speaker with the UPFA’s Lasantha Alagiyawanna and JVP’s Sunil Handunnetti as Chairmen of COPA and COPE, respectively.
Unfortunately such projects didn’t make any difference. Recently Lasantha Alagiyawanna, who had been re-elected as the Chairman of COPA, declared that instructions issued by him in 2016 to revenue collecting authorities hadn’t been carried out even in 2023. Therefore, the public can safely assume that successive governments allowed the deterioration of public finance by turning a blind eye to rampant corruption at every level.
USAID projects here align with their much-touted free and open Indo-Pacific -in other words countering growing Chinese influence in the region.
In late Novenber 2016, USAID launched a Rs. 1.92 billion (USD 13 mn) three-year partnership with Parliament here to strengthen accountability and democratic governance in Sri Lanka. The US Embassy quoted USAID Mission Director Andrew Sisson at that time as having said: “This project broadens our support to the independent commissions, ministries, and provincial and local levels of government.”
Among those present were Chairs of the Sectoral Oversight Committees and Independent Commissions. Did the USAID and Parliament achieve intended targets? If those high profile projects were successful, Sri Lanka wouldn’t be in its current sorry state. Having to kneel before the International Monetary Fund (IMF) for the 17th time, Sri Lanka is experiencing its worst post-independence crisis. Perhaps Parliament and USAID should disclose a comprehensive audit on the USD 13 mn project against the backdrop of its failure. The US Embassy is on record as having said that the project enhanced capacity building of the Sectoral Oversight Committees and staff, and improvement to the Parliament’s Standing Orders.
Karu Jayasuriya, now the Chairman of NMSJ (National Movement for Social Justice)l owed the country an explanation regarding the status of foreign-funded projects implemented during his tenure as the Speaker.
Impact of other projects
It would be pertinent to ask those at the helm of government leadership whether various foreign funded projects improved good governance and achieved their other objectives. Perusal of USAID overview of Sri Lanka pertaining to governance indicated the ongoing projects and funds made available [1] USD 19 mn social cohesion and reconciliation project implemented by Global Communities (July 2018-Dec, 2023) [2] Analysis of social cohesion and reconciliation implemented by US Institute of Peace at a cost of USD 700,000 (Aug, 2018-Feb, 2024) [3] USD 15 mn project implemented by Chemonics International Inc. to strengthen the justice sector, including the Justice Ministry and Office of Attorney General (Sept. 2021-Sept. 2026) [4] USD 17 mn project carried out by National Democratic Institute, International Republican Institute and International Foundation for Electoral System in support of Parliament and other government institutions, including the Election Commission ( June 2020 – June 2024) [5] USD 14 mn worth project in support of civil society meant to achieve good governance reforms and strengthen accountability. Implemented by Management Systems International (Feb. 2018-Aug. 2024) [6] USD 7.9 mn scheme to strengthen media implemented by International Research and Exchanges Board Inc. (Aug. 2017-April 2023) [7] SAFE Foundation implemented programme at a cost of USD 3.9 mn aimed at combating human trafficking (Oct. 2021-Sept. 2026) [8] USD 1.6 mn project to enhance protection for those threatened by gender-based violence (Oct. 2021-Sept. 2026). Implementing agency Women-on-Need [9] USD 3.6 mn project for the benefit of plantation community implemented by Institute of Social Development (June 2022-June 2027) and [10] a staggering USD 19 mn project meant to strengthen the civil society unnamed private agencies (Sept. 2022-August 2027). Click the line for USAID statement: :https://www.usaid.gov/sri-lanka/democracy-human-rights-and-governance
Sri Lanka needs to keep track of foreign funding for various projects in line with overall national security objectives. There is no denying the fact these high profile projects haven’t achieved intended objectives those engaged in the NGO industry benefited immensely. The recipients of massive foreign funding during the war to secure a negotiated settlement ended up richer while the LTTE leadership perished on the Vanni east front thanks to the numerous sacrifices made by our security forces. A Norwegian government study released in 2011 disclosed the vast amounts provided to well over a dozen NGOs to facilitate a negotiated settlement with the LTTE leadership that was utterly confident of a convincing battlefield victory over the Army.
Foreign investments here, both in the public and private sectors have to be closely examined to ensure funds are not misused. In respect of EU and USAID funding, it would be pertinent to ask whether those who implemented those projects achieved desired goals. Any foreign funding should be investigated taking into consideration the 2016 revelation that the US funded the 2015 change of government here, having earlier failed to ensure General Sarath Fonseka’s victory at the 2010 presidential poll.
No less a person than the then US Secretary of State John Kerry revealed in 2016 that the State Department spent a staggering USD 585 mn ‘to restore democracy’ in Nigeria, Burma and Sri Lanka in 2014/2015. Who in the NGO and civil society network did receive US funds here? What were the projects utilized by the sponsors and did any political party or political party leaders receive funds?
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President Wickremesinghe meets UNDP head Kubota at the Presidential Secretariat on 16 June(Pic courtesy PMD)
Close on the heels of Colombo-based UNDP Resident Representative Azusa Kubota’s meet with Speaker Abeywardena, in the company of International expert on parliamentary development Kevin Deveaux, she held talks with President Ranil Wickremesinghe on Friday (16 June). The discussion centered on UNDP help to build capacity of the Parliamentary Oversight Committees and youth engagement in public policy. The President’s Office last week rejected a controversial report on the proposed privatization of national telecommunication provider Sri LankaTelecom (SLT) by the Sectoral Oversight Committee (SOC) on National Security. The SOC report has placed the government in an embarrassing position. Instead of addressing the issues raised by SOC, chaired by retired Rear Admiral Sarath Weerasekera, MP, the government has simply rejected it out of hand on the basis of former Public Security Minister Weerasekera’s failure to consult the relevant security authorities.
Midweek Review
How USAID influenced Sri Lanka

While the country was rapidly heading for an unprecedented political, economic and social crisis, then President Gotabaya Rajapaksa, in the first week of June 2021, received Director of the USAID Sri Lanka Office, Reed J. Aeschliman, at the Presidential Secretariat. Among those present were Deputy Chief of Mission at the US Embassy Martin Kelly, USAID Programme Director Chistopher Foley, Secretary to the President P.B. Jayasundera, Finance Secretary S.R. Attygalle and Director General of External Resources Department at the Finance Ministry Ajith Abeysekera. Following the meeting, the President’s Office announced that steps would be taken to accelerate development programmers funded by the USAID. Perhaps, the former President should inquire whether the USAID actually provided any assistance to the public sector during his presidency.
By Shamindra Ferdinando
The United States Agency for International Development (USAID) never hesitated to provide funding for any project at any level as long as they aligned primarily with the overall US political and even sinister objectives. The beneficiaries ranged from Parliament to media organizations and even individuals.
In August 2024 the USAID partnered with Neon and Echelon Media to host the Shine 50 Awards at the Oak Room Ballroom, Cinnamon Grand. According to the organizers the event was meant to celebrate 50 young women making remarkable contributions across Sri Lanka.
Ambassador Julie J. Chung was there to recognize women aged 18 to 35 who were described as driving change in diverse fields, such as entrepreneurship, environmental advocacy, the arts, science, and technology. That was a minor thing by their standards or level of operations.
It would be pertinent to mention that USAID operations here should be examined taking into consideration developments in the wake of Maithripala Sirisena’s triumph at the 2015 January presidential election.
President Donald Trump has taken steps to neutralize USAID in line with an overall strategy meant to cut down on external spending. Those who had been receiving US funding on various pretexts are aghast over the unexpected development. However, Trump has suffered an initial setback due to the US District Judge Carl Nichols temporarily blocking the new administration from putting over 2,000 USAID employees on paid leave. Nichols agreed with two federal employee associations seeking a pause in the administration’s plans to put USAID employees on paid leave.
The Yahapalana government of Sirisena and Premier Ranil Wickremesinghe had a treacherous understanding with the US. Their operation began with the Yahapalana duo betraying the war-winning armed forces at the Geneva based United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), in early Oct. 2015, where they helped move a war crimes resolution against one’s own country, possibly a world first.
While USAID spent as much as USD 7.9 mn (what a gravy train?) to teach Sri Lankan journalists how to avoid “binary-gendered language”, attracted public attention recently, far bigger issues have been conveniently ignored. In other words, the US promoted and encouraged the LGBTGQ (lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer) project here. Do not forget that SLPP National List MP and Attorney-at-Law Premanath Dolawatta perhaps realising which way the wind was blowing, jumped on that band wagon and presented a Bill in support of LGBTQ people in Parliament in April 2023.
USAID intensified its operations here during Sirisena’s presidency. Having secured the executive presidency, with the backing of the UNP-TNA-JVP combine, Sirisena had no option but to go with Wickremesinghe’s agenda. The US orchestrated the Geneva betrayal with the support of the Yahapalana government and the TNA. Those who now represented the main Opposition SJB had been with the UNP and should be also held accountable for the great betrayal of our armed forces.
The UNP and Maithripala Sirisena’s SLFP fully cooperated on the high profile USAID project. Karu Jayasuriya, the incumbent head of the so-called National Movement for Social Justice (NMSJ), as the then Speaker, should be able to explain the circumstances in which Parliament finalized an agreement with the USAID worth USD 13.7 mn (Rs 1.92 bn).
Perhaps the current Parliament can examine the outcome of the high-profile USAID project launched in late November 2016. Interestingly, USD 3 mn had been released in September 2016 before the official launch of the project.
Parliament announced the USAID project in the wake of Sri Lanka becoming the newest member of the United States’ House Democracy Partnership programme which purports to support peer-to-peer exchanges for partner legislatures around the world.
The signing of the agreement took place in Washington DC on Sept. 14, 2016. Speaker Jayasuriya and US Congressman Peter J. Roskam, Chairman of the House Democracy Partnership, signed on behalf of the Sri Lanka Parliament and the House Democracy Partnership, respectively.
Jayasuriya was accompanied by Deputy Minister of Power and Renewable Energy Ajith P. Perera, Deputy Minister of Parliament Reform and Mass Media Karu Paranavithane, State Minister for City Planning and Water Supply Dr. Sudarshini Fernandopulle, Secretary General of Parliament Dhammika Dasanayake and Sri Lanka’s Ambassador to the United States of America Prasad Kariyawasam.
The Parliament certainly owes an explanation as to the improvement made in terms of the three-year Strengthening Democratic Governance and Accountability Project (SDGAP) geared to improve strategic planning and communication within the government and Parliament, enhance public outreach, develop more effective policy reform and implementation processes, and increase political participation of women and underrepresented groups in Parliament and at a local level.
All know that Parliament deteriorated further during the operation of that particular USAID project. The launch of the SDGAP project took place after the UNP, led by Ranil Wickremesinghe, who also served as the Prime Minister, engineered the massive Treasury bond scams in Feb. 2015 and March 2016.
The people have a right to know how the USAID funds were spent and whether stated objectives were achieved, especially in light of former US Secretary of State John Kerry having crowed publicly about how they brought about undemocratic secret regime changes here and elsewhere after spending hundreds of millions of dollars. Having disclosed that the US spent USD 585 mn during that period for such operations Kerry perhaps unintentionally declared that Myanmar, Nigeria and Sri Lanka were the recipients of State Department funding for those clandestine projects.
Maryland-headquartered Development Alternatives, Inc. (DAI) implemented the project intended to reform the public sector in accordance with an agreement between Sri Lanka and the House Democracy Partnership of the US House of Representatives.
During the implementation of that USAID project, Speaker Jayasuriya retained retired controversial career diplomat Prasad Kariyawasam as his advisor. Kariyawasam, who had served as the Foreign Secretary after being Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington, was on the USAID payroll. Kariyawasam earned the wrath of the JO/SLPP and various other parties. They accused him of promoting US interests, both in and outside Parliament. Even as Sri Lanka’s Ambassador in Washington, he figured in a rather embarrassing press conference with TNA Parliamentarian M.A. Sumanthiran, where the latter asserted that there was a tripartite agreement on the setting up of a hybrid court to investigate accountability issues in Sri Lanka, meaning war crimes.
People have forgotten how the US backed retired General Sarath Fonseka’s candidature (Sirisena promoted him Field Marshal in 2015) at the 2010 presidential election. How the US and the UNP ensnared the Sinha Regiment war hero is still a mystery and the 2009/2010 US project that also involved the JVP didn’t do Fonseka any good.
Target political parties
Sri Lankans love freebees. Our politicians and officials are no exception. They are never satisfied. Karu Jayasuriya created history when he requested China to arrange MPs in Yahapalana Parliament to visit China. Of the 225 MPs, nearly 200 received free trip. Sri Lankan lawmakers also received nearly 240 laptops from China in August 2017. China gifted the laptops worth $ 293,000 on a request made by Speaker Jayasuriya. What our lawmakers did with those laptops to enhance their efficiency is nothing but a mystery.
By the time our MPs concluded group visits to China and Parliament installed laptops, the Yahapalana government finalized an agreement on Hambantota port with China. It gave a 99-year lease on the Hambantota port in 2017 for USD 1.2 bn which is an utterly controversial but irreversible agreement that jeopardized Indo-Lanka relations. As to what the Yahapalana government, which practiced anything but good governance, did with that money and more than USD 12 billion it borrowed at high interest from the international bond market for no apparent reason, is anybody’s guess; perhaps only thing it achieved was causing an unprecedented foreign exchange crisis that led to the unceremonious downfall of the succeeding SLPP government of Gatabaya Rajapaksa.
Our political parties never refused anything. Fully paid foreign trips are something our lawmakers cannot decline under any circumstances. That is the ugly truth.
In the midst of political, economic and social turmoil against the backdrop of the country being declared bankrupt, the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus’ visit to New Zealand in July/August 2023 grabbed public attention.
So much so, Secretary General of Parliament Kushani Rohanadeera issued a brief statement to explain the position of the Parliament. Rohanadeera insisted that public funds weren’t utilized. The funding was provided by Sri Lanka’s development partners. The initiative launched two and half years ago, never received public funding and the visit was meant to gain experience from developed countries in the Commonwealth.
The group consisted of Dr. Sudarshini Fernandopulle (SLPP), Dr. Sitha Arambepola (SLPP), Rohini Kumari Wijeratne (SJB), Pavithradevi Vanniarachchi (SLPP), Geetha Samanmalee Kumarasinghe (SLPP), Thalatha Atukorale (SJB), Kokila Gunawardena (SLPP), Mudita Prishanthi (SLPP), Rajika Wickramasinghe (SLPP), Manjula Dissanayake (SLPP) and (Dr.) Harini Amarasuriya (JJB). Secretary General of Parliament Kushani Rohanadeera, Assistant Director (Administration) Indira Dissanayake and Media Manager of Parliament Nimmi Hathiyaldeniya accompanied the delegation. Having left the country on 24th July, the group concluded the visit on 3rd August.
The US provided the funding. The National Democratic Institute (NDI), with funding provided by the USAID, organized the tour undertaken by the Women Parliamentarians’ Caucus.
In addition to the USAID, the NDI works closely with the National Endowment for Democracy, the US Department of State and the Consortium for Elections and Political Process Strengthening (CEPPS). The above-mentioned organisations are well known around the world for sponsoring such initiatives, in line with furthering US interests.
The US fully sponsored another parliamentary delegation in Oct. 2023. Chairpersons of all Oversight Committees were invited, while denying patriotic Chairman of Oversight Committee on National Security Rear Admiral (retd.) Sarath Weerasekera, MP, the opportunity to join the delegation. That visit, too, had been organized by the NDI with the funding provided by USAID.
According to the US Embassy here they have provided more than US $2 billion (Rs. 598 billion) in assistance to Sri Lanka since 1956 (over a period of 68 years) to support Sri Lanka’s agriculture, education, health, environment, water, sanitation, infrastructure, governance, and business development and provide humanitarian assistance. Over the last seven decades, US support has helped modernize Sri Lanka’s diesel coaches, supported its thriposha supplemental nutrition programme, supported the development of electric vehicle charging stations., and empowered women entrepreneurs to drive economic growth, the Embassy has stressed.
Funding for BASL
The Bar Association of Sri Lanka is another major recipient of USAID funding. Over the years, USAID has become an indispensable partner for the BASL as the former generously provided the required funding.
The USAID is believed to be the main external sponsor of the BASL while from time to time BASL asked for sponsorship from the Colombo Port City as well as Perpetual Treasuries Limited (PTL), still suspended for perpetrating Treasury bond scams.
USAID financial backing had been so vital for the BASL, Ambassador Julie Chung attended the two-day National Law Conference (NLC) in March 2023 as the Guest of Honour. BASL invited Ambassador Chung in spite of continuing controversy over her direct alleged role in the overthrowing of President Gotabaya Rajapaksa. The BASL defended the decision on the basis of continuous USAID financial backing for several legal education programmes, conducted by the BASL, under the Effective & Efficient Justice (EEJ) Programme, and several other programmes.
Ambassador Chung addressed the final session of the National Law Conference held at the Grand Hotel Nuwara Eliya over a period of three days in the first week of June 2023. Less than a year later the shocking disclosure of BASL-JICA controversy over disbursement of funds received from the latter and the unceremonious resignation of BASL President Kaushalya Nawaratna, PC, in mid-September 2024 underscored the gravity of the situation. JICA handled the developments carefully as the bankrupt country learnt about corruption in a JICA-funded anti-corruption project.
The Bar Council, the apex body of the BASL unanimously asked Nawaratna to step down after it was proved that he failed to act with transparency in respect of the contract entered into by the BASL with JICA, dated Dec 11, 2023, and thereby violated the trust reposed in him as its President.
Although various NGOs receiving foreign funds had been an issue, the agreements the Parliament, BASL and the Justice Ministry had entered into with external sponsors never earned the public attention. Let me stress that in addition to USAID funding, various other parties such as China, India, EU and UNDP spent quiet lavishly for projects here. At one-time, Norway had been the leading foreign funds provider to various groups and organizations here. The Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) had been among the recipients of Norwegian funding. The Tamil Rehabilitation Organization, an LTTE front, too, had received foreign funding while they caused death and destruction.
In Nov. 2023 the then dissident SLPP MP Gevindu Cumaratunga raised concerns in Parliament about external interventions in the judiciary. When the writer inquired about his move, the leader of the Yuthukama civil society organization said he did so without any malicious intent. Cumaratunga urged Parliament to provide required funds for judges of the Supreme Court and other courts to receive overseas training.
The MP warned against the judges receiving foreign training, courtesy USAID, against the backdrop of the US development assistance arm being accused of influencing the powers that be. Such criticism should be re-examined in the aftermath of the new US administration’s fierce attacks on USAID.
The first time National List MP also questioned the influence the USAID was having on the BASL. Cumaratunga also questioned the amount of money received by the BASL from the USAID annually.
The outspoken MP said that if the government felt the necessity to provide foreign expertise to judges at any level it should be at the expense of Sri Lankan taxpayers. This was raised in the wake of a group of Supreme Court judges receiving US training.
Referring to the happenings during the Yahapalana administration (2015-2019), MP Cumaratunga recalled the role played by former Lankan Ambassador to Washington and then Foreign Secretary Prasad Kariyawasam, who then served as the USAID paid advisor to the then Speaker Karu Jayasuriya. Referring to the role played by Kariyawasam in the finalization of ACSA (Access and Cross Servicing Agreement) in August 2017, MP Cumaratunga pointed out the then President Maithripala Sirisena is on record as having said that he was not really informed of what was going on.
However, Sri Lanka first entered into ACSA during Mahinda Rajapaksa’s first tenure as President over a decade before Cumaratunga entered Parliament, with the former’s blessings. Sri Lanka, however, should be eternally thankful to the US for providing critical intelligence support that enabled the Navy to hunt down floating LTTE arsenals on the high seas during the final phase of the conflict, Eelam War IV (2006-2009). That was the turning point in the war against the LTTE many considered invincible. (The writer was a beneficiary of US Defence Department programme in the 90s that enabled visits to countries where US maintained powerful forces, including Hawaii, home to all branches of US military). It could well have been a case of changing horses on seeing the writing on the wall, especially with New Delhi after being a perennial thorn on its back finally cosying up to Washington with dreams of joining the rich man’s club.
Sri Lanka needs to tighten controls. The Central Bank must take tangible measures to ensure stricter control of fund transfers even in the guise of being meant for religious work. Comprehensive examination of funds transfers would reveal that what has been achieved on the ground doesn’t correspond with massive sums of money received by organizations here.
Midweek Review
Reflections on the functions of language

The political economy of language teaching:
by Gamini Keerawella
(Based on a speech delivered at the BCIS Language Awards Ceremony 2023)
The Bandaranaike Center for International Studies (BCIS) has been offering language-teaching programmes alongside its International Relations courses for many years. Currently, BCIS offers over 10 languages, including Chinese, French, German, Hindi, Japanese, Korean, Spanish, Thai, as well as Sinhala and Tamil, making BCIS a truly international language hub. The Language Awards Ceremony is a key event in the BCIS annual calendar. We are honoured to have His Excellency Jean-François Pactet, the French Ambassador to Sri Lanka and the Maldives, as the Chief Guest. The BCIS extends its sincere gratitude to you for your unwavering support and invaluable assistance. Ms. Tharanga Jayaweera, who has been heading the Language and Cultural Affairs division at the BCIS for several years, organised this event to highlight the importance of language learning.
Language as a Means of Communication and Social Interaction
Language is fundamentally a tool for communication, serving as the primary medium through which individuals express thoughts, ideas, emotions, and information. It enables humans to interact, convey meaning, and build social connections across diverse contexts. This communicative function of language manifests in several ways. Language allows individuals to articulate their thoughts, share knowledge, and disseminate information. Whether through spoken or written form, it serves as the foundation for education, governance, and cultural transmission. In essence, communication remains the core function of language, shaping human experiences and interactions across time and space.
Beyond merely conveying facts, language enables interpersonal relationships by allowing individuals to express emotions, negotiate meanings, and engage in social bonding. Greetings, conversations, and storytelling all rely on language for effective interaction.
Language as the Medium of Knowledge Construction
Language is the primary medium through which knowledge is constructed. Human thought is fundamentally shaped by language, as it provides the structure for formulating and communicating ideas. While visual narratives and organised sounds also play significant roles in transmitting meaning, language remains central to the cognitive process of constructing knowledge. People think through concepts, and these concepts are formed, refined, and expressed through words and sentences. Without language, the formulation of complex ideas and the development of knowledge would be impossible. Knowledge itself is an ongoing process of understanding, interpreting, and engaging with the world. It is through language that individuals analyse their surroundings, articulate their experiences, and seek to influence and transform their reality. Every field of human inquiry—from science to philosophy, from history to politics—relies on language to develop, debate, and disseminate knowledge. Whether in spoken or written form, language provides the essential framework for reasoning, argumentation, and intellectual progress. Without it, the vast and intricate systems of knowledge that define human civilisation could not exist.
Language is depositary of knowledge
Knowledge formation is a dialectical process. We inherit it from the past, enrich it through our experiences, and transmit it to future generations. In this continuous cycle, language serves as the primary repository of knowledge, encapsulating the collective wisdom, history, and cultural identity of societies across generations. It functions not merely as a tool for communication but as a dynamic archive that preserves traditions, scientific advancements, philosophies, and worldviews. Through written and spoken forms, language encodes and transmits knowledge, ensuring continuity and evolution in human thought. Moreover, language shapes cognition and influences how individuals perceive and interpret reality. The terminology, idioms, and conceptual frameworks embedded within a language reflect the intellectual heritage and epistemological foundations of a civilisation. Indigenous languages, for instance, often contain intricate ecological and medicinal knowledge passed down orally over centuries, offering insights that may be lost if the language itself declines. In an era of globalisation and rapid technological advancement, the preservation and study of languages remain crucial for safeguarding diverse knowledge systems. Multilingualism enhances access to a broader spectrum of ideas, fostering cross-cultural dialogue and innovation. Thus, recognising language as a depositary of knowledge underscores the necessity of linguistic preservation, education, and research to sustain intellectual and cultural diversity.
Language is a main component of culture reproduction of society
Language is a fundamental pillar of cultural reproduction in society. It serves as the primary medium through which traditions, values, and collective knowledge are transmitted across generations. Through language, societies preserve their historical narratives, reinforce social norms, and sustain unique cultural identities. Oral traditions, literature, religious texts, and educational systems all rely on language to pass down beliefs and customs. Additionally, language shapes the way individuals perceive and interpret the world, influencing social interactions and group cohesion. As societies evolve, language adapts to reflect changing cultural landscapes while maintaining continuity with the past. Furthermore, language is deeply intertwined with national identity and political structures, often serving as a unifying force within communities. It also plays a crucial role in globalisation, where dominant languages can facilitate cross-cultural exchange but may also contribute to the erosion of linguistic diversity. Language is not merely a tool for communication; it is a living repository of cultural heritage that ensures the continuity and evolution of societal traditions.
Language as a Tool of Power: Domination and Subordination
I wish to pay another function of language – tool of power. Language is not merely a means of communication; it is a powerful instrument of control, influence, and hierarchy. Throughout history, language has been used to assert dominance, shape narratives, and reinforce structures of power. It serves as a vehicle for authority, legitimising the perspectives of those in control while marginalising or silencing others.
The strategic use of language enables individuals, institutions, and states to establish and maintain dominance. Political rhetoric, legal discourse, and media framing shape public perception and reinforce power dynamics. Those who master language can dictate terms of engagement, define legitimacy, and control the discourse surrounding critical issues. Colonial powers, for instance, imposed their languages on indigenous populations, erasing native tongues and asserting cultural supremacy. Conversely, language can be a tool of subjugation. Exclusionary language policies, linguistic discrimination, and the suppression of minority languages or vernaculars serve to disempower certain groups. Those who lack proficiency in dominant languages often find themselves excluded from political participation, economic opportunities, and social mobility. The imposition of standardised languages in education and governance can marginalise ‘other’ languages, reinforcing structural inequalities.
Language is a key trait of identity
Language is a fundamental trait of identity, shaping both individual and collective self-perception. It serves as a primary means of communication, preserving cultural heritage, transmitting values, and fostering a sense of belonging. The way people speak often reflects their history, geography, and social affiliations. On a personal level, language influences thought patterns, emotional expression, and cognitive development. At the societal level, language can unite/divide communities. In an era of globalisation, language continues to evolve, blending influences from different cultures while also facing challenges such as linguistic homogenisation and the decline of indigenous languages. Despite these shifts, language remains a powerful marker of identity, shaping how individuals and groups define themselves and interact with the world.
Language is an attribute of National identity in Nation state framework
Language is a fundamental attribute of national identity within the nation-state framework, serving as a key marker of cultural unity, historical continuity, and political sovereignty. It acts as a binding force that fosters a shared sense of belonging among citizens, distinguishing one national community from another. In the nation-state model, language often plays a central role in shaping national consciousness by enabling communication, preserving cultural heritage, and reinforcing collective memory. It is frequently institutionalised through state policies, including education, legal systems, and governance, to promote cohesion and maintain the integrity of the national identity. Moreover, language policies in nation-states reflect broader political and ideological objectives. Some states adopt a single national language to unify diverse populations, while others recognize multiple languages to accommodate linguistic pluralism. However, language can also become a site of contestation, particularly in multilingual societies where linguistic minorities seek recognition and inclusion. Thus, within the nation-state framework, language is not merely a tool for communication but a powerful symbol of national identity and political legitimacy shaping both domestic cohesion and international representation.
Window to other Civilizations
Learning a language is like opening a window to other civilizations, allowing us to explore their histories, traditions, and worldviews. It provides a deeper understanding of diverse cultures, fosters meaningful connections with people from different backgrounds, and enhances our appreciation of global perspectives. Through language, we gain access to literature, art, and philosophical ideas that shape societies, ultimately broadening our intellectual and emotional horizons.
Language is a Tool for Building Peace
Language plays a crucial role in shaping relationships, conveying ideas, and fostering understanding across cultures and societies. It is also a powerful tool for building peace. At the grassroots level, language is fundamental to fostering interpersonal communication and resolving conflicts. In multilingual societies, language plays a pivotal role in bridging divides, offering a platform for different language groups to express their concerns while encouraging inclusivity. By promoting linguistic diversity and multilingualism, communities can create spaces for mutual respect and understanding, reducing tensions that may arise from cultural differences. Language policies that promote inclusivity, such as recognising multiple official languages or encouraging bilingualism, contribute to social cohesion by reducing the marginalisation of linguistic minorities and promoting equality. Educational institutions can serve as vital spaces for teaching language skills and cultivating a culture of peace. By incorporating peace education into curricula, schools can help future generations develop the language skills needed to engage in constructive dialogue, resolve conflicts peacefully, and collaborate with others across cultures. Moreover, language education often emphasises the importance of empathy, respect, and understanding, laying the foundation for a peaceful society.
Language is not just a means of communication; it is a transformative tool for building peace at all levels of society. By promoting dialogue, fostering understanding, and bridging cultural divides, language has the power to prevent conflict and create harmonious relations in communities, nations, and the world. I sincerely hope you will embrace the role of Peace Ambassadors—an urgent need of our time.
Midweek Review
Heart Cleansing Versus Beach Cleaning

By Lynn Ockersz
From the top tables of the Isle,
Come drifting cooing language,
Coupling as two sides of the coin,
The in-thing of beach cleaning,
And the cleansing of the human heart,
Of all things criminal and debasing,
But these are basically different planes,
And couldn’t be spoken of in one breath,
For, sin and vice have been around,
Since the time of ‘Adam and Eve’,
And their murderous offspring,
And could not be easily shaken off,
Given the perversions of the heart,
While dirt and debris on the earth’s crust,
Are among life’s passing eye-sores,
Well within the realms of containment.
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